PREFACE.

In conformity with the practice observed in the past conduct

of this Journal, we submit with the December number for the

year 1838, a brief exposition of the circumstances, adverse or

favorable, under which it has been carried on. But as this is

the last volume of the series, conducted by the Editor who has

heretofore addressed his subscribers in this form, it is right

that our review should embrace the whole period of his conduct

of the work.

t is known to all our readers, that the idea of establishing in

India a periodical work whose pages should be devoted to

Science, originated with the late Captain Hrrsert, who under

the name of Gleanings of Science issued monthly a few sheets,

professing to contain, with one or two original communications,

selected extracts from scientific works of Europe —the selection

being confined to such as, except through a reprint in India,

were likely to escape the perusal of the curious and interested.

The little Periodical thus modestly put forth found early

favor in Bengal: one cause of which may have been, that there

existed at that time no channel, through which the discoveries

and speculations of the learned and ingenious could find their

way to the public, except as separate works, which for short

treatises was out of the question, or through the learned pages

of the Asiatic Researches, of which the volumes appeared after

very uncertain periods, and latterly at very long intervals.

The monthly Periodical issued under the name of the Glean-

ings of Science, having been conducted by Captain Hersert

for three years, with very creditable industry and judgment, and

with corresponding success, was transferred by him to Mr. JamEs

PrinsEp, consequently upon his obtaining employment at a

distance from Caleutta. The Periodical continued, for some

time after the change of Editor, to win its way to public favor

under the same name; and, as the subscription list extended,

sheets and extra plates were added to its bulk—the new conduc-

vi Preface.

tor professing, like his predecessor, to have no desire to make

money by the publication, but being determined, and to this day

he has adhered to the determination, to devote the entire

proceeds of an increasing circulation, to the extension of its

utility, by improvements in the getting up, and additions to the

quantity of matter circulated through its means.

The Periodical received for some years much encouragement

through an arrangement made with the Government of Bengal,

by which it was exempted from postage, under the condition of

publishing each month one sheet of Dr. BucHanan’s Statistical

Reports of this Presidency. The arrangement continued till

June 1834, when Dr. BucHanan’s Report upon the district of

Dinajpur being completed, the indulgence of free circulation

in the interior was withdrawn, and the further publication of

these statistical reports as an Appendix to the Journal was stop-

ped.

There is no doubt that the arrangement was an unusual one

for a Government to make, and as it proved embarrassing in

the precedent it established, and in the claims to which it

gave rise in other Publications professing religious and other

praise-worthy objects, the withdrawal has never been a subject

of complaint.

The Periodical had, however, while this privilege lasted, ob-

tained its advantage in making its existence known throughout

India, and thus in inviting the scientific and the speculative to

avail themselves of its pages for the publication of the results of

their studies. We gratefully acknowledge that the success of

the Journal has been mainly owing to the manner in which

this invitation has been responded to.

The burthen of postage under the Post-office Rules, which

existed before the Act for equalizing them throughout India

was passed in 1837, bore very heavily on distant subscribers :

nevertheless the loss of the indulgence of free transmission occa-

sioned no diminution of the subscription list of the Journal, nor

was this affected by the further change of an increased sub-

scription, which became indispensable consequently upon a

large augmentation of the number of pages and plates. On |

the contrary it has been found necessary to add continu-

ally to the number of impressions ordered from the printer,

Preface. vii

and the demand for early numbers for the completion of sets

has far exceeded the means possessed of furnishing them. The

series of the Gleanings is quite out of print, so much so as to

have led the Editor to contemplate a reprint of its most valu-

able original articles: and even the volumes of the Journal for

the years from 1832 to 1835, that is for the first three years

after the Periodical assumed the title of Journal of the Asiatic

Society, are procurable now with extreme difficulty, our Pub-

lishers having no spare copies on hand.

We close the year 1838 with a subscription list of 325

names, besides the copies furnished to Government and to the

Asiatic Society, or exchanged with other periodicals, consti-

tuting a circulation of upwards of 590, the good-will of which

we freely make over to the conductors of the new series, in

the confident hope, that they will worthily follow in the same

career, and through their exertions daily win fresh proofs of

the favor and confidence of the public.

The retrospect of the past management is to us a source of

pride and much satisfaction. ‘The advance that has been made

in every branch of Science and of Indian Research, since the

Journal fell into the late Editor’s hands, will not fail to strike

every observer; and few will deny to himself and to his Perio-

dical, a large share of the merit of producing this great result.

Wide indeed has been the range of subjects which have been

illustrated in the volumes of this Journal. In Astronomy no

phenomenon has appeared, that has not been fully explained

with its calculations. In Natural History the Journal has been

enriched by the valuable contributions of Colonel Syxxs, of

Hopeson and Dr. Evans, of Drs. Grirrita, McCLeLLanp,

Pearson, Fatconer and Hetrer, of Benson and Hut-

yon, aud these with many others have through our pages de-

voted themselves to the classification of known objects, or to the

description of new specimens, so as to render the Journal a ne-

cessary book of reference to Zoologists, Botanists, Concholo-

gists, Entomologists, and to the learned in almost every other

branch of this Department of Science.

Jn Chemistry Dr. O’SHaucunessy, to whom the editorial

chair is now resigned, Dr. Pearson, and Mr. Pippineron have

combined with the late Editor himself to apply every kind of

vill Preface.

analysis to the investigation of substances, and the Journal has

been a perfect record of new discoveries and ingenious results

in that department.

In Geography there will be found a greater variety of new

routes, of surveys, and of accurate intelligence regarding coun-

tries imperfectly known, than any other work of equal dura-

tion and bulk can boast of possessing.

The Geology of India has been investigated and pourtrayed

with a zeal that has been acknowledged by the Societies, and

by the Learned of Europe, and the fossil remains that have

been extracted from various localities, from the sub-Himalaya

and from Ava, and from the Nerbudda valley, have excited

the astonishment and admiration of those whose lives were de-

voted to this branch of Science, and who first through the pages

of this Journal became acquainted with the existence of the new

animals discovered. In this lne the Journal has been most

indebted to Colonel CoLvin, and Captain Cautiey of the Ben-

gal Engineers, to Drs. Fatconer and Spitssury, and Colonel

Burney ; and Serjeant Dean of the Sappers and Miners, has

been by no means the least worthy of its contributors.

In Statistics many subjects have been investigated accurately,

and with effect: and the manners and customs of many new

tribes have been illustrated and described with truth and live-

liness, so as to make the Journal a pleasant travelling compa-

nion to adventurous voyagers, and a work of useful reference

to functionaries in the interior.

In the department of Languages the Journal has done much.

Grammars and Vocabularies of several new dialects have been

contributed by Lieut. Lezcu, and by others before him. In

Navigation some important papers, illustrative of the state of

this art in the middle ages, have been contributed by Baron

Von Hammer, now Count Porestratt, from the centre of

Germany, and this is far from being the only proof we could

adduce of the favor won for the Journal amongst the learn-

ed of the European Continent.

But much as has been done in all these departments of

Philosophy and useful Science, it is not for these, or through

these, that the memory of the Journal will principally be

cherished.

Preface. ix

Since it was established as the channel for giving to the

world original discoveries in the East, there has been opened an

entirely new field of research, in the Buddhistical annals of pe-

riods antecedent to the spread of Brahminical doctrines with

the Sanskrit language ; and through the successful cultivation of

this field advances have been made in restoring the early History

of India, which throw into the shade the investigations of the

great men of the preceding thirty years. In this department

the Honorable Mr. Turnovur of Ceylon stands pre-eminently

conspicuous, and Mr. Hopeson of Nipal, with Mr. Csoma bE

K6r6s, the learned author of the Thibetan Dictionary and Gram-

mar, have worthily prosecuted the same studies. ‘They have

been illustrated and advanced by incidental notices from the

Burmese and Siamese records, which through the Journal have

been opened to the world by Col. Burney, Captain Low, and

others, and the results obtained from all these sources have

been established by the crowning discovery of all, the key to

the ancient inscriptions of Asoxa in Pali, the merit of which

rests with our Editor himself.

That our Journal should be the fortunate Publication to give

forth so much of novel interest in relation to the History and

Antiquities of the country to which it is devoted, may well .

be a source of pride, but its claims upon the learned do not

stop here. The illustrations of the ancient History of India

would have been incomplete, if the link had not been rivetted

to connect its annals with the coeval authentic histories of

Ancient Greece and Egypt. This too has been accomplished

in the pages of our Journal, and mainly through the personal

influence and discoveries of its Editor, acting upon the zeal

and spirit of research which existed, or was excited in others.

Through the Journal attention was first drawn to the coins

of past ages, as a means of following backward the series of

Indian Kings and Dynasties. Genl. Ventura, Mr. Masson,

Sir A. Burnes, and others, have in consequence devoted them-

selves to the collection of coins and relics in the countries which

were the scene of Grecian enterprise ; and Col. Sracy, Dr. Swi-

NEY, Capt. Cunnincuam, Mr. TreceEar, and many more have

pursued the same line in different parts of India, placing them-

selves all in communication with our Editor, that their dis-

4 Preface.

coveries might through him be combined into one general

result.

The consequence has been, that in a very short time the

desired link between the histories of the East and West has

been completely established, and races of kings have been traced

down from the immediate followers of ALEXANDER, who settled

in Bactria and Kdbul, and established a Grecian device and

inscription for their coin, and even from before that, when

Western India was a province of Persia, to the times when

the Hindu successors of the Satraps and Grecian kings yield-

ed to the Muhammadan conquerors, and thence too down-

ward even to the present day.

The corruptions of language and of alphabet, traceable in

these coins, mark as clearly the successions of races, as if the

date of each had been consecutively stamped on the coins, and

the simultaneous collection of inscriptions from all parts of

India, with the key obtained for decyphering them, has afforded

a ready test for the accuracy of the numismatic deductions, and

an aid to their more complete development.

One object yet remained to excite the zeal, and to occupy the

attention of those devoted to these pursuits. The History of

India had been traced back to the period before the invasion of

ALEXANDER, and had been verified at each step by coinsand by

inscriptions, but the language of Bactria and of Persia at the

period of that conquest was still insufficiently ascertained.

To this object our Editor was devoted, when he was overtaken

by sickness and compelled to leave India. The Bactrian alpha-

bet was already more than half discovered, through the com-

parison of letters upon coins with bilingual superscriptions.

Several inscriptions, as obtained from the Topes excavated, or as

forwarded by travellers from within the ancient limits of Bac-

tria, were nearly decyphered, so that very little remained to

perfect this discovery also, and to establish that the ancient

Pali language, or something very closely resembling it, prevail-

ed over all those countries.

To the world it is a loss, to himself a disappointment, that his

series of the Journal closes before this discovery also is complet-

ed. We hope and trust that the scene of its development is

only changed, or rather that he, who has achieved so much for

Preface. xi

India, may be restored in health before long to the country to

which his best years have been devoted, to renew his useful la-

bours there, and to gather fresh laurels in the field of its Science

and antiquarian Research.

It is now 19 years since Mr. James Privsep arrived

amongst us, a boy in age, wanting perhaps the finish of classic

scholarship which is conferred at the public schools and univer-

sities of England, but well grounded in Chemistry, Mechanics,and

all useful sciences. He came to India as Assistant to Dr. Winson,

in the Assay Office at Calcutta; but, after a residence of little

more than a year, was removed to Benares to take indepen-

dent charge of the same department in the mint of that city. At

Benares he remained for nearly 10 years, during the better

part of which he superintended also works of improvement in

the city, with many of which, as of more than common inge-

nuity and usefulness, his name is still associated ; but his memo-

ry survives yet more in the recollection of the many estimable

‘qualities, which endeared him to all classes of the population.

Upon the Mint of Benares being abolished in 1830, he resum-

ed his post in Calcutta, and was soon after employed in complet-

ing the canal and locks to connect the Hoogly river with the

Salt Water Lake and Sundurbuns, which had been commenced

by a brother, who was attached to the Bengal Engineers,

but who met a sudden and violent death by a fall from his

horse. The work being completed with skill, he was present-

ed with a handsome and quite unexpected gratuity by the thrif-

ty Government of Lord Wm. Benrincx. Soon after this, Mr.

Witson returning to Europe, Mr. James Prinsep found it

necessary to confine himself to the duties of the Assay Office,

which superadded to the laborious scientific pursuits and re-

searches in which he was engaged, afforded full employment for

his time. A change of currency, to which his advice conduced,

brought an accession of official duty in the Assay Department,

while at the same time the success which attended his re-

searches in the depths of science, and his attempts to illustrate

the antiquities of the country to which he was devoted, stimu-

lated him to exertions in that line also, under which his consti-

tution at length sank. After fighting fruitlessly against the

approaches of disease for a couple of months, he was at last

xii Preface.

compelled, as will be found recorded in the pages of this Jour-

nal, to quit the country suddenly in the ship Herefordshire in

the early part of the month of November.

His friends and brothers are now anxiously expecting to

receive from the Cape of Good Hope, the first accounts of the

effect of the sea-voyage upon his health. In the midst of their

anxiety, they may be excused for the apparent egotism, of

placing so much of eulogy, and of personal memoir, in the

Preface to the last volume of his series of the Journal.

CaLcuTtTa,

February, 1839.

CONTENTS.

No. 73.—JANUARY.

Page

I.—History of Cooch Behar, being an extract of a passage from Dr. Bucha-

nan’s Account of Rungpur (Rangapura), : Sua

II.—Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. By Tiedt £. Britton, ni) 20

I1I.—Account of K4la Bagh on the right bank of the Indus. By — Mo-

han Ll, Ps ee ° -- a ee 625

IV.—A brief account of the Origin of the ‘Dati Putras, and of the power and

birth of Bahéwal Kh&n their Chief, on the bank of the Ghara and Indus.

By the same, ie oe ~ ale us ae A? |

V.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, continued, oe 33

VI.—Extracts fromthe Journal of Lieut. Markham Kittoe, onnteted to the

Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1636.—Ruins and Pillar at

Jajipur, a ac le aie Sa od

VII.—Remarks on ‘fa Comparison of cides Chinese Languages, &c.’’ By the

Rev. W. Morton, z oa se 56

VIII.—On the difference of eves in Indian Coal fields, and the causes to cick

this may be ascribed. By J. McClelland, Esq. Secretary to the Committee

for investigating the Coal and mineral Resources of India, Bs ae 6S

IX.—Abstract of a Meteorological Register kept at the Cathmandu Residency,

for the month of Sept. 1837. By A. Campbell, Esq. Nipal Residency, .. 83

X.—Meteorological Registers kept at Darjiling, for September, October and

November, 1837, +e os oe os a -. 84

X1I.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ak ie 4 Sim SF

XII.—Meteorological Register, a ae ee oe ee 92

I.—Account of the expedition of Chach (Chacha) extracted from the Chach

N&émeh, and extracts from the Téhfat ul Khwén, By Ensign Postans, .. 93

II.—Examination and Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts deposited in the

Madras College library... By the Reverend William Taylor, Ay -» 105

I1I.—Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam made at the request of Captain

Jenkins, Ageut to the Governor General. By William Griffith, Assistant

Surgeon on deputation with the Bhotan Mission, a : -- 132

IV.—Notices on the different systems of Buddhism, extracted from the Tibetan

authorities. By Alexander Csoma Ko6risi, : ee ate -- 142

V.—Enumeration of Historical and Grammatical tities to be met with in Tibet.

By the same, ata es -» 147

Vi1.—Section of a Hill in Cuttack NE pweaed a be likely to contain Coal. By

M. Kittoe, Esq. as oe ate oo 152

VII.—Discovery of the name of ree ae the Great, in two of the edicts of

Asoka, king of India, By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. ee -» 156

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ve ve ee -» 167

1X.—Meteorological Register, ee ae wa fe os Aaa

Riv Contents.

Page

No. 75.—MARCH.

1.—Examination and Analysisof the Mackenzie Manuscripts deposited in the

Madras College library. By the Reverend William Taylor, os opt

II.—On the Revolution of the Seasons. By the Rev. Robert Everest, ie

III.—Table of Indian Coal analyzed at the Calcutta Assay Office, including

those published in the Gleanings in Science, September 1831, arranged ac-

cording to localities, extracted from the Report of the Coal Committee, ..

IV.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. Markham Kittoe, submitted to the

Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1836.—Ruins and Pillar at

Jajipur, ee ee eso ee ee ee

V.—On a remarkable heat observed in masses of Brine kept for some time in

large reservoirs. By G. A. Prinsep, Esq. a we os

VI,—On the Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Western Himdlaya. By Lieut.

T. Hutton, 37th Regt. N. I. and W. H. Benson, Esq., C. S. ae nie

VI1I.—On the Edicts of Piyadasi, or Asoka, the Buddhist monarch of India,

preserved on the Girnar rock in the Gujerat peninsula, and on the Dhauli

rock in Cuttack; with the discovery of Ptolemy’s name therein. By

James Prinsep, Secretary, As. Soc. &c. oe on “" oe

VI1I,.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, nf es oe a

IX.—Meteorological Register, oe oe “5 oe we

No. 76.—APRIL.

I.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the large Arracan Bell

now at Nadrohighat, Zillah Alligarh, described by Captain Wroughton in

173

I92

197

200

207

211

219

283

286

the Journal Asiatic Society, December 1837, oe . 237

II.—Extracts from the Tdhfat ul abies and the Chach antes translated =

Lieutenant T, Postans, ae . 297

IlI.—Note of a visit to the Niti sind of the waeita sliabiieigien chain. By J. H.

Batten, Esq. C. S. es ia oe -- 310

IV.—Additional notice on the geography of Cochin China. By the Most Rev.

Jean Louis, Bishop of Isauropolis, a aie ee ie 31%

V.—On the Reg-Ruwan or moving sand, a singular phenomenon of sound near

Cabal witha sketch.. By Capt. Alex. Burnes, : oe «+ 324

VI.—On the Siah-pésh Kaffirs with specimens of their racaesiiics and costume,

By Captain Alex, Burnes, on ae oe °» 325

VII.—Examination of the Tnnchigtione from Girnér in Gujer4t, and Dhauli in

Cuttack, continued. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. a . 334

VIII.—A letter to Dr. Helfer, on the Zoology of Tenasserim and the sreipii

bouring Provinces. By Assist. Surg. J. T. Pearson, J. 357

1X.—Mode of Manufacture of the Salumba salt of Upper India, setenckl from

a Report by C. Gubbins, Esq. C. S. oe ef ee -+ 363

X.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, os ee Ae »» 364

XI.—Meteorological Register, en oe oe oe e- 370

No. 77.—MAY.

I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mackenzie

Manuscripts. By the Reverend William Taylor, es oe ee

II.—On the application of a new method of Block-printing, with examples of

unedited coins printed in facsimiles. By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. a

{11.—Note on the affinities of Galathea of Lamarck (Potamophila of Sowerby),

a Genus of Fluviatile Testacea. By W.H. Benson, Esq. Bengal Civil

Service, oe

37)

414

420

Contents. xv

Page

V .—Account of the Hurricane or Whirlwind of the sth April, 1838. By Mr.

J. Floyd, (communicated by J. H. Patton, Esq. Magistrate of the 24-Per-

gunnahs,) ee oe oe e: a -. 422

Vi.—Account of an ancient temple at Hissar, and of the ship model at that

place. By Capt. Wm. Brown, =a ve -. 429

VII.—An account of the Jain Temple at Badrasir ; shad ruins of Badranagiri in

the province of Cutch. By Lieut, W. Postans, we we es 431

VIII.—Examination of the separate edicts of the Aswastama inscription at

Dhauli in Cuttack. (Plate X.) By James Prinsep, Sec. &c. se os 434

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, i oe ee e. 456

X.— Meteorological Register, ee aS a “2 -- 468

No. 78.—JUNE.

I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mackenzie

Manuscripts. By the Reverend Willian Taylor, .. .. . «2 «. «. 469

II.—Some account of a visit to the plain of Koh-i-Daman, the mining district

of Ghorband, and the Pass of Hindu Kash, with afew general observa-

tions respecting the structure and conformation of the country from the

Indus to Kabul. By P. B. Lord, M. B. in Medical charge of the Kabul

Mission, até oe . ai in is ow 521

IlI.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Buiendlg: the Balochky and the Pan-

jabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Lagh-

mani, the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By Lieut. R.

Leech, Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, a o- 538.

IV.—Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. Continued from

vol. Vi. p- 887, ee ee eo ee ee ee ee 557

V.—More Dénams from the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa, taken in impression, by

Capt. T. S. Burt, Engineers. Translated by Jas. Prinsep, ae «. 562

' VI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ae re #2 e” 567

VJ1.—Meteorological Register, = ae a a a 2. 582

No. 79.—JULY.

4.—Excursion tothe Eastward. No.1, .. A: -e wa -. 583

1].—Epitome of the Grammars of the Brahuiky, the Balochky and the Panjabi

languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani, the

Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. | By Lieut. R. Leech, Bom-

bay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, =H ae -- 608

111.—Native account of washing for gold in Assam. By Moneeram, Revenue

Sheristadar, Bur Bundaree, ir ee fi aia -. 621

IV.—Further information on the gold washings of Assam, extracted from

Capt. Hannay’s communications to Capt. Jenkins, Agent to the Governor

General in Assam, a3 #4 as eg a ee) Gap

V.—Lithographs and translations of Inscriptions e441 in ectype by Captain

T. S. Burt, Engineers: and of one, from Ghosi taken by Captain A. Cun-

ningham, of the same corps, a3 a a -. 629

VI.—Additions to Bactrian Numismatics and discovery of the Bactrian Alpha-

bet. By James Prinsep, Sec. As. Soc. &c. ee -- 636

VII.—Note on a fossil Ruminant genus allied to Giraffide in the Siwalik hills.

By Captain P. T. Cautley, oe ae is as a -. 658

VIII.—Sketch of the sculptured images, on the temple of Grémeswara, near

Ratrapur: extracted from Lieut. Kittoe’s Journal, ve ee -. 660

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ee o ee oe -» 663

X.— Meteorological Register, ee ° ae eo eo oo 670

_ xvi Contents.

Page

No. 80.—AUGUST.

—A short account of the Moa Morah sect, and of the country at present

occupied by the Bor Senaputtee. By S. O. Hannay, Capt. 40th Regt. N. I.

Asst. to the Commissioner in Assam, ee =a ae i Gal

1I.—Mr. Kittoe’s Journal of his Tour in the Province of Orissa, e -. 679

III.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 3. By the Hon’ble

George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, a ste ak -. 686

{V.—Report on the Coal discovered in the Tenasserim provinces, by Dr. Helfer,

dated Mergui, 23rd May, 1838, is oe ois oie 2 701

V.—Comparison of Asiatic Languages, . *e es =» ZOT

VI.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Bratwsly, the Baliaeiiat and the Panjabi

languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani, the

Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By Lieut. R. Leech, Bom-

bay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, ee . ey Be

VII.—Note on a species of Arctonix from Arracan. By Dr. G. Evans, Cura-

tor, As. Soc. Museum. $e 7. dag

VIII.—Translation of an Tadeetauisk’ ona Témba Patra found in die Village of

Piplidnagar, in the Shujalpur Pergana, and presented to the Political

Agent, Bhopal, by the Jagirdar. By L. Wilkinson, Esq. Pol. Agent, .. 736

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, By . ee a8 ame tS]

X.—Meteorological Register, oF se my ne ae -. 750

No. 81.—SEPTEMBER.

{.—Botanico-Agricultural account of the protected Sikh States. By M. P.

Edgeworth, Esq., C. S. Musuri, no i ue -» 751

I11,—Extracts from the Mohit (the Ocean), a Turkish moniea on Navigation in

the Indian Seas. Translated and Communicated by Joseph Von Hammer,

Baron Purgstall, Aulic Counsellor, and Prof. Orient. Lang. at Vienna,

Hon. Memb. As. Soc. &c. &c. «o 167

I1I.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Braluiky: the akanithes oid the Pan-

jabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the Laghmani,

the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer Dialects. By Lieut. R. Leech, .

Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul, ys 3 . 780

1V.—Note on the New Zealand Caterpillar. By G. Evans, Esq. Curator of the

As. Soc. Museum, va of : =m 789

V.—An Examination of the Péli Buddhistical Accel No. 3. By the Hon’ble

George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, 5 789

VI.—Table of Mortality for ages from birth to twenty years, fname from fe

Registers of the Lower Orphan School, Calcutta. By H. T. Prinsep, Esq. 818

VII.—Sketch of the Temple to Durga at Badeswur, &c. extracted from Lieut.

Kittoe’s Journal, ee ° o. ee -. 828

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic See oe oe oe -- 829

I1X.—Meteorological Register, os oo a ee -. 838

No. 82.—OCTOBER.

I.—Report of a visit made to the supposed Coal Field at Bidjeegurh (Vijaya-

gadha). By Mr. George Osborne, Sub. Dep. Opium Agent, Benares divi-

sion, af aon 2 oy as B= * a», ‘839

I1.—Report on ten specimens of Coal from Captain Burnes, .. oe «. 848

I1I.—Note on the animal productions of the Tenasserim Provinces ; read at

the meeting of the 10th October, 1838. By J. W. Helfer, Esq. M.D.... 855

1V.—On a new species of Pheasant from Tibet. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. .. 863

Contents.

V.—Notes of a journey to Girndr in the Province of Kattywar, for the purpose

of copying the ancient inscriptions upon the rock near that place.—Under-

taken by order of the Bombay Government. By Lieut. Postans, Bombay

Engineers ; with two notes on Somnath, one by Mr. Kittoe, aie as

V1.—Population and Mortality in Calcutta, - ve oe Js

VII.—Report on the Weights, Measures, and Coins of Cabul and Bukhara.

By Nowrozjee Furdoonjee. Forwarded by Captain Burnes to Government,

and transferred to the Asiatic Society, oe oe ae oe

VIII.—Ancient Inscriptions, = oe ae as a

1X.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, oa a a8 on

X.—Meteorological Register, __ ee Ae ae ae oe

No. 83.—NOVEMBER.

-I.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 4. By the Hon’ble

Georce Harnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, 2. ...accwcce ss cccccecccscccs

1i.—Report on the Copper mines of Kumaon. By Capt. H. Drummoné, 3rd

1II.—Observations on six new species of Cyprinide, with an outline of a new

classification of the family. By J. McClelland, Esq., Bengal Medical Esta-

blishment, ........ SAB Soo: SERS ABE NARA Ae Re SaE Er ee RO ep ee

1V.—Report upon the Coal beds of Assam. (Submitted to Gpccruccat by the

Committee appointed to investigate the Coal and Iron resources of the Ben-

gal Presidency, as a supplement to their first printed Report,) ....0...006.

i eMRICHOMINSEFIPUIONS, (65.0. Ss ccclcncs cece woccnccocccncoss coesvccneceoes

VI.—Information regarding Illanoon Pirates. By Capt. Blake, H. M.S. Larne,

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, ...cescecccccscccscccccrcecssece

n= MCUERIGLOPICAlTRCRISEET, fcc. oa esc once secs ovleesesevecsvecuvccses

No. 84.—DECEMBER.

I.—An examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No. 5. By the Hon.

George Turnour, Esq. Ceylon Civil Service, - - 5 = A

1J.—On the spontaneous heating of Brine. By G.A. Prinsep, Esq. .. =.

III.—A short notice of the coast-line, and rivers and islands adjacent, forming

a portion of the Mergui Province, from a late survey. By Captain R.

Lloyd, I. N. eS a

I1V.—On the genus Biciatmatodan of aie Paeaher ana Captain Cantien: By

J. McClelland, Assist. Surgeon, Bengal Service, ae ae ake

V.—Coins and relics from Bactria, is ae es a ae

Vi.—Ancient Hindu Coins from Jyonpur and Oojein, =e ie si

Vil.—Ancient Inscriptions, oe ° Tap pia =3 oe a

VIII.—Mr. Kittoe’s tour in Orissa, ponkiuned from page 829 of September

1838, oe se oe eo oe ee ee

1X.—Meteorological eouister ose ye ee ate ae ae

934

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Page

ERRATA.

In the December No. 1837.

992, for ‘impossible,’ read ‘ impassable,’

997, for ‘ he permitted,’ read ‘ be permitted.’

1076, for ‘ or Cuttack,’ read ‘ of Cuttack.’

1079, for ‘ detached of yore,’ read ‘ detached figures.’

1078,

1079, line 10, alter thestops thus. ‘ Khandgiri has but few caves.

note, for ‘ meet any attention,’ read ‘ merit any attention.’

there is, &c.’

Page line

37,

43,

444,

12, for ¢ earefaf&,’ read < fc’

24, for cantaarfarat, reed amnfamifast.’

26, for ‘ata, yead ¢ afer.’

13, for « ayia,’ read ¢ @yafa.’

14, dele ¢ wa,’ after ‘wyhq.

23, for « Savy,’ read ¢ fe,’ and dele °

21, notes, for « aq,’ read ¢ wy,’

6, 55 for © aaa,’ ae Wanga.’

— ,, for< wa, read ¢ 7

1,» for < farqa yaa,’ read faae waa.

15, ,, after ‘eyafa,’ insert « (qvafa).’

18, ,, forc@ gq,’ "ed (eq

13, 4, after ‘qayaqar,’ dele :

23, », after ¢afe,’ insert;

6, », after « fafaaran,’ insert (fafasa.’

23, » afters-aq Ta, insert §

26, », for areata, "eed ‘aranfa.

4, from below for ‘9fafstata,’ 744 < Tastare.

24, for ‘aq,’ read « ua.’

2, from below for < fax, read ¢ fafa.’

22, for eeararca:, "ed CeayTa:.

31, read‘ Faaa, or ¢ fara.’

41, for seat: ,? read « Sage.’

15, for « <a, read « ay.

30, for ‘ewya,’ “ead < Za.’

32, for ¢ afer,’ read <atifar.’

25, for * fara, read ‘sfeaq:.’

— for ‘Wey, read * Bway,’

On the summit

XxX

Page line

444, 29,

445, 33,

446, 26,

Errata.

for ‘sxzadufaa, read ‘ gzadafead.’

for atta,’ read <arfara.’

Sor * aay,’ read * as.’

Sor < Braye,” read « aT ATE.”

from bottom, for ‘ variety,’ ‘ read rarity.’

from top, for ‘ two,’ read ‘ the.’

from top, for ‘two,’ read ‘ so.’

Jor ‘ MacCullack,’ read *‘ McCulloch.’

from bottom, jor ‘Sheer Muhammad Minad Bey,’ read ‘ Mir Muham-

med Murad Bey.’—(By some inadvertence this form was sent to press

before it had been read by the editor.)

LIST OF PLATES.

Page

I.—Inscription on the Kuhaon pillar, .....ccccsccseeeceeees Sf

11.—Facsimile of an Inscription at Iskardo, .......026 eovves 39

I11.—Copperplate grant from Bakerganj, .......ecececescenee 44

Rie aE AAS AOOUN, oe csc a cis wc cece so cesstesnccirdoed cage, OF

Wee — Garuda and Haims at D0. occas e cers ccc esaccesdessene 20s

ot -tiap of Central Indiag i cj./s.cciscie-clslec ccs ndecsscacss reese 9 Oe

VII. & VIII.—Fossil shells, &c. from Chirra, .....csseeceee socececece ihe

1X.—Ficus elastica, ......... Be eaten Sood ipaberpet Retin deal ata i Fela C5 7.

—_~X.—Facsimile of the Dhauli or Aswastama inscription. ....... 434

XI.—Plan and specimen of the Girnar inscription. ............ 219

XII.—Surashtra Coins, to face page .... ccc cecccccerececcee 346

XIII.—Sanskrit Alph&bet, consonants of various ages.......... 276

eee GOVE) 8 OL OLLEO) ss ci Sn oe diwlicle) s-cfwiaiie ele) aca\disis ioe 'oieisls ole ae 4 80s

XV.—Sanskrit Sdueription from Gauck, ENIOs Bian siatsoo|aiave ogee oibi ai us OO,

XVI.—Talain inscription on Arracan bell, to face.........eee000 294

Seer — wap of Cochin-Chind, - csi ccsc cece vnecsevecececves SLT

XVIII.—Reg Ruwan ; and map of whirlwind of the 8th ne page... 324

XIX.—Detail of Asoka inscription from Girnar,...........6.--+ 340

eA SKTIG NIUNAETAIS,: , oc ocvotvle« olwlece pe beldlales colsusQeecene O40

XXI.—Plan and elevation of the Dhauli hill, .............0+000 436

XXII.—Legend of Indo-Sassanian MIAN alse a a las ese cisl djeike wha aia city Soe

XXIII.—Further inscriptions from Sanchi,,......ccccecesesceees 564

MeL ._PsTAHMES WALL TASCTIPTION, icc ce co cccc ce vecdsccconsere — 900

XXV.—Enlarged view of Dhauli elephant, .....ceccecececccese 406

XXVI.—Hissar pillar, and Badrasir temple, ...ccesssececesecess 430

XXVII.—Coins of Eucratides and Spalirises, ..........0ceeee000- 638

ee Phe Bactrian COINS, VATLOUS, 205. cbicoaecieiccdscccesccececcee 650

XXIX.— Bates’ medal-ruling machine,......secccccccccccccsessse 606

XXX.—-Inscription cn Vardha image at Eran, ....cccsscee esses 632

XXXI.—Ditto, on Bhimsen’s pillar, at ditto,.......0ececeeeeeees 634

eet Ineo-actrian COS, bocce sc cece cc cece ceeccosscccese L050

XXXIII.—Ditto, on iron pillar at Delhi, and stone from the Fort of

EIMEE, Aolsieteiminctaciale liaise ele, o Olea eid ethaieaiMainlagne seis sive!) GSO

“XXXVII.—Sculpture of Grameswara temple, .........ccccececccese 662

XXXVIII.—Sculptured stone near Jajipur and the Sinh at Kanarac,.. 680

XXXIX.

XL. | Different caves in the Udayagiri rock at Kundgiri near

XLI- Cuttack,

XLII,

eeeotr oe eceeveaeeeoee esos eoeoeveoeveev ee eoseeeevened 683

an. ee

xxii List of Plates.

Page

XLIII.—The Arctonix —————, or Bali Souar, .o.csevevecsesee 735

XLIV.—Sculpture on the frieze in the Ganésh Gurbha, represented

in, PISA DL sree te Ree CEk ae SE Oe hs Bes tneis’ os ss oetoee

XLV.—Sketch of Badé@wur temple, ....cc..scecescscceccceres 828

XLVI. 846

xivit, to illustrate the report on Bidjeegurh coal fields, ........ i 848

XLVIII. 844

X LEX :—Tibet Pheasanty:'cg <0 Sale +0 Gs oss Chics sclsa nm ekels Seuleabuas ee

L.—Elevation: of Somnitth, <c52 sc caleeck te enbeebisicimameeak es (OUT:

LI.—Interior of Sommath, ~. . «c,s.os.0j0.0,00)* ge sins wWhlarpanee ealsites TOUS

LII.: 872

LIII. | Views of Girnar and of the Rock inscriptions there, ...... 1s

Liv. J 878

LV. & LVI.—Cyprinide, CF eee Geese COSHH HEHEHE HOH ee tOeoeeeeoeeeeeeeenes 942

LVII.—Sketch-map of Assam, .. eoecere Fos ane se ee ese eoreeeene seen 950

LVIII.—Mergui Coast and Islands, .......eeccnevccccce cosese 1027

LIX.—Hexaprotodons, . » .::> 5d. ¢bipes@le dad bm oe silken a1 089

Ancient Patera from Badakhshan, ........0eceeccceeceee 1047

LX.—Ancient Hindu Coins, . «0 ewe) 2 o's stelelsl ch O8R Ue ce wae LOSe

LXI.—Ancient Coins from Oojein, ...cceccesscccccccecccseee 1054

a ag

JOURNAL

WHE ASIA TLIC SOC LET Y.

No. 73.—January, 1838.

1.—History of Cooch Behér, being an extract of a passage from Dr.

Bucuanan’s Account of Rungpur ( Rangapura )*.

[Revised and communicated by Major F. JEnKIns. ]

The history of this district is perhaps involved in still greater obscurity

than that of Dinajpur. Almost the whole of it is included in the anci-

ent Hindu territory of Kamrup, which extends east from the Kurotoya

where it joined the kingdom of Motsyo, tot Dikkorbasini a river of

Assam, which enters the Brohmoputro a little to the east of the eastern

Kamakhya, which is said to be fourteen days’ journey by water above

Jorehat the present capital of the kingdom. I have not been able to

learn, that the ancient Hindus mention any kingdom as intervening be-

tween Kamrup and China. Those whom I have consulted seem to

think that Kamrup is bounded on the east by Chin ; by which, however,

it must be observed, is probably meant the country between the Indian and

Chinese empires, for as ABUL Fazit justly observes, the Chinese empire

is the Maha Chin of the Hindus. He indeed calls Pegu the China

of the Hindus ; but in this he is only to be considered as mentioning for

the whole, what was then the principal kingdom, as now we might say

that the empire of Ava is the proper China of the Hindus; and in fact

it now separates Kamrup from the Chinese or Maha Chin. On the

north Kamrup extends to Kongjogiri, the frontier of Mado, the

kingdom of Sazlyo, which comprehends Bhotan; I have not, however,

been able to learn where the mountain is placed, and the Bhoteas seem

to have made large encroachments on the whole northern frontier of

Kamrup. The*southern boundary of Kamrup frontier of Kamrup, is

* Bucwanan’s orthography is retained: he uses the short o for a, being the

BengAli pronunciation.—Ep.

+ This is the name of a temple on the Brahmaputra above Sadiyd, and nearly

where the river issues from the hills.

2 History of Cooch Behar. [JAn.

where Lakhya river separates from the Brohmoputro, and there it is

bounded by the country called Bunggo. Kamrup according to this de-

scription includes a portion of Moymunsing (north part of Dacca R.)

and of Srihotto ( Silhet B.) together with Monipur, Jaintiya, Kachar:

and Assam.

The earliest tradition concerning the history of Kamrup is that it was

given by KrisHno to NorAk, the son of the earth, (Prithivi.) This

Norok, although an infidel (oswr) was for some time a favorite of the

god, who appointed him guardian (dwarpal ) of the temple of Kamakhya

(granter of pleasure) who naturally presided over the region of desire,

(Kamrup). This deity is by the Hindus considered as female, and her

temple situated near Gohati, the place where Norox resided, is still

much frequented. r

Kamrup is said to have been then divided into four peths or portions»

which may naturally be expected to have appellations suitable to its name

and tutelary deity. They are accordingly called Kam, Rotno, Mont and

Yoni peths, alluding to desire, beauty and some circumstances not un_

connected with these qualities, which our customs do not admit to be

mentioned with the plainness that is allowed in the sacred languages of

the east. In fact the country by the natives is considered as the prin-

cipal seat of amorous delight, and a great indulgence is considered as

allowable. I have not learned the boundaries of these divisions, but am

told that Rotno Peth is the country now called Vihar.

Norok did not long merit the favor of Krisuno, being a great op-

pressor and a worshipper of the rival god Sis. He was put to death,

and was succeeded by his son BHoGGopaTTo. At the time of the wars

which are said to have placed Yupu1suTuHeER on the throne of India, the

prince engaged in the great contest on the losing side, and followed the

fortunes of Duryopuon. There can be little doubt that this is the

same person with the Buucrut of Mr. GLApwin’s translation of the

Ayeen Akbery, “ who came to the assistance of JIRJOoDHUN, and gal-

tantly fell in the war of the Mahabharut.” By Axsut Faziv this prince

is said to have been of the Khyetri ([Khyotrio) caste, and this is sup-

ported by the opimion of the brahmans; but here a considerable diffi-

culty occurs; for it is generally allowed, that BuoccopaTTo was the

son of Noroxk, who was not a Hindu. We shall, however, soon see that

in Kamrup many other personages have been adopted into the princely

race, whose claims to a Hindu descent are at best exceedingly doubtful.

BHOGGODATTO is said to have usually resided at Gowahatt. The

king of Kamrup is said occasionally to have fled from the bustle and

cares of his capital, and to have sought the pleasures of retirement

1838. } | History of Cooch Behér. 3

at Rungyopur, from whence its name, signifying the abode of pleasure,

is derived. No traces of any buildings by BHoccopattTo or his family

remain in this district, nor is it probable that any remain in Assam, as

the princes of the eastern parts of Kamrup continue even to this day,

to dwell in huts; nor is there any reason to suppose, that his accommo-

dation was superior; while his power, and probably the thickness of his

forest, rendered fortifications towards the west unnecessary.

In the great war BHoGGopDATTo fell by the hands of Orsun, brother

of YUDHISHTHER, but according to the Ayeen Akbery twenty-three

princes of the same family continued to govern after his death. The

authority of this work is, however, diminished by its supposing that these

princes governed the whole of Bengal, which seems entirely without

foundation. It is, however, very likely, and is said indeed to be mentioned

in the Purans, that for some time the descendants of BHOGGODATTC

retained the government of Kamrup. I cannot indeed adopt the chrono-

logy, which places YUDHISHTHER about 3200 years before the birth of

Christ; on the contrary I am persuaded that this prince lived consider-

ably after the time of ALEXANDER, for in every part of India there

remain traces of the family of YUDHISHTHER, or of the princes who

were his contemporaries, of many dynasties that have governed since his

time, but all these later dynasties, so far as I have learned, may be

ascertained to be of a comparatively late period; and making every pos-

sible allowance for the reigns of the families of YUDHISHTHER and of

the dynasties that have succeeded, we shall not be able to place the

former much beyond the time of Aucustus. Iam happy to acknowledge

that I have derived this manner of reasoning on the subjects from a con-

versation with my worthy friend Major Mackenzir of Madras, who

has formed more accurate notions on Indian History than any person

whose opinions I know,—notions founded on a careful investigation of the

remains of antiquity, and not on the fictions of Indian poets, who in the

extravagance of invention exceed even the fertile genius of Greece.

In the part of the Yogini Tontro which I have procured, and which

is considered as the highest authority concerning every thing to Kam-

rup, the pandit of the mission says that there is no mention of Buocco-

DATTO, but that the god S1B prophecies that after the infidel Norok,

and at the commencement of the era of Saka, that is about the end of

¢he Ist century of our era, there would be Sudro kings of Kamrup.

The first raja mentioned is DwyEswor, in whose time the worship of

Kameswori or Kamakhya, the knowledge of which had hitherto been

confined to the learned, would be published even to the vulgar, and this

would happen at the very beginning of the era of Saka, or in the year of

B 2

4 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN.

our era 76. This raja is said to have been of the tribe called in the

_Songskrito language Dhwor, which is usually applied to the Katbortos of

Bengal ; but it may be doubted, whether the prince belonged to that tribe

which is not one of Kamrup. The worship of the linga according to

the prophecy would begin in the 19th year of Saka ; some indefinite time _

after that period, a brahman born of the Korotoya river and named

Nocosonkor, would be king, and extend the doctrine. After him, but

at what interval is not mentioned, would be a raja named JoLPESWAR,

who would still further encourage that worship, and who would build the

celebrated temple of Jolpis. Very considerable ruins are at no great dis-

tance from that place as will be hereafter described; but they are ascribed

to a Prithu, who may, however, have been a person of the same family.

This Prithw raja from the size of his capital, and the numerous

works raised in the vicinity by various dependents and connections of the

court, must have governed a large extent of country, and for a consider-

able period of time. Although he is in some measure an object of wor-

ship among the neighbouring Hindus, they have few traditions concern-

ing the place from whence he came, nor at what period he lived; and I

heard it only mentioned by one old man, that he governed before the

time of the dynasty which will be next mentioned.

As usual he is considered as having been a very holy personage, who

was so much afraid of having his purity sullied, that, on the approach

of an abominable tribe of impure feeders named Kichok, he threw him-

self into a tank, and was followed by all his guards, so that:the town was

given up to plunder, and the family ceased to reign. At present the

Kichok are a kind of gipsies, that are thinly scattered in the northern

parts of India, and live by snaring game, telling fortunes, and it is usually

supposed by stealing. It must, however, be observed, that this tribe,

which in the Songskrito language is called Kirat, would at one time

appear to have been really powerful in this vicinity; and according to

the Yogini Tontro, was not reduced to its present miserable state, until

the time of Viswo SInGHo, who will be hereafter mentioned.

There is also a tradition in the country, that a much greater portion

of Kamrup formerly belonged to the Bhoteas than does at present.

I am inclined to think, that these Bhoteas were really the Chinese, whose

histories, I believe, mention their conquests in this part of India, and

might naturally be confounded with the Bhoteas, from their impure

feeding and from having made their attack through the country of that

people.

It would not appear, that during the dynasty of Apisur, any part of

this district was comprehended in the Hindu kingdom of Bengal. On

__=——"" =

1838.) EMistory of Cooch Behar. 5

the contrary, about that time, or not long after, the western parts of

this country, as far as the Brohmoputro, seem to have been subject

to a family of princes, the first of whom, that has left any traces, was

Duormo Pat. Whether or not from his name we may suppose that he

was one of the Pat family, which preceded the dynasty of Apisur, who

in the wreck of his family may have saved a portion, I shall not venture to

determine. From the works that are attributed to DHormo PAL, he

would appear to have been a person of some power, and even the works

attributed to relations and dependents of his family, possess some degree

of magnitude. He is said to have had a brother named Manikcuon-

DRO, who seems to have died early, and to have left the management of

his son and estate to his wife Moynawore. This lady makes a con-

spicuous figure in the traditions of the natives, and is said to have killed

Duormo PAt in an engagement near the banks of the Zista; at least

the raja disappeared during the battle between his troops, and those of

his sister-in-law. MoynAwoTe’s son GOPICHONDRO succeeded his

uncle, and seems to have left the management of his affairs to his mother,

and for some time to have indulged himself in the luxury of 100 wives,

among whom the two most celebrated for beauty and rank were Hopna

and Popna, one of whom, if not both, was the daughter of a person of

considerable rank named HoriscHonprRo. When GopricHonpro had

grown up, and probably, when he had been satiated with the pleasure

which women bestow, he wished to interfere in business. His mother

had then the art to persuade him to dedicate his life to religion; and

having placed him under the tuition of her spiritual guide (guru) Ha-

RIPA a religious mendicant, (yogi) of remarkable sanctity, this prince,

changed from voluptuousness to superstition, adopted the same manner

of life with his instructor, and is supposed to be now wandering in the

forests. The people of Kamrup are still frequently entertained by the

songs of itinerant bards of the low castes called yog?, who repeat the poem

called Sibergit, which gives an account of GoricHonpRo, of his pious

resignation of power, and the lamentations of his hundred wives, who by

no means approved of his change of life. This song is in the vulgar

language, and its repetition occupies four or five Hindu hours for two

days.

As the father is praised by the Hindus for his piety, his son Horo-

CHONDRO, or BHOVOCHONDRO as his name is here more usually pro-

nounced, is given as an example of stupidity, who with his minister Go-

VOCHONDRO did nothing like other people, and turned night into day,

and day into night. Many examples of their stupidity are related to serve

as amusement to the youth of Bengal; but the raja seems to have lived

6 History of Cooch Behar. [JaAn.

im considerable splendour, and without fear, while the works of his rela-

tion Sora and of his tributary Benna show, that his dependents had

considerable power, and did not require fortresses to enable them to

live in security. After the death of BHovocHonprRo there came a

Pala raja of the same family who is said to have been destroyed by a

dynasty that I shall have next occasion to mention, although it is more

probable that a period of anarchy intervened.

The princes of the dynasty of DHormo PAL are supposed to have

been Khyotriyos ; yet this seems doubtful. The lady Moynawore had

not a brahman for a spiritual guide, but this important office was held :

by a yogi, that isa Sudra dedicated to a religious life; and there is great .

reason to believe that the yogis who repeat the songs, are descendants

of this kind of priesthood, who were degraded by Sonckor ACHARYO,

and who reject the brahmans as spiritual guides, although in order to

procure a miserable existence they have now betaken themselves to

weaving, burning lime, and other low employments. In the south of

India they collect and vend drugs, and pretend to practise physic, but

are equally obstinate in rejecting the instruction of the sacred orders.

With regard to the next dynasty there is greater certainty, although

as usual the chronology is attended with many difficulties. According

to tradition there was a brahman whose name is unknown, but who had

a servant that tended his cattle, no one knows where. According to

some this servant was an infidel (osur,) most probably from the moun-

tains of Tripura; but concerning this different persons are not exactly

agreed, and some allege that it was his mother who was of the impure

race, and that she bore her son while in the service of the brahman.

Many complaints were lodged against this fellow, and his master one

day was desired to view him asleep while his cattle were permitted to

destroy the crops of the neighbours. The brahman was advancing with

a determination to bestow the merited punishment, when he observed the

lines on the naked feet of his servant, and immediately by his profound

skill in the most noble science of Samudrik Jyotishi, knew that the

sleeper would become a prince. On this discovery the brahman paid

him all due respect, rendered it unnecessary for him to perform any low

office, and shewed ‘him still more kindness by disclosing the certainty

of his future greatness ; the servant in return promised that when he be-

came a prince, the brahman should be his chief minister, (Patro). Ac-

cordingly some time afterwards, it is not known how, he became king,

and is said to have destroyed Pata, the successor of HorocHonpDRo.

This, however, as I have before observed, is rather doubtful; and Kam-

sup in the interval had probably fallen into a state of anarchy favorable.

1838. ] History of Cooch Behar. 7

for an upstart, and was overrun by various rude tribes, Koch, Mech,

Garo, Kachhari, Rabha, Hajong, Tripura, Bhot, and Nepcha, who

neither spoke the language of Bengal, nor had adopted the religion of

the brahmans, although numerous fugitives had taken refuge from the

violence of Sultan JALALUDDIN, as mentioned in my account of Dinaj-

pur, and had diffused some degree of instruction, or at least had

preserved the little improvement that had been made in former dynasties,

The new raja seems to have been much guided by his minister the

brahman, assumed a Hindu title Nilodhwoj, and placed himself under

the tuition of the sacred order. For this purpose a colony of brahmans

were introduced from Maithilo, and from thence we may perhaps infer

the country of the minister. There is no trace of any earlier colony of

brahmans in Kamrup than this from Mazthilo, and the great merits of

the prince were rewarded by elevating his tribe called Khyen to the

dignity of the pure Hindu. It is, indeed, contended by Rassonestis,

that NiLopHwoJ was of their caste, and that the Khyen were only his

servants, begotten by RAsBonGsIs on prostitutes of the Khyotriyo tribes

but it seems highly improbable that the raja would procure the dignity of

pure birth for the illegitimate offspring of his servants, while his own

family remained in the impure tribe of Rassonasi1, the origin of which

seems to me of a later date.

The raja having settled his government built a city called Komotapur,

and his successors took the title of Komoteswor or lords of Komota,

while the title of Komoteswari, or lady of Komota, was bestowed on

the family deity, a female spirit, as usual, delighting in blood.

As each raja of this family claimed his right to govern on the autho-

rity of some miracle, it was discovered by CHokROoDHWoOJ, the second

prince, that BHocopDATTo had received from Sis an amulet (koboj )

which rendered him invulnerable, and which he usually wore on his arm.

In the hurry of preparation for battle, this amulet had been left behind,

on the day when BHoGopATTOo was killed, and lay concealed near Has-

tinapur until the time of CaoxroDHwogJ, when this prince was informed

in a dream how the amulet might be found, and that it was to be wor-

shipped as representing Komoteswor?, as it is to this day.

During this dynasty the office of chief minister (Patro) seems to

have been hereditary as well as the regal dignity, and the brahman and

his descendants occupied a fortress contiguous to the walls of the city ;

but the government does not seem to have been very secure, as not only

the royal palace and the residence of the minister, but several houses of

inferior personages seem to have been fortified, although situated within

the immense works by which the city was surrounded.

—

8 History of Cooch Behér. [JAN.

CHOKRODHWOJ was succeeded by NiLAMBor, the third and last

prince of the family. His dominions are said to have extended over the

greater part of Kamrup and included part of Motsyo; for the fort at

Ghoraghat is said to have been one of his erecting. Numerous public

works, especially magnificent roads, are attributed to this prince, who

from thence seems to have governed his country with attention, but the

circumstances related concerning his overthrow are accompanied with

traits of the most savage barbarity.

Whether from a natural suspiciousness of temper or from an uncom-"

mon accuracy of observing such circumstances, the raja on entering his

women’s apartments one day observed traces, which convinced him, that

a man had been there. He was immediately inflamed with jealousy, and

having sent people to watch, a young brahman, son of Socui Potro

the prime minister, was soon caught attempting to enter the royal apart-

ments and to dishonor his master. He was taken before the king, put

privately to death, and part of his body was prepared for foad. His

father, having been invited to a grand entertainment given by the king

eat of his son’s body; for in Kamrup the brahmans are allowed great

liberties in their diet. After he had satiated himself with this monstrous

food, the king showed him his son’s head, and informed him of the crime

and of what he had been eating. The minister is said to have acted

with a presence of mind well suited for such an occasion. He said, that

his son had no doubt deserved any punishment ; but as the king had made

him eat such a horrid repast, that he could no longer. continue in his

service, but would retire from the world, and dedicate himself to the

duties of a religious mendicant. By this stratagem he was allowed to

retire, and having assumed the habit of a sonnyashi, immediately left

Kamrup. His first object now was to procure revenge, and he proceeded

without delay to Gaur, when he laid before the Moslem king informa-

tion, that was followed by an attack on N1LAMBoR. For some time how-

ever the invasion did not seem likely to terminate in success ; for after a

siege of 12 years the Moslem had made no impression on the works of

Komotapur. Although the length of the siege is probably exceedingly

exaggerated by tradition, its issue probably continued long doubtful; for

the invading army had evidently fortified its camp with much care. The

place is said to have been taken at length by stratagem, or rather by the

most abominable treachery. The Muhammadan commander informed

the king by message, that having lost all hopes of taking the place, he

was desirous of making peace, and leaving the country on the most

friendly terms. This having been accepted, it was proposed that the

ladies of the Moslem chiefs should pay their respects to the queen. This

1838.)] History of Cooch Behar. 9

also was received as a mark of polite attention, and a number of covered

litters were admitted into the women’s apartments within the citadel. In

place of Moslem ladies these litters contained arms, and the bearers

were soldiers, who immediately on gaining admission seized their wea-

pons, and secured the person of the raja, who was put into an iron cage

in order to afford amusement for the sultan and populace of Gaur ;

on the way he contrived to escape, and has ever since remained con.

cealed.

The Muhammadans of Ghoraghat attribute the destruction of NILAM-

BOR to their favorable samt IsmarL G’azi of whom I have given an

account in the report concerning Dinajpur. By the Moslems of this

district he is considered as a chief of saints, and several places of wor-

ship are erected to his memory, or over precious relics that belonged to

his person. But this reverence has probably induced them to magnify

the conquests of IsmarL who governed Ghoraghat in the reign of

NasrAT SHAH; a prince whose reign commenced about the year of our

era 1523, which seems to be somewhat too late for the destruction of

Komotapur.

In the manuscript account of Bengal, which I procured at Muideh, it

js said, that the sultan HosEyn, immediate predecessor of NAsRart,

conquered Kamrup, and killed its kng Karup Narain, son of Mat-

KONGYAR, son of SApA LukKHymon, and I have no doubt, that these

are the same persons with the three princes of Komotapur ; for the Hin-

du rajas have so many titles, that one person may choose to call them by

a name totally different from that which another person may choose to

employ; and the time of the events will not admit of our supposing

that a dynasty intervened between that destroyed by Hosryn, and the

one which now governs the small portion of Kamrup that retains some

degree of independence.

In the short account of Assam published in the 2nd volume of the

Asiatic Researches, which seems to me more accurate than the commen-

tator is willmg to admit, it is stated, that Husryn Suan, a king of

Bengal, undertook an expedition against Assam, in which he had at first

considerable success. The rdja retired to the mountains, and the son of

the king was left with a large army to keep possession of the country.

In the rainy season the r4ja descended into the plains, and destroyed the

whole invading army, who were all either killed or made prisoners (A.

R. II. p. 180). It was probably this rash expedition, which frustrated

the conquest of Komotapur, and rendered it necessary for the Moslems

to retire, after a possession of one or two years. Indeed the traditions of

the Hindus state, that they made no stay at Komotapur, but retreated

10 History of Cooch Behar. [ JAN.

immediately with what booty they could procure. This, however, seems

improbable, and I shall have occasion to show, that within the walls of

Komota there are probable traces of the Moslems having begun very

considerable works, which have been broken off unfinished; it is there-

fore probable that N11 amszor was destroyed by Hosryn SHAun im person,

and he begun to reign about forty years before the usurpation of SHER

SHAH, or about the year 1496 of our era. The conquests therefore of

IsmMAEL G’azi must be confined to the vicinity of Ghoraghat, and per-

haps he did no more than retain these small portions of the conquests

made by the sultan Hosryn, where he founded the city named after

NaAsraArT, the successor of that prince.

The overthrow of Nizameor is looked upon by the natives as a most

unfortunate event. In the Yogini Tontro, it is told, that in the time of

Norox, a most holy person, VosisHtHo Mont went to the temple of

Kamakhya and was refused admittance by the infidel guardian. As such

persons conscious of their worth are sometimes apt to be a great deal too

irascible, VostsHTHo prayed that the temple might be deprived of all

dignity, which accordingly would have immediately happened, had not the

goddess of love (KAMAKHYA) made a complaint to Siva, who although

he could not entirely prevent the effects of the holy man’s imprecation

(sang pon); yet postponed the completion until the destruction of

Komotapur, and he ordered, that this degradation should continue only

until the restoration of the Komoteswar, who, as I have said, is supposed

to be still alive, and his return is anxiously and eagerly expected by the

people of Kamrup, as some of the events which are prophecied to pre-

cede the restoration, have already come to pass. On that happy occasion

the goddess of delight will be restored to full glory, and the four nations

of usurpers who now share Kamrup, will be extirpated by mutual

slaughter. These nations are the Ploo! or Bhoteas; the Sawmar or

Assamese ; the Kuvach or Koch, who govern Vihar ; and the Yovew or

barbarians of the west, who, according to the authority of the Yogini

Tontro, are descendants of Harnoyo and TALoJoncGHo, two Khoyotri-

yos, who on account of cowardice were degraded and prohibited from

eating pure food, and from following the doctrine of the Vedas.

Two brothers named Cuonpon and Monon, after the overthrow of

Nitameor, established a short government of eight years at a place

called Norolovas, which now is under the government of the Des raja,

and is about thirty miles north from Komotapur. This power was not

only transient, but seems to have extended to no great distance, and the

parts of Kamrup that were not retained by the Moslems, seem to have

fallen again into anarchy under the chiefs of the rude tribes, which I

1838. ] History of Cooch Behar. 11

formerly mentioned. Among these by far the most powerful were the

Koch, who had a number of chiefs, at first independent, but who gradu-

ally united under the authority of one of themselves named Haso. He

seems to have been a person of great vigour, and reduced under his

government the whole of this district except Ghoraghat, together with

most of that portion of Assam which is included in the government of

Gohati or Kamrup. He had no children, except two daughters Hira

and JIRA.

Hira, before the rise of her family, had been married to a certain

Herya, who is said to have been of the impure tribe called Mech.

Whether JirA was married or not is not known, but she had a son

named Sisu, while her sister bore a son named Visu. The former is

said to be ancestor of several branches of the family that are now sub-

ject to the company; but Visu succeeded to the whole power of his

grandfather. As he was not contented with the instruction of the

Kolitas, who seem to have been the original priesthood of his tribe,

nor with the learning of the brahmans of Mazthilo, who had been for-

merly introduced, he procured some men of piety ( Batdiks) from Sri-

hotto, and gave them the title of Kamrupi brahmans, and these form

the second colony of the sacred order that has settled in this country.

To this era may probably be referred the composition, or as the Hin-

dus would say the publication of many, or most of the books called

Tontros which are supposed to have been communicated by the god Siva

to his wife ParzoTi about 5000 years ago. One of the most celebrated

of these compositions the Yogini Tontro I am indeed informed, men:

tions the amours of Hira and the government of her son; nor is there

any doubt that Kamrup is usually considered as the grand source of this

system of magic, and the period between the time of Visu and of his

great-grandson PorRIKHYIT seems to have been the only period, when

the learning of the brahmans flourished im that country. The doctrines

contained in these works admit of many indulgences necessary for new

converts, and to enable the brahmans to share in the pleasures of a most

sensual people ; and they inculcate chiefly the worship of the female spirits

that are appeased with blood, which was the original worship of the coun-

try, and which has now become very generally diffused among the brah-

mans of Bengal, with whom these Z'ontros are in the highest request.

It was now discovered that the raja was not a son of the poor barba-

rian Herya; but that his mother although born a Koch, was not only

of a celestial origin, but had been the peculiar favorite of the god Siva ;

who had passed much time in amorous dalliance with the damsel, and

was the actual father of the prince, who took the name of Viswo SINGHO,

12 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN

and bestowed on the son of his aunt Jira that of SrvA Sineno; and

this prince also claimed for his mother, the honor of the most intimate

favor of the god, whose name he bore.

Although the Yogini Tontro calls the father of Hrra a barbarian

(Mlechchho) ; yet it has been discovered, that the Koch were not im

fact an impure tribe, as had been in general supposed ; but were descended

from some Khyotriyos, who had fled nto Kamrup, and the adjacent

country of Chin, in order to escape from the violence of PorosuRAM,

when that deity pursued the kings of the earth, and gave their territories

to the brahmans. In the exile the descendants of the Ahyotriyos had

departed from many parts of the Hindu law; and on this account were

considered impure. This seems to be exactly the same story, which Sir

WiLitiAM Jones quotes (A. R. II. page 368), from the Institutes of

Menu, and on the authority of which he deduced the origin of the Chi-

nese from the Hindus. The features both of Chinese and Koch seem

to me msuperable objections against that theory ; and I have no doubt;

that both the passage of Menu and the fable of the Koch are equally

founded on national vanity, which, however unbecoming in a lawyer or

philosopher like Menu, is excusable enough in the Koch, who among

the people with whom it is their fortune to live, are naturally desirous of

procuring some means of being raised from the dregs of impurity. On

this pretended descent the Koch, or at least all of them that have adopted

the Hindu religion and have relinquished their impure practices, assume

the title of Lajbongsis, or descendants of princes ; and the other rude

tribes of Kamrup and Chin, such as Mech and Hajong, who have fo}-

lowed their example m religion, have assumed the same title. All the

descendants of Hira, still farther elated by their supposed divine origin,

assume the title of Deb or Lord, and all the reigning princes of the

family claim the title of Marayow ; which among the Hindus is one of

the names of the supreme deity. |

Vrswo SInGHo was so weak as to divide his dominions between two

sons Naro Narayon and SuKLADHWoy. ‘The former obtained the

country west from the Chhannokosh, the latter obtained the country

east from that river, together with both sides of the Brohmoputro. 1

shall now proceed to give an account of this braneh of the family which

was the most considerable.

SuKLopDHwoy seems to have governed without any remarkable event,

and left his dominions to his son Roguu Dev Narayon. He had two

sons PorikuyiT N. and another*, who as an appanage obtained Dorong

which his descendants still retain under the kings of Assam. PortKuyrr

* Bottir NARAYON.

=. i -s ers

1838.] History of Cooch Behar. 13

however, prudently retained the sovereignty of the whole, and lived at

Gilajhar on the west side of the Godadhor where the only remains to

be seen, although the place is also called Atharo Kotha, or eighteen

castles, clearly evince the small improvement which his people had made

in the arts; but his court seems to have flourished in learning, and 700

brahmans are said to have resided at his capital.

When Asut Fazit composed the Ayin Akbery, the sub-division

of the kingdom of Viswo SINGHo was not known at Delhi; although in

all probability it had recently taken place. From prudential motives it

had perhaps been carefully concealed, and the two branches of the family

lived in an amity that was absolutely necessary for their safety. ABUL

Fazi says that “ north from Bengal is the province of Cooch ( Koch)

the chief of which commands 1000 horse and 100,000 foot (the usual

oriental exaggeration). Kamrup, which is also called Kamtah ( Komota

the old capital) makes a part of his dominion.” Soon after this, how-

ever it is said, that the Muhammadan governor of Dhaka discovered

the real state of affairs, and became very urgent with PorikuyiT for

tribute. The raja being afraid did not absolutely refuse to comply, but

in order to procure favorable terms was advised to undertake a journey

to Agra, where he was kindly received, and procured an order from the

king, directing the governor to take whatever tribute the raja chose to

offer. On returning to Dacca, the raja who was totally ignorant of hu-

man affairs, and of the immensity of the sum offered 20,000,000 of ru-

pees and returned to his capital highly satisfied with his conduct. When

his minister (Patro) explained to him the nature of the promise which

he had made, the poor raja was thrown into consternation, and again set

out for Agra, taking his minister with him, in order to avoid such mis-

takes. Unfortunately he died by the way and the Moslems, in the mean

time, took possession of the country, in order to recover the money that

had been promised*. The minister proceeded to court, where after some

trouble he was appointed kanungoe or register of the country, which

was divided into four sirkars. Uttro Kul or Dhengkiri north of the

Brohmoputro, Dokhin Kul south of the same, Benggalbhumi west of

the Brohmoputro, and Kamrup proper called so as containing G'ohati,

the most ancient capital of the country. The brother of PorikHyIT

was confirmed in his government of Dorong, and Cuonpro NARAyow,

the son of the unfortunate raja, received very large estates which his

descendants still retain as subjects. These I shall afterwards have occa-

sion to mention. Large estates were also given to the new kanungoe

from whose family papers these accounts are taken.

* PoriKHYIT’s descendants are the rajas of Bijnee according to the records of

the Durrang family.

14 History of Cooch Behér. (Jan.

The Moslem army took possession of the country about the year 1009

of the Bengal era, that is A. D. 1603 or two years before the death of

Axper. A Mogul general (Fouzdar) resided at Ranggamati, and

the country is said for many years to have undergone considerable im-

provements, especially under the government of a certain noble Hindu

named MANosINGHO. :

The usual desire of encroachment, however, induced the Moslems in

the reign of AURUNGZEBE, to invade Assam, the limits of which were then

very narrow, but the people were fierce of their independence, were in-

vigorated by a nourishing diet and strong drink, and their princes still

retained their energy of mind and had not sunk under the enervating

and unceasing ceremonies of the Hindu doctrine. The Mogul army

under Mrerr JumLa was completely destroyed, and they were compelled

to cede to the Assamese the whole of Sirkar Kamrup, and a portion of

Uttorkul and Dokhyin Kul, which have ever since been placed under the

management of a great Assamese officer, and form the government of

Kamrup, which is about a third part of the whole kingdom. After a

residence of 73 years, the Muhammadans withdrew the ( Foujdari) go-

vernment of Ranggamati, and placed the station of the governor of the

frontier at Ghoraghat, as | have mentioned in my account of Dinaje-

pur. Still, however, an officer dignified with the title of Nawab resided

at Ranggamati with some troops; but it seemed to have been the wish

of the Mogul government to encourage the growth of forests and reeds,

which might serve as a check to the incursions of the Assamese; and

nothing was required of the chiefs descended from Por1kuyIT, nor from

the zemindars of the hilly countries, but a tribute in a great measure

nominal.

The conversion of the kings of Assam to the doctrines of the brah-

mans of Bengal, which happened soon after the overthrow of MEER

JUMLA seems to have put a total stop to their enterprise, and the petty

chiefs, who remained nominally under the authority of the nawab of

Ranggamati, would have been entirely uninterrupted in cutting each

other’s throats, and in reducing the country to a desert, had not they been

assisted by the Bhoteas, who brought several of them under their au-

thority and continued advancing, when the Company’s gigantic power

put a stop to all petty attacks of that nature. A tolerably settled fron-

tier has been obtained; there are some appearances of a regular govern-

ment, and cultivation is beginning to revive, although it is still much

retarded by the constant squabbles of the chiefs, and the liberty which

they take of dictating to all who reside on their property.

I shall now finish this historical view with an account of the western

division of Viswo SinGuo’s dominions, which fell to the share of his son

1838. ] Elistory of Cooch Behar. 15

Noro Narain. This division comprehended the whole northern parts

from the Chhonnokosh to the Mohananda, and from Sirkar Ghora-

ghat to the mountains of Bhotan, being a very fertile tract of country

about 90 miles from N. W. to S. E. and 60 miles from N. E. to S. W.

The north-west extremity of this territory was settled on the descendants

of Sivo Sineuo the son of Jira, the grand-aunt of Naro N. from among

whom the rajas were bound to choose their chief ministers ( Raykot ).

This portion, as producing an income of 32,000 rupees a year, was called

Botirishazai (Batis hazéri R.) but the general name given to the

principality was Vihar, as having been the scene of the voluptuous in-

tercourse between Siva and the daughters of Hago. In order to distin-

guish this Vihar from the large territory of the same name near Patna

it has been usual to call it Koch Vihar ( Coos Beyhar, Renn.) ; but

all remembrance of the Koch is disagreeable to its princes, and at their

capital all additional appellations given to Vihar are considered as ex-

ceedingly uncourtly*.

The following is the succession of these princes ; but among these

after the fifth generation are some sons by adoption, and some co-lateral,

and it is alleged illegitimate successors, of which I have been able to

procure no satisfactory account: Ist Noro N., 2nd Lokuymi1 N., 3rd

VeRN., 4th Pran N., Sth Mop N., 6th VosupEv N., 7th MoninpRo N,,

8th Dino N., 9th Rurvo N.+, 10th Urenpro N,, llth DevEeNnDRo N.,

12th DHAIRJYENDRO N., 13th Rasenpro N., 14th Duorenpro N.,

15th VisenprRo N.t, 16th KnocEenpro N.§, 17th Horenpro N,, the

* The name of Kusha vihar is doubtless derived, though the people now know

nothing of it, from the Buddhist monastery or vihara which existed there in ancient

times, as did the province of Behdr from another monastery near Gaya, or at Behar.

We know from M. Csoma’s Life of SHa’kya (As. Res, XX. 310), that this MUNI

died at Kusha the capital of Kamrup, (so called from the Kusha grass for which it

was famous:) and that the Chaitya ‘‘ of the head ornament?’ was distant about

four miles from the pair of s4l trees near this town, under which he expired (p. 311);

for says KUNGAVo—“ in all the space from the city of Kusha to the river Yig-dan, (the

Toresha?) from the grove of the sal trees to the Chaitya, 12 miles in circumference, there

is not a single spot which is not occupied by wise gods of great power—some rolling

on the ground, some wringing their hands, uttering ejaculations, some oppressed by

great sorrow, sit still, and some depending on religion say, ‘ The lord who in-

structed us in many things that were pleasing, agreeable and delightful to the heart,

has been delivered from pain! ’’ It would be very desirable to examine the site

and remains of the Kusha-vihara minutely, as it can hardly be doubted that the

place.whose champions contended for the possession of Buddha’s relics with the eight

chief powers of India, must have been at that time, and long after, a town of great

importance. The rich valley of Assam was probably then what it seems again des-

tined to become in a few years.—ED.

+ An usurper, only reigned a few days or weeks. t DuarrsyENDRO N. sintouaisl2 ?

§ KnocenprRo, was the Nazir deo who actually governed the country but

never assumed the title of raja.

SR, re EEO

16 History of Cooch Behar. [JAN

reigning prince. By the natives he is considered as a very pious per-

son, for he pays no attention to business, but passes the whole of his

time in retirement and as is supposed, much of it in prayers ; and as he

lays out much money in supporting men dedicated to a religious life, of

course his temporal affairs are not flourishing, and his people would

probably suffer less, were he more attentive to their government; for he

is said to be desirous of rendering justice. At present the whole

management of the country is left to strangers, who are alleged to be

mere sharks, but all the chiefs of the Rajbongsis are like their prince ;

no one is said to be either able or willing to attend to business. It is

supposed by the natives that the gods have bestowed an extraordinary

reward on the virtue of the raja. He has 50 wives, and it is commonly

reported, and gravely asserted to be believed, that all these ladies have

often, in the course of one day, received the most intimate proof of the

raja’s affection and extraordinary vigour. The accounts which I have

heard of this chief from Europeans, who were all acquainted with him,

differ a good deal from the above, and represent him as a poor creature

exhausted by drunkenness and debauchery.

' The Vihar rajas reckon by the era of their ancestor Viswo, and sup-

pose that he began in the Bengal year 916 or A. D. 1509. This is

scarcely reconcilable with the supposition that Hoszeyn SHAun destroyed

Komotapur after along siege, as he began about 1496 ; especially if

we suppose, that a long anarchy took place between the governments of

NiramBorand Viswo. I can only suppose that Haso immediately af-

ter the retreat of the Moslems began to acquire great power, and that

the era begins with the independence of the country, in place of being

reckoned from the reign of Viswo, the impure HaJo being considered

by the descendants of the gods as an unworthy connection. It must far-

ther be observed, that from an inscription on a temple erected by PRAN

Narayon, the great-grandson of Viswo, that prince was alive in the

year of Sakadityo 1587 or A. D. 1665, so that five reigns according to

the era of Viswo, occupied 156 years while the thirteen following reigns

have only occupied 144 years. It must be also observed, that the era of

Viswo does not appear to have been in use in the year 1665, and is a

recent invention which can have no great authority ; yet I do not think

it much antedated, as the government of PorikHyIT, a great-grandson

of Viswo, was destroyed in the year 1603.

After the division of their territory into two principalities, the Koch,

sensible of their weakness, are said to have erected a line of fortifications

along their southern frontier. ‘This still remains, and is attributed to

Mop, the 5th prince of Vihar, but it proved an effectual protection to

1838. ] EMistory of Cooch Behar. 17

his part of the country for only a very short period. About the begin-

ning of the 18th century the Muhammadans, under the command of a

certain Esapurt Kuan, were able to wrest from his descendants the

districts which in the Bengal atlas were called Boodah and Rungpur ;

and, as if they had conquered the whole, erected them into a new sirkar

called och Vihar or Kochar. Indeed it comprehends at least a third

of the whole principality, and that by far the most improved, although

this is probably owing, in a great measure to its change of masters.

The confusion that ensued in the Mogul government secured the Vi-

har family from farther encroachment on that side, but their reduced

state now exposed them to the depredations of Drv raja who deprived

them of one half of their remaining territories. The attack indeed was

on the point of proving entirely ruinous, when Dorpo Dev the Raykot,

or hereditary minister, having laid aside all regard to his duty, rebelled

against his sovereign and kinsman. He entered into an alliance with

the Dev raja, and ceded to him a considerable portion of the Bo/tris-

hazdri, on condition of being supported in overthrowing the raja, to

whose title in fact there were some objections. Having procured troops

from Bhotan he invaded Vihar. The raja in despair* applied for as-

sistance to the Company, and to secure protection engaged to pay one half

of his revenue. Accordingly in 1772 Captain Jones with a battalion of

sepoys routed Dorro Dev, who took refuge in Bhotan. Captain Jonzrs

followed and in 1773 took the fortress of Dolim Koth, on which the

Dev raja and Dorpo sued for peace. This was granted, and the parts

of Botiris-hazari that had not been ceded to Bhotan, were restored to

Dorpo ; but he was placed exactly on the same footing as an ordinary

_ zemindar, and a revenue was fixed on his lands, while he lost all authority

in the remnant of Vihar which does not now exceed cne-third of its ori-

ginal dimensions, and pays as a tribute what is supposed to be one half

of its net revenue. In settling the frontier great favor and lenity seem

to have been shown to the Bhoteahs, probably with a view of gaining

their friendship in an expectation of commercial advantages, that would

appear to be chimerical ; some favor, however, has also been shown to

the raja. When the Moslems settled their new conquest of sirkar

Kooch Vihar, they gave the zemindaries, or management of the soil, to

various officers and servants of the raja, by whose treachery they pro-.

bably had been assisted. Among these, three considerable estates were

in the possession of a branch of the family, from among the members of

which the Nazir deo or commander of the troops, was always ap-

* The raja was carried off by the Bhoteas and the Nazir deo applied to the

English Government.

EN ee eee

18 History of Cooch Behar. (JAN.

pointed ; and these estates had been granted as a part of the means by

which the expense of the army was to be defrayed. The descendants

of the Nazir deo had enjoyed these estates from the time of the Mos-

lem conquest, but on the British army being bound by treaty to defend

the country, the raja represented that he had no occasion to support a

military establishment, and that therefore the general had no pretence

for keeping lands to enable him to maintain soldiers. It has been

“thought just to allow the raja to enjoy these estates as a zemindar, and

to receive whatever profits may be derived from their management. The

possession which the Nazir deo had obtained from the Moslems seems

to render the case doubtful ; but the claim of the raja is certamly pos-

sessed of great weight*.

* In 1788-89, Messrs. MERCER and CHANNET were appointed to investigate

amongst other matters, the respective claims of the raja and Nazir Deo. From the

documents presented to them there does not appear to be any grounds for supposing

that the Moslems had any thing to do with the partition of the country into three

estates between the Raja, the Nazir Deo, and Dewan Deo. For some generations the

rajas had been appointed by the Nazir Deo, and it was acknowledged to the com-

missioners that the Nazir Deo’s sanction was necessary to give validity to the en-

thronement of the rfjas. The Nazir Deo claimed a 9 anas 10 cowry share in the raj,

aud though this may seem exorbitant, yet considering the power of the Nazir Deos

as commanders in chief, it may be believed that the rajas, who were entirely indebted

to the Nuzir Deos for their thrones, had voluntarily submitted to the considerations

proposed by the Nazir Deos. The commissioners gave no opinion on the respective

claims, but merely submitted the evidence collected by them to Government. Amongst

the documents submitted, are the accounts of receipts and disbursements of the raj

from 1181 to 1189 B. E. or during the period of the reigns of the two preceding rajas

and the two first years of the reign of the present raja. In these accounts the col.

lections are entered in the names of the three sharers according to their respective

shares, and the disbursements are made in the same manner. The Company’s tri-

bute, which is expressly for the maintenance of troops, and the pay of the retained

Sebundies, are thus made general charges against the three sharers, not against the

Nazir Deo alone; and in the same manner are charged all the Durbar charges and

charges of the courts, not against the raja’s share only. This seems to disprove the

raja’s claim. For many years these claims were under discussion with our Govern-

ment, and the Nazir was obliged to be satisfied, until they were settled, with a small

estate and 500 rupeesa month. At length the Government on a discovery of the

r4ja’s independence, and the Nazir Deo’s subjection to him, declined to interfere and

referred the claims to the justice, equity, and good conscience of the raja. It seems

needless to add, that the Nazi Deo’s claims are still in abeyance, but the raja-has

ever since been endeavouring to recover half the estate settled on the Nazir Deo

through the intercession of the British Government—F. J.

1838. ] Mistory of Cooch Behdr. 19

List of Rajas of Cooch Behr of the SEEBO BonGso, or Siva Dynasty.

1510. Bisso SiIncH-— Founder of the dynasty, and said to be of divine origin ; his

brother Seeso SineH Roycot, was the ancestor of the Bykuntpur rajas.

1553. NORNARAIN, 89n of Bisso SINGH, whose younger brothers were SOOKLA-

DUDGE, CHILLARAI and NorsInGuH. The two first appear to have invaded

Assam, and the present réjas of Durrung Bijnee and Beltollah trace their de-

scent from SOOKLADUDGE; from the third brother are descended the rajae

of Pungah in Rungpur.

1587. LOKHENARAIN, son of NORNARAIN.’

1621. BEERNARAIN, son of LOKHENARAIN,

1626. PRANNARAIN, son of BEERNARAIN.

1665. MOHUDNARAIN, son of PRANNARAIN, died without issue.

1680. BUSTODEBNARAIN, third brother of the preceding ; he was put to death

by JUGOONARAIN Nazir Dro, son of Gossine MOHEENARAIN Nazir Deo,

on which Buose Deo and Jue Deo brought up a force from Bykunfpur, put

to flight the Nazir Deo, and set up MOHINDERNARAIN as yaja. He died

without issue. ;

1682. MoHINDERNARAIN, son of MANNARAIN, the son of BISSNONARAIN, se-

cond brother of BUSTODEBNARAIN. He dying without issue, Cooch Behér

was again invaded by BHOJE Dero and JuG Deo, rajas of Bykuntpur, but were

defeated by SONTONARAIN, then the Nazir Deo, a grandson of GOSSINE

MOHEENARAIN, brother of raja BEERNARAIN, who set up his first cousin

on the throne,

1693. ROOPNARAIN, son of JOGGOTNARAIN, the eldest son of GossINE MOHEE-

NARAIN. On his succession Cooch Behdr appears to have been divided into

three shares, between the Raja, the Nazir Deo, andthe Nazir Deo’s elder

brother, SUTTNARAIN, who was created Dewan Deo.

1714. OOPEENDERNARAIN, great-great-great grandson of ROOPNARAIN, was set

up by KOGHINDERNARAIN, Nazir Deo, his great uncle; but DEENNARAIN

the son of the Dewan Deo, SUTTNARAIN, attempted to seize the throne

with the assistance of some Mogul troops ; he was, however, defeated, and fled

to Rangpur.

1763. DEBINDERNARAIN, succeeded his father OoPEENDERNARALN, and died with-

out issue.

1765. DURGINDERNARAIN, son of KURGNARAIN, Dewan Deo, brother of OoPEEN-

DERNARAIN, succeeded DURJINDERNARAIN, being carried off by the

Bhoteahs, the Nazir Deo, KOGHINDERNARAIN, set up DURJINDERNARAIN’S

brother, RAJINDERNARAIN.

1769. RAJINDERNARAIN, was succeeded by DURJINDERNARAIN’S sou.

1771. HURRINDERNARAIN: the year after he ascended the throne, KOGHINDER-

NARAIN the Nazir Deocalled in the assistance of the British, with whom

he made a treaty in 1772, in consequence of the defeat of the Bhoteahs by the

British troops under Captain Jones, DUJINDERNARAIN was released and |

again succeeded to the throne, on his son’s death,

1774. DURGINDERNARAIN: he was succeeded by his second son.

1782, HURRINDERNARAIN, the present raja who had seven sons, viz. SEEBINDER-

NARAIN*, MEGINDERNARAINT, MOHINDERNARAIN], BHOJINDERNA-

RAIN§, POOLINDERNARAIN, JAOGINDERNARAIN, NEEROINDERNARAIN.

* Living. +t Dead. ? t Dead. ?

§ The r&ja wishes this son to be considered his successor, but he has not been

created Joub raja, (Yuvdrdja.)—F. J. ye BR

ES ——

20 Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. (Jan

I1.—WNotice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. By Lieut. T. Hurton.

In a former notice of this bird, drawn up from the examination of an

injured and decaying specimen, I pointed out characters which I thought

would entitle it to be ranked as a new and distinct species from that

known as the Gypaétos Barbatus, or Bearded Vulture.

I have since that time had opportunities of examining many recently

killed specimens in various stages of plumage, from the yearling to the

adult bird, and the result of my observations during nearly two years,

is to leave me still farther convinced of the correctness of my conjecture

as to its distinctness from the Lammer Geyer of the Swiss, and the

Bearded Vulture of authors.

Mr. Hopeson, in a paper subsequent to my former notice, describes

a Himélayan Gypaétos, and pronounces it to be the European Bird, but

I think I shall be able to show that the subject of the present paper

possesses two constant characters, which are wanting in the former

bird, and which, being constant, I believe to be sufficient to entitle their

possessor to rank as a species new to science.

The characters I allude to, are, the dark gorget at the bottom of the

neck, across the orange of the under parts, which is always wanting

in the G. Barbatus, or of which at least no mention is made by any

author that I have been able to consult* ;—and the relation which the

first prime quill bears to the length of the third.

Mr. Hopeson’s bird, though stated to the contrary by him, I should

conjecture to have been immature, as well as under moult; for he des-

cribes it as possessing brown feathers about the neck, which in the adult

bird is never the case; and moreover he gives the fourth quill longest,

which character if correct and constant would at once distinguish it,

not only from the present subject, but also from the known Bearded

Vulture, in both of which the ¢hard quill is the longest.

Mr. Hopeson asks also, in his postscript, in reference to my descrip-

tion, “ Is there not here some undue allowance for shrinking in his old

and mutilated specimen?” My answer is, ‘On the contrary, I supposed

an unskilful hand to have stretched it in skinning, and consequently

erring on the safe side, gave 91 feet of expanse, or Jess than the actual

measurement.’

The reason for asking this question, is not however quite apparent,

since he has in the same paper allowed it to be probable that the bird

may attain an expanse of eleven feet, or eighteen inches move than

mine.

* Brisson: Cuvier: Gardens and Menagerie Zoological Society: Stark’s Ele-

ments Nat. Hist. Encyclopedia Metropolitana, &c.

1838. ] Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. 21

I have seen these birds from Subathu to the Snowy range; they

are by no means of rare occurrence throughout the Hills, and at Simla

are sometimes even numerous. They may be seen in all stages of

plumage, from the dark-colored yearling, to the rich orange hue of the

adult. During its flight the dark gorget on the breast of the mature

bird is distinctly visible, and is darkest and most conspicuous in the

female. Immature birds have the plumage of a dark brownish or black-

ish colour, varied according to age, with a few buff or dusky orange

feathers intermixed; the under parts are also dark and the gorget conse-

quently wanting. In those of the first year, the black bristles leading

over the eyes to the hind part of the head are likewise wanting, but in

the second and after years, as the plumage advances to maturity, these

bristles also appear.

Their flight is strong and swift, and in the habit of sweeping through

the air on extended wing, and in the occasional deep bending of the

pinions as they renew the force of their advance, they are not unlike the

Wandering Albatross ( Diomedea exuleus ), and this resemblance is often

much heightened during the rainy season, when the white clouds rolling

through the dark valleys of the Hills, give to the scene the appearance

of a stormy sea. The Himalayan Vulture Eagle, though often seen

by two and three at a time, is not gregarious; they feed on offal and

carrion and the smaller animals, and like the kite (Paleo cheela) will

carry off portions of flesh in their talons and devour them on the wing.

They are wary birds and will not descend to a bait as long as they

perceive any person on the watch; they are difficult to bring within

range of shot in consequence, and unless the fowler lies concealed he

may often watch for days without succeeding in bringing down a speci-

men. When pressed by hunger, however, which in these regions must

sometimes be the case, he becomes much bolder and is more regardless

of danger, though still somewhat cautious in his approach to man. If

flesh be left exposed unwatched, he does not scruple to take his share,

using the utmost despatch and casting a keen glance around as if con-

scious of the theft and fearful of detection. On alighting, the attitude, and

particularly the gait in walking, very strongly resemble those of the

“ Neophron percuopterus,” the head and neck being held rather erect

and the feet, in walking, lifted high off the ground.

The only sound I have heard them emit, is a hoarse croaking note

uttered when angry.

They moult once in the year, during the months of May, June and

part of July.

I have occasionally seen them soaring round in company with the

22 Notice of the Bimdlayan Vulture Eagle. [ JAN.

kite and Neophron percuopterus, while the Pondicherry and Indian

Vultures (V. ponticerianus and V. Indicus) were feasting on a carcass

in the depth of the glen below.

They select some retired and nearly inaccessible cliff or ledge of

rock whenever they seek to build their nests, which they commence in

April, and the young are ready to take wing about the end of June.

On a comparison of Nos. 1 and 8, with the description of the muti-

lated bird formerly given by me it will be seen that the relative length

of the primary quills is as near as possible the same in all, speaking not

only to the accuracy of my measurements of the decaying specimen, but

affording a strong additional reason for separating the Himalayan from

the European Gypaétos, in which the first quillis represented as nearly

equal to the second and third, while in the present species the third

quill, in adult birds, uniformly exceeds the first, at the least, by three

inches and a half.

Thus my own conviction is, that the relative length of the primary

quills, together with the black gorget on the lower part of the neck,

furnish two constant characters, uniformly foreign to the Bearded

Vulture of authors, and I have therefore ventured to offer it as a species

new to science, under the title of

Gypantos HeMacHALaNnus.

G. supra fusco-niger, subtus ferrugineus; collo obscurior, infra pal-

lidior; collo inferiore nigro circumcincto; primoribus, rectricibusque

cinereis, marginibus nigrexentibus; remige tertio ceteris longiore, 34 poll.

primum excedente. In ceteris G. Barbato similis. |

The following are correct measurements and descriptions of birds of

various ages.

No. 1. Adult in full plumage.

Ft. in.

Length from tip of bill to end of tail, « 4&..0

Breadth of expanded wings, es

Length of the bill from tip to gape, 0 4

Basal height, 0 124

Basal breadth at the gape, 0 2%

Point of bill falling below the under inaieastes woe O08

Tail of 12 feathers, forming a wedge. 3

The two central feathers of which are in length, oat Sem

The first from the centre is 03 in. less or 1 64

The second x5 53 ot) Ins: Mess, oF 1. 84

5, third bi », 14 ins. less or Pee oe

», fourth 5 », 14 ins. less or “hs tence ae

,, fifth or outermost ,,° 2} ins. less or 1 0

1838. ] Notice of the Himdlayan Vulture Eagle. 23

The outer feather is therefore 7 inches shorter than the central one.

The first quill of the wings is 32, inches less than the 2nd.

>, second ,, - 0,3, inch less than the 3rd,

5. Aphard + 5y oF 1 inch longer than the 4th.

The third quill is therefore the longest, and exceeds the first by

34 inches.

Head clothed with short and somewhat down-like whitish feathers,

with a black line of strong hairs arising from the base of the upper

mandible running over each eye, and turning round to the back part of

the head, but not joining. A short black stripe or moustache running

backwards from the gape, covering the ears, which are on a line with

the mouth. Nostrils and cere concealed beneath strong black bristles,

directed forwards. Chin with a bunch of black bristles hanging down

like a beard; from thence, the throat, neck, breast, belly, vent and thighs

are ferruginous or pale orange, darkest on the chin and throat, palest

on the vent and thighs; upper half of the back part of the neck, buff or

very pale orange; lower half of the same, deep black, as also the back

and rump, each feather with a narrow white shaft: upper smaller wing

coverts black, with a buff or ferruginous stripe down the shaft, ending in

a somewhat triangular spot of the same color; under wing coverts the

same. From the black on the hind part of-the neck, across the orange

feathers of the breast, runs a band of deep brown or black, forming a

well marked collar or gorget. Large wing coverts above, all the quills

of the wings and tail, ashy black with darker edges, the shafts white.

Tail of twelve feathers and wedged. Bill horn-colored; legs clothed to

the toes with pale ferruginous feathers; toes bluish lead color; claws

black, strong and curved. Under side of the wings pale cinereous, the

ends of the quills blackish.

This bird was shot at Tootoo in September 1836, about 5 marches

from Simla, and was in full plumage, the moult taking place in May

and June.

This description will be found generally applicable to all adult birds,

with the exception of the length and breadth, in which there is great

variety.

No. 2. Adult and moulting; plumage in all respects agreeing with

the last.

Length from tip of bill to end of tail, ol

Expanse of -vings, 8 6

Length of bill, O14

Basal height, 0 2

Basal breadth, 0 23

Point falling below the under mandible, 0 04

The third quill of the wings longest,

24 Notice of the Himalayan Vulture Eagle. [Jan.

Shot at Simla, 16th May 1837, while devouring some raw flesh

laid out as a bait.

Had the plumage been perfect, it would have exceeded the last in

size.

No. 3. Young of the first year, in moult.

Length, 3 jt. 9 in. Breadth, ft. 8 9 in.

The first quill 34 inches less than the second.

», second ,, 0d inch less than the third.

» third ,, 04 inch longer than the fourth.

The 3rd quill longest.

The relative length of the quills agrees closely with the foregoing

birds, something being allowed for moulting. Plumage above dark

brown, clouded with black, with a few buff or pale brown feathers on the

upper part of the back. Head black, as also the upper part of the neck.

Line of bristles over the eyes wanting. Strong over the cere and on

the beard. Chin, throat and neck beneath, sooty black, from thence to

the vent, dusky or pale brown. Under wing coverts dusky.

Shot at Simla, July 1837.

No. 4. Young of the 2nd or 3rd year, in moult.

Fi... in.

Length, 3 ft. 9 in. Breadth, 8 ft. 4 in.

Length of bill, nia, y 0, Be

Basal height, 0 2

Basal breadth, 0 23

Point falling, 0 of

The 3rd quill longest.

Beneath, from the beard to the breast, dark brown intermixed with

tawny and orange-colored feathers; breast, belly, vent, thighs and under

tail coverts, dirty orange clouded with a brownish tinge. Under wing

coverts brown with clotches of black. Upper parts varied with a mix-

ture of dark brown and tawny feathers, darkest on the rump. Upper

wing coverts brown with dusky patches. Quills of the tail and wings

dusky brown or ashy black, the shafts white. Feet leaden blue, claws

blackish horn color. The line of bristles over the eyes is well marked

in this specimeu. ‘The upper wing coverts, &c., want the buff-colored

shaft and triangular spot at the tips, so conspicuous in the adult bird.

This specimen had no band or gorget on the lower part of the neck

as in the mature bird, and is I believe in the second year’s plumage,

when the orange of the upper and under parts of the neck is beginning

to usurp the place of the dark brown feathers of the first year.

Shot at Simla, 20th May 1837.

The measurements of three other adult Birds, shot at Simla, were as

follows :

1838. ] | Account of Kila Bagh. 25

| fea is St. in.

Adult male, Length, ... 4 0 Breadth, se! Sh D

Adult female, dais Ay Dek a OD

Adult female, asus Oude a .» 9 8d

All had the gorget, and it was darkest in the females ; in other re-

spects all agreed with No. 1, above described. s

The Neemuch specimen was in length 3 feet 11 inches, and in breadth

9 feet 6 inches.

The following table will serve to show how much they vary in dimen-

sions.

ft. in. Pai 3s

1. Adult male in full plumage, Length,... 4 0 Breadth,... 8 6

Adult male, ss 5k, AO 9 0

Adult female, om we 4 1d 9 0

Adult female, Sb spd ihe. 9 84

5. Neemuch bird adult, ,, 3 11 9 6

Adult bird moulting, Se | 8 6

Young bird 1st year? moulting, 3.9 8 9

8. Young bird 2nd or 3rd year? moulting,.. 3 9 8 4

Now allowing the two females to be of the same reeth, we shall

have an average on the five adult birds in full plumage, of length

rather less than four feet and half an inch, and breadth rather more

than nine feet one and half inch.

Postscript.—l formerly noticed the presence of a dark line Sina t the

head; this is erroneous, and was merely occasioned by the loss of the

occipital feathers in the old specimen, leaving a few stumps and blackish

hairs.

I1l.— Account of Kala Bagh on the right bank of the Indus. By

Munshi Mowan LAL.

During our voyage on the Indus we saw no place on its banks wor-

thy of notice except Fort and Kuld Bagh. The former presented no-

thing new which would enter my head in addition to the account read

in the work of Captain Burnes, but the latter though in some respect

already laid before the public by Mr. Erpuinstong, still enchanted

me with its appearance.

The view of Kali Bagh or Baghan from the valley which pours out

the Indus is oval; and from the opposite bank it gives a most striking

scenery which I cannot describe in any language. The houses of Kalé

Bagh are built of stones and mud on the very bank of the river. The

Bazdr is so narrow, that two men can hardly pass abreast through it,

{

26 Account of Kala Bagh. [Jan.

and the roofs of the houses are so low that a person cannot ride through

it on horseback. There are about 140 shops which are all shut by the

fall of the evening, and darkness covers the face of the streets.

Marak ALAyAr is the ruler of Baghdn; he is descended from the

Awédn family. He collects 32,000 Rs. per year, out of which he pays

10,000 Rs. to Rangi’t Stincu. He has about 200 horsemen and the

same number of foot soldiers. |

There are 10 alum manufactories at Béghan and 200 at Moch on the

other side of the river. Each of them consumes 4 Rs. fuel every day,

which is cut and brought from Kachhi. A kind of earth which is green-

ish inside is dug from the neighbouring “ rah” or hillocks: it is called

“vol” and is put between layers of burning wood. Sprinkling of

water produces an immediate fire, and then it becomes red. After this

it is boiled in iron pans which are 52 spans in diameter, and passes into

many successive focuses, (filters?) where it is well cleaned. Jasdhi,

which is a kind of saltpetre, and produced in Kachhi, is mixed with it ;

and by means of large cups it is poured into the earthen jars. For some

days it is left among them where it turns into the large loaves of alum.

Each of the loaves is 2 mans in weight, and the price of each load,

which is 8 mans, is 2 Rs.

The salt range stands close by the town, but the mines which were

lately worked, and numbered 21, are on the other side of the mountain.

It shines like crystal on the face of the hills. The appearance of the salt

rock is very curious ; in some places it is as a sheet of snow and in other

lies in the manner of a line of shining marble running through and across

the mountain. The grazing of the cattle has caused many holes in the

base of the range. The caves from whence the salt is excavated are

neither open nor deep. In the preceding times there was dug about

300,000 Rs. worth per year. The half of that quantity was the share

of the diggers, the third of the malak or headman, and the fourth of the

Maharaja. It was soldfrom 6 to 7 mans per Rupee and sent to Derahjat

by the Indus. Since the mines of Pid Ddden Khan have been

monopolized by raja Goxa’B SinecH, all the salt ranges under the

authority of Ransir SinGuH have fallen into his. possession. He digs the

mines and sells the salt according to his pleasure and on unjust plans,

The salt of Kohd¢ is not so good as that of Kala Bagh. Sawdd and

Bhimer formerly received it from this place. |

The earth of Baghin produces alum as well as rock salt-and sulphur.

The Sikh authorities are not aware of the existence of the last mine, but

the malak who descends from the ruling family of this place knows it,

and digs it to manufacture gunpowder when he wants.

1838. } Origin of the Dud Putras. 27

The heat in summer is excessive and the natives pass the hot noons

in the cold caves of the salt. ‘Their lodgings which are poor cottages

run along the base or slope of the range. The complexion of the peo-

ple is pale and fever generally attacks them. Nearly half of the popula-

tion is subject to goitre.

The Hindu ladies who follow the doctrine of Bab&é Na’nak and

Guru’ Govinp SinGuH, tie their hair on the top of the head, in a

manner hardly different from the fashion adopted by the European ladies,

but that combs are not used by them.

IV.—A brief a@tount of the Origin of the Déid Putras, and of the

power and birth of BAHAwAL Kua’n their Chief; on the bank

of the Ghira and Indus. By the same.

Thad long since intended to lay before you the account of the birth and

power of Munammap Bana’wat Kua’y, the present chief of the Didd

Putras, but it struck me that the authorities who have frequently naviga-

ted the Ghird might not have omitted to mention them. By the late

arrival of the Asiatic Journal for the month of March, which contains

the “ Journal of Captain C. M. Wanpr’s voyage from Lodiana to h-

thankot by the river Satlaj on his mission to Ldhor and bahdwalpur

in 1832-33 by Lieutenant Macxeson, 14th Regiment, N. I.” I find that

the latter officer has only described the country, buildings, gardens and

people, &c. of Bahdwalpur, and has not favored us with any biographical

accounts of the Ddud Putras, which I have collected from authentic

sources. I donot presume to say that it will meet your approbation, but

trust that it will not fail to give you some amusement and information.

Da’v’p was a person of obscure origin anda weaver at Shikurpur ; he

was in the habit of shooting in the suburbs. One day finding no game

he was returning home with great disappointment ; perchance he hap-

pened to come on the brim of a ford or pond and listened to the sound as

if some animal were passing through the water. It was night-time and he

was sure that it could be no man, but some quadruped. As he hada

loaded gun in his hands and could see the moving of the water he fired

at it, which instantly created a cheerless shout saying, “ You have killed

an innocent being. I was a man and not an animal, take care of my

wife and little children as they have now nobody to support them*.”

* This story resembles that of the death of Yasnapartta killed by king

DasaraTua, the subject of a beautiful episode in the Raméyana, translated

by the late M. Curzy; and perhaps the poetry of it may be partly borrowed

thence ; _

28 Origin of the Daid Putras. [JAN.

Da’v’p went near his head and while he was yet breathing learnt where

his family was. On his death he cut off one of his fingers and took it to

his house. He saw that a female with two young sons sat alone, and

en his approach she began to: frighten him. He said to her,-do not

make foolish attempts, I have just killed your husband, and threw the

finger as amark before her. She delivered herself to Da’u’p and implored

his mercy not to kill her sons. He consoled them and asked what was

the name of her late husband, and what names had her sons. She replied

that the name of her husband was “* KEHRUv’,” and those of his two sons

“ Kanir” (rope), and “ Kanpa” (thorn), and his forefathers were sweep-

ers. As the lady was young and had an enchanting complexion, Da’u’p

brought her along with her sons to ‘his house. All the property which

Keurv’ had hoarded by robbery fell into the hands of Da’v’p, who being

a bachelor married her without delay. He changed the names of her

sons from “ Kanir” to “ KreHurR” and from “ Kanpa to “ Urs.”

Sometime having elapsed she brought forth the third son by Da’vu’p,

who was named “ Brrag.” These three boys on reaching their manhood

became fathers of a large family. The descendants of “ Brrag” are called

Birjani to this day; and those from “ KEHuR” Kehrani. The sons

of “ Urs” are noted as Lrbani. As the Birjanis are descended from

Da’vu’p himself, they marry the daughters of the sons of the other two,

but never give them their own, because they look upon Kehrani and

Trbani as the lowest of the tribe.

In a short time they grew much in power and number and built a

separate fort to live in, in the suburbs of Shikdrpur. Many of these

18. ‘* Nipdne mahisham rdtrao gajamvd tiram dyatam,

anyamvdpi mrigam kanchij jighdnsur ajitendriyas.

19, athdham piryamdnasya jalakumbhasya niswanam,

achakshurvishaye sraosham vdranasyeva vrinhitam.

20. Tatas supunkham nisitam saram sandhdya kdrmuke

asmin sabde saram kshipram asrijam daivamohitas ;

21. Sharechdsrinavam tasmin mukte nipdtite tadd

Had natosmiti karundém mdnusheneritdm giramt !

which is thus literally rendered in Latin by the translator :

18. ‘* Dum biberet, urum, noctu, elephantumve ad ripam advenientem

aliamve etiam feram quamlibet interficiendi cupidus, animi impotens.

19. Tum ego amphore que implebatur sonitum,

videndi sensu destitutus, audivi elephanti velut fremitum.

20. Tum bene-pennatum, acutam, sagittam aptans in arcu,

ad hunc sonitum sagittam statim emisi, fato delusus ;

21. Sagittaque, audivi, hac emissa, postquam cecidit,

‘ Ah! occisus sum’ ecce miserabilem hominis tremulam vocem.

+ The versification of this beautiful episode is the same as has been made familiar

to us by copious P4li extracts from the Mahdvansa. The English reader will best fall

into it by repeating it to the vulgar tune of ‘‘ A captain bold in Halifax,’’—Ep.

1838.] Origin of the David Putras. 29

people engaged themselves in cultivation, catching fishes, and many be-

came plunderers, notwithstanding the rulers of the country threatened

them for bad conduct; but they never lent them their ears.

The Daid Putras descended from the abovementioned three principal

branches; and, as the number grew, were subdivided into the different

clans under the name of some respectable person of the family. Such is

the origin of the Daud Putra race.

On the death of AURANGZEB, A. H. 1118, Bana’pur SuA’uH held the

sceptre of the realm of Hindustan, and was every day informed that the

Afghdéns under JE'wAn Kua’n were destroying the country of Sewé and

Dhadar near Qandhér. He was proud of the services which he had

performed for AvRANGZEB against Dara’ Saixon. When the latter

prince passed through Sewé on his way to Qandhdr, he presented JEwan

Kua’n with riches, and trusting his confidence put up in his house. The

Kuan being treacherous and forgetful of the liberal obligations which

he had received from the young prince, imprisoned and conducted him

to the presence of the king at Delhi. His majesty honored him with

the title of BakuTya’R KuHa’n as well as with rich dresses*.

Bakxutya’k Kua’ having obtained the leave of the king to return to

his native land, considered himself independent of the rulers of Qandhdr

and Shikdrpur. He after said publicly that he imprisoned Dara’

Saikouw and planted AURANGZEB on the throne; but while the king

lived he was afraid to rebel or to espouse predatory habits.

When AurRANGzEB expired, BAKuTYa’R Kuan became mutinous and

jengthened his hands to plunder the travellers. Bana’purR SHa’‘H was

highly incensed at this, and appointed his son the prince Moizzuppin

with an experienced army to chastise that banditti. The prince came

to Sewt by the way of Multdn, and after great opposition he killed

Baxutya Rk Kaan and also the otherAfghdns of his tribe.

In this battle the David Putrds gave great assistance to the prince oy

the son of Bana’pur SHA’n, and showed wonderful actions of bravery.

They obtained a good deal of booty from the camp of the Bakhtydris, but

were in want of a good leader, and the means to draw the favorable notice

of the prince and his nobles. Being pressed, they commenced pillaging

the rear of the troops, and by that plan were summoned to the prince.

Moizzuppin asked the Daud Putras the cause of their ill behaviour,

¢0 which their head men, as Sa’pAq Kua’n BirJa’ni, Menpu’ Kua’n,

Ista’m Kna’n and MunamMabD Marvu’s Keara’ni, and Qa’yam Kua’n

IRBANi unanimously replied, that they without salary sided with the

* This account is particularly mentioned in the Shah Jahan Némah and Aurang.

zebe Namah.

30 Origin of the Ddid Putras. [Jane

prince and fought against the Bakhtydris, but received no reward in

return. They also complained against the injustice of the prince in re-

warding those who performed no heroism in the engagement, and

forgetting the men who put their lives in danger.

On hearing this the prince ordered them to occupy the country and

desert lying on the eastern banks of the Indus and Ghdré opposite to

Shikarpur and Multan, and to protect them from robbers.

According to the rules of the prince, the Dawid Putras paid half of

the produce of the land to government and kept half for themselves.

This was the first time that the Daud Putras crossed the Indus. The

town which they first peopled in Kachhi was Khan Beli, and the whole

tribe distributed the land among themselves which to this day bears the

name of the respective individuals. After this they became rich, and

masters of the country between Sabzalkot and Kot Quzan Rats. They

also erected the forts in the sandy desert and named them as Jslém

Garh, Mauj Garh, Din Garh and Khin Garh, &c. &c. They are

about 25 in number, situated at the distance of 15 or 16 kos from each

other, and extend to Valhor and Bhalan the boundary of Bikaner. -

On the bank of the Ghdéri the Ddtid Putras built Ahmedpur,

_ Nanshaira, Sultinpur, and Khdnpur, and inhabited the country on the

east and west of the same river from Pak Pattan downto Uch. They

obtained the sanction of the Multién government, dug many wells, mahas

(canals), and also got the possession of the country of Kachhi from Shah

Garh to Mithankot, which lie between the eastern bank of the Indus

and the western of Cheréh and Panjnad. In the two latter countries

they peopled many villages which bore their names. When they grew

powerful they began to commit faults and oppression, for they had no

ruler and never obeyed each other. Finally they became tyrants and

universally took to pillaging the pilgrims and merchants.

In the beginning of A. H. 1153 or when Na’prr Sua’ returned to

Kédbul from the victory of Delhi, he was obliged to come down to

Derahjét and bend his course towards Shikadrpur and Larkidna, where

he crossed the Indus, to reduce Kuupa’ya’r or M1a'n Nur MunamMaD

Katounna’ of Umankot to subjection. When he settled the affairs of

that quarter, he heard many complaints against the Diddd Putras, on

‘which he appointed Sardar TaruMasP Qui’ Kua’n to punish that nation.

Before the Tamidch Quli, as these people call him, reachedstheir country,

they assembled, put many of their wives to the sword, and taking their

children went into the sandy desert where they made a wall round a

small pond to defend themselves. The Sardar at the head of a consi-

derable army besieged the Divid Putras. An engagement ensued and the

1838. ] Origin of the Dad Putras. 31

Persian commander was shot by the enemy: though some say by his own

horsemen. On his death the army dispersed, lost the road and expired

in want of the water, which the Daud Putras had in their charge. If the

water had been in the hands of the Persians, they would have pro-

cured a decided victory.

The intelligence of the death of TatumMa/sp Qouxi Kua’n and his un-

successful expedition was conveyed to Na’pirR Sua‘’u at Mathoud, who

_Yesolved to revenge his losses after pressing the disturbances of that

quarter, which continued to the end of his life.

When the Prince Moizzuppin had given the Didud Putras the coun.

try on the left bank of the Ghird, the fort of Dildwar in the desert was

under the government of the rajaof Bikiner. Mir Momin Kuan and

Diwa’n JaspaT Ra’e the agents of Nawa’s Kua’n Bahddur, son of As-

BuL Sami Kuan Taimuri, the governor of Lahor and Multin, drove

out the garrison of the raja and made the Ddid Putras masters of that

stronghold. They said, by placing the Ddiid Putras in Dilawar they

had fixed an iron pin on their boundary to check the progress of their

antagonists.

Previous to the settling of the Diid Putras in Dildwar, the Réjpiits

from the Bikdner and Jaisalmer countries harassed all the towns of

Multan on the Ghari, and since that time, none of the Rajputs dared to

cross the sandy desert.

The country of Zakhi* lies 25 kos S. W. of the eastern bank of the

Panjnad and the Indus. From thence passing through. Dildwar the

distance from Mauj Garh and Dinpur to Valhar and Bhalar is esti-

mated at about 100 kos. Each of the abovementioned forts are situated

25 kos from the eastern bank of the Ghidrd.

The first individual of the Daid Putras tribe of the Berjini family

who came into this country was Sanpa@ Kuan. He had a son named

Baua'waL Kua'n who built the city of Bahawalpur. The latter again

had two sons namely MuBa/Rak Kaa‘’n and Fatan Kua’n. The former *

was generous, popular, and added some structures to make the city large.

He gained the title of Ali Muhammad Khan Khigwari the ruler of

Multdn ; he also dug a canal, which is since called Sarddr whdr, from

the Ghara, and peopled the ruinous districts of Jalilpur, Katta,

Ghalwhér and Adamwhadr. He paid the share of the Multan govern-

ment without fail, and improved the country of Kachhi greatly—in fact

peopled it newly. The latter was pious and never took notice of the

affairs of the world.

* Lohki means a tableland hayiug on both sides small cliffs of sand.

32 Origin of the Daid Putras. (Jan.

Moupésrak Kun died without issue; and was succeeded by Ja’FAR

Kuén the son of his brother FaraH Kua’n. The successor was called

by the name of BanswaL Kua&n. On the third day of his death all the

respectable Daud Putras and the Sayads of Uch assembled to console

Ja’FAR KuHAwn for the loss of his uncle, and to pray for the salva-

tion of the deceased. Among them were the Makhdam N&strupp1’n,

Sayap BoxuHsri and Makhdim Gans Givari, who stood and turning

to JAN Muuammap and Nur Munammap Kuan of the Kehrani

family, and Ka’Rra’m and Jawsu Kua&n of the Jrbani house, said in the

following manner: “ Musa’rak Kua’n gave a good name to the Déud

Putras and treated every person kindly ; you have no ruler among your-

selves while every nation in the world has. If you take our sincere

advice, look unanimously upon Ja’FaR KuHa/N as your leader and name

him BauAwat Kuan.” At length after along discussion all the David

Putras gave a full consent to the. proposal of the Makhdtms; called

Ja’FaR by the name of Baua’wat Kua’y, and paid him homage. IkuT-

ya’R Kua’n Kehrani boldly said to the Makhdims that the “ influence

and power which they are placing in the person of BaHa’waL Kua/n

first will destroy their own houses and then those of the whole Ddid

Putras.” The word of this man proved afterwards exactly true.

When the above mentioned Makhdims died, BAHa’waL Kua’y plant-

ed the seeds of quarrel amongst their sons, finally levelled their castles to

the ground, and confiscated all their property. He made such schemes as

created many disorders between the David Putras. This presented a

favorable opportunity to BaHa’waL Kua’n to reduce every one of

them to poverty, and deprive them of the power and privileges which

they enjoyed. 3

Baua’wat Kua’y on killing Kuupa’ Baxusa Kua’n Kerahni, who

was in possession of great authority in the nation, said before he expired,

that he put all the rebellious Ddiid Putras to death and established

such peace in the country that a female could govern it without thinking

of any insurrection on the part of the population.

The Daéd Putras had recourse to the late Taimur Sua/u, the king of

Kédbul, and told his majesty that his coming to their country and assisting

them against Bana’waL Kua’n would enrich him abundantly. In 1203

A. H. Taimur Sua/’a came to Bahawalpur with 70,000 horsemen, and

the Kua’n was pressed to have shelter into the sandy desert. The king

driving the Kua’n’s garrison out of the fort of Dilawar, and keeping all

the Ddid Putras under Saa MunamMap Kua’n Bdnozt1, appointed

him the governor of that place.

When Taimv’r Sua’n returned, Bana’wal Kun by his deep policy got —

1838. )] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 33

friends again with the David Putras, and by their aid expelled the king’s

governor out of the country, and made himself master as before. Bana’waL

Kua’n died a natural death in 1224 A. H. after having governed for 36

years. His son Sa’pa@ Kaa’n succeeded him and ruled the David Putras

for 16 years. This personage received the Honorable M. Eipuin-

STONE'S Mission in its way to Kabul with great consideration, and

showed him every hospitality and favor, as asserted in that gentleman’s

work.

It is nearly 13 years since Sa’pag Kua’n died and his son, the pre-

sent chief MunHAMMAD Bana’wat Kuan, killed and imprisoned all his

uncles and brothers and made himself the owner of the country. In

the beginning he was smitten with pleasures and took very little

notice of public affairs. The lion of the Panjib embraced a favorable

opportunity and deprived the weak Ku&n of his hereditary rights,

which his enterprising ancestors had in the countries of Multan and

Kachhi. The land which he holds now yields him six lacs of rupees per

year, and all his treasures, which amount to five millions, are deposited in

the fort of Dildwar. He has a despotic character and is addicted to

every kind of luxury. He does not neglect all sorts. of assistance to the

British authorities for the navigation of the Zndus, and is the first and

best of our allies on that river. He is very fond of hunting, the

accounts of which he keeps and compares with those of his father, to

know whether he or his ancestors killed most game.

While I was acting in the place of Lieut. F. Mackerson the British

Agent on the Indus, BAHA’wAL Kuan treated me very kindly and

showed me every consideration and respect. He deserves both my

public and private thanks for the favors he has done me during my

sojourn in his country. |

IV.—Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions, Continued.

Notice of antiquities discovered in the eastern division of Gorakh-

pur; with a copy of an imscription on a stone pillar, &c. By

D. Liston, Esq.

I have the pleasure of sending you a copy of an inscription on a pillar

which stands close by the village of Kuhaon in tuppah Myle, pergunnah

Selampoor Mujomlee, zillah Gorakhpur. The copy I believe to be

tolerably correct; it was first transcribed by a friend and myself on

the spot ; a clean copy of it was then made at leisure, taken back and

compared letter by letter with the original.

34 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (Jan.

The people of the village had no tradition to offer regarding the erec-

tion of the column, but it was generally agreed by them and others that

no one who had made the attempt had been able to decipher the cha-

racter, though it had occasionally been visited by natives of learning who

had essayed the task.

- The pillar is of a very compact sandstone and the letters deeply and

clearly carved. Should it be my lot to return to the purgunnah, I

shall be most happy, if you intimate that the inscription contains matter

of importance, to endeavour to take an accurate impression of it, so that

it may be submitted to the examination of those who have studied the

characters of such inscriptions, exactly as it appears on the column,

The base of the pillar to the height of four and a half feet is a square

of one foot ten inches. At 4-6 it is wrought into an octagonal form,

and it is on the three northern faces of this portion of the column that

the inscription is found. The accompanying sketch which I have

attempted will serve to give an idea of the appearance of the column.

The base portion on the western side has a naked male figure in relief

carved on it, two females kneel at his feet and behind him is a snake

_ coiled, gifted with seven heads which form a sort of canopy over the

hero or god. On each aspect of the square portion of the column at

the upper end is also a figure in relief, and the whole is topped by a

metal spike, on which most probably was fixed a lion or Singh, but that,

has disappeared ; not a fragment even remaining as evidence of its for-

mer existence.

Il. At Bhégalpur in tuppuh Bulleah, the next to that of Myle to

the east, and five miles S. E. of Kuhaon, is another pillar with traces of é

an inscription consisting of twenty-one lines; some pains, however, have

been taken to destroy the engraving, and I fear that any attempt to

read it now must prove vain. I enclose as correct a copy as I could

take of the two first lines, together with a heading which I suspect to be

newer than the rest. What I now transmit is the most distinct portion

of the inscription ; perhaps an impression of what remains of the letters

might be got, and if you think that there would be any advantage m

attaining this object I shall endeavour to have it effected. This pillar

is entirely round and is smaller than that at Kuhaon, but of the same

description of material ; viz. hard compact sandstone; it is 17 or 18 feet

in height and about 20 inches in diameter; nothing beyond the shaft

remains standing; but a portion of a capital lies near, and a baiargi

who occupies a hut close by reported, that five years ago a storm upset

a trisula and singh from the column, and that the fragments of the

ruins had been stolen by travellers. The bairagi’s information was not

1838.) Faesimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 35

confirmed to the full extent by replies to questions put to other men

who had known the column from a period long anterior to that assigned

to the destructive tempest. :

An attempt has been made to cut this column into two pieces at the

elevation at which the inscription occurs ; the perpetrators of the mischief,

however, have begun their work in a quarter in which there areno letters :

the writing is on the eastern aspect, the cutting has been commenced

on the west side. The greater dilapidation of this column compared

with that at Kuhaon may perhaps be accounted for by Bhégaipir

being a public ferry on the Gogra river, and by such an object conse-

quently being more obnoxious to injury from the rude hands of bigotted

strangers here than at the other more retired locality:

The bair4gi stated that the pillar had been created in hoiiour of five

brothers, and pretended to read the first two lines thus in Sanskrit as he

alleged, though the last words are plain Hindui.

Bheem Lukoa Aujién Sahdeo Deodustul sadee piinchnia.:....Sowa

Lakh roopeea khitr) luga hye... 1. .isses

The five Bheems whose names are here given oii Cicerone told us

had come from Delhi and conquered Nipal. He mentioned the Bettiah

Lat as connected with this and the one at Kuhaon, but he said there

were no other in the Gorakhpur district, and this assertion is confirmed

by answers to inquiries made of other intelligent natives who know the

district well.

Ill. At Serga a village in pergunnah Sidowa Jobena, about three

miles north of Samour (a stage on the road from Chupra to Gorakh-

pur, and where the traveller first enters zillah Gorakhpur) are some

stone images nearly the size of life ; they have been disfigured in a simi-

lar manner to that of Mata Konr at Kusseea of which I sent a notice

te the Journal some months ago, though a representation of a group of

dancers of small proportions has escaped nearly untouched.

The most remarkable of the idols is one of Bhowanee or Durga.

This has been sadly mutilated ; what formed the nose has, I suppose,

been originally let into the stone out of which the image is cut, and this

has been removed, giving the figure the appearance of a person in an

advanced stage of a loathsome disease. Little respect is paid to this

Statue, owing it may be to this revolting appearance; the brahman of the

neighbouring village is, however, called on occasionally to officiate at

the shrine when a rare votary makes his or her appearance.

The figure which is rather well carved is that of a young girl who

has hardly arrived at puberty. There are or have been eight arms some

of which have been removed, but it is not said that the goddess has had

F 2

36 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (FAN.

the power or inclination to protect or avenge herself as Mata Konr is

said to have done. ‘This image is alone. About half a mile to the west

there is another of a different divinity of ruder workmanship and deeply

sunk in the ground. It is here that the group of dancers. above men-

tioned is met with on a separate slab of very heavy stone.

All these objects have ceased to attract-much respect or even to excite

much interest, and seem the remains of a people or of a religion that

has passed away. Though taking a somewhat lively interest in remains of

this sort, it has been by accident that those of which I have given this

notice have come under my observation. I had been encamped at Bhd-

galpur several times, and for days together before I heard of the pillar

at that village, and, in consequence, of the more entire one at Kuhaon.

It is not indeed easily found, being situated in a small mango tope and

close by one of the trees. That at Kuhaon stands isolated and is a con-

spicuous object to the passing traveller from every side.

Note on the above inscriptions from Gorakhpur, by J. P.

The mutilated fragment of the inscription on the column at Bhagal-

pur, is of a comparatively modern date, being in the Kwtila character :

the two lines given as a specimen in PI. I. are surmounted by the words

UWA Bat raja jog, in a still more recent character as suspected

by Mr. Liston: and nothing of the five Pandavas or of the expenditure

of 14 lakhs so impudently asserted by the bairégi is to be found there.

Mr. L. has since forwarded us a printed impression of the whole, but itis

quite illegible.

The Auhaon inscription is however of a much more interesting cha-

racter. Perceiving from the copy which accompanied the above note,

that it was in the Chandra Gupta (or for shortness sake the Gupta)

alphabet, I requested the author to take off an impression from the

stone itself, which he has since done with entire success, acknowledg-

ing that with all the care he had taken in his former copy there were

discrepancies and redundancies which he could have believed impossible.

The facsimile is introduced on a reduced scale into Plate I. It is

in excellent preservation, and the versification, in the Srigdhara mea-

sure complete throughout. At the head of the second and third lines

only there are a couple of superfluous letters introduced, in the former

fa and in the latter q: which I presume should be read together. as

faq siddha, ‘ accomplished’—or it may be the name of the sculptor.

After transcription, my pandit KamaLa’ KA’NTA readily furnished me

with the interpretation of this curious monument, which I accordingly

annex in modern Devanagari and translation :

Journ.Asdoo. Vol. Pils

ue uZ aa asuhanqrs Onorpagy

& Rage sy yds Asa TWN S|

YPE pus sy RR uAAU: HIN IATA

EBON F FT PARE HY OB

HABA HT AAS TRAY Sass 5 YA -

YAU AAI a UsYouRs sea Hug wy

ABALLEE Qo AF emeps ty] 3,5 B

MEAD ae EMSA ARG AYA fy

Eq@emAIHaTe AA |

- Fi

— 1838.) Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 37

Transcript in Modern Devanégari.

aaueayia sufamatecuraatatayat

. Sf say

Tara aeusay ufseasnaay eIaTAg:

ced waiag fafanmand: STAY WI:

aq farmetarncanaad sagatia gua

wMawrmaca aA tia wearydadtya

Tal al fang sae wa fad dfe wat aera:

AAACHS A VYTATA GM MWHeCI Taal

AASRIAST UignTeatay swam wifrary

Ty qa aan aateeafes Facey Hat

~An % EN C €

ware yoye ufa franraaeatareada

agai wutsal ucfe yaarafsarawararat

aaa qaatacsthrecana: as AUT +

* The following errors of orthography are noted by the pandit: ap-

plying @ before yt and w in the second fourth lines. The insertion

of visarga in wARw<fa and ara:tfa Wiat for ata: in the ninth line.

the w final of the tenth and eleventh lines, which should both be @:

and @t@ Wartai in the 10th which should be @rawmarat.

Translation.

“ In the month of Jyaistha, in the year one hundred and thirty-three+

after the deceaset of SkANDA GuprTa, the chief of a hundred kings,

resembling Inpra in his rule, possessed of the chiefest of riches, en-

joying far-spread reputation, born of the royal race of the GuprTas,

whose earthly throne was shaken by the wind of the bowing heads of

a hundred kings.

At this celebrated and precious village, sanctified in reverential at-

tachment by the inhabitants of Kakubharati§.

The opulent Buatti Soma was the son of AmiLa, the receptacle

of good qualities. His son was the very famous and talented Rupra

+ Lit. ‘‘ The month Jyestha in the year thirty and two and one plus one

hundred, being arrived.’’

+ Shantéh, of the repose, i. e. death.

§ Written Kakubhahrati NAM: tfasnaa (sic): the meaning must be that

Such was the name.of the village ; and probably the modern Auhaon may bea

corruption of the ancient appellation kakubha.

38 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. | [Jans

Soma, known by another appellation as VYAGHRARATI*. His own son

was Mapra, the constant and friendly patron of brahmans, gurus,

and yatis. He, struck with awe at beholding the universal instability

of this world, made (for himself) a road of virtuet ; having set up

(established) along the roadside, five images, made of quarried stone, of

INDRA, objects of adoration to the religious and devout, for the increase

of his own moral merit and the happiness of mankind; (the same) having

attached thereto a tank filled with water.

This stone pillar, beautiful and lofty as the craggy pinnacles of the

mountains, is the maker of renown: (i. e. records his meritorious act.)”

The circumstance of chief importance in the above monument, is its

allusion to ‘ SkanpA Gupta, of the family of the Gurras,’ a name

so well known to us from the Bhitarz inscription and from our Canouj

coins. That his sway was nearly as potent as the expression ‘lord of a

hundred kings’ would seem to convey, I shall have hereafter occasion

to prove by the exhibition of his own name and of that of his prede-

cessor KumMARA Gupta on the coins of Saurashtra or Kattywar on

the western extremity of the Indian continent. The death of this prince

is here employed as an epoch in a somewhat enigmatical way. Accord-

ing to the ordinary mode of interpretation, the several figures should

be set down from the right to the left hand; thus 30 + 2 + 1+ 100

should be written 1001230; but, as this would be evidently ridiculous,

I have rather summed the whole together as ‘133 years after the

death of Skanpa.’ It does not appear who succeeded him, or whether

the Gupra dynasty there terminated; but I think it is open to conjec-

ture that the whole power was usurped by the minister’s family, because

we find Tira Buarri, a chief magistrate, erecting the Allahabad pil-

lar, and we here finda nother of the same name, the opulent Buatr1

Soma, the son of AmiLaA (BuatrTI?) at the head of a new race, not to

be sure arrogating to themselves the title of rdja, but possessing

wealth and power and erecting pillars in their own name. Four gene-

rations from AmiLa, viz: 1 Amiyta, 2 Boattr Soma, 3 Rupra

Soma, 4 Mapra—will give about 33 years to each generation, which

for private life may be tolerably near the ordinary average.

The five Jndras{ may possibly be the five figures stated by Mr.

Liston to be carved, four on the upper part, and one on the lower of

* Punyaskandham sa chakkre; in punning allusion perhaps to his adorning

the road with these five images.

+ The word seems to be written Pachaindrdm from the contracted space occupied

by the n of WY. The small figure below has very much the character of Buddha.

t The lover of (the hunting of) tigers.

ee ae ae

¥9

era.

Journ As. Soe. YolLW Pi

Facsimile of an Inscription onamutilated Buddha

«af LSKARDO ae Little Tibet.

He OAKES Na LQ NUNiiyg

BADHIAWIT VCOLQARUNG ST

BROUK RYE TEV RRSECIAN IOS

SS SCONES Lele: 2! 7

Vigne cles.

2”)

a PF PPI a,

para vera’

‘SEAL of SIVA on the Belat Sen CopperPlate Grant, PUAL.

Inscription on image af Parésnath dug’ sf atl Aymeer.

Ve MA VATA YD AMAA AMAT

AMezasamaatanmayas(

c scp Wh.

EMauadden des.

1838.] Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. 39

the pillar itself, for there are no other relics in the neighbourhood. As

the inscription states, it is placed on the high road in a most conspicu-

ous position, although it had hitherto escaped the eye of an European.

We perceive from this specimen that the alphabetical character had

undergone no change since the time of Samupra Gupta, say in two

centuries,

Tibetan Inscription from Iskardo.

One of Mr. G. Vicne’s first cares, on visiting Iskardo for a second.

time, has been: to re-examine the inscription on the base of a mutilated

image of Buppua of which a sketch was published in Pl. IX. of the

fifth volume of this Journal. He has kindly transmitted the facsimile to

me, and I have the pleasure to state that it has proved immediately

legible to M. Csoma, who has favored me with the subjoined transcript

in modern Tibetan Character, and with a literal translation. He deems

it to be an injunction to the people that they should pay respect and

adoration to the image, and to the priesthood that they should keep it

always in repair.

The facsimile is lithographed in Plate IT.

P Vv

0 TEMES EAE Pera Senay a he a

Ey GS rn eee a ATS Myson): Phe

Vv Vv V O bas a VY.

QW Ha N" AQL'DBN' BAN ANTT BWHIN' DA TT ANA’

V/ x xs

REVS NATAL AVY GS TT YVEN }4'S'Ia TI

Ene Sa HANSA | SSNS TSA NNAAL'S (or WS) FHS

a AY

BAN SV ANA FAV YI'AIQTT

Translation.

the eighty excellencies of the body (visible in the image repre-

senting BuppaA) also (too or again), for along time (for long continu-

ance sake)—with collected clean offerings, by every one the eight-fold

prostration (i. e, touching the ground with his two feet, two knees, two

hands, the breast and the forehead) and prayer at large must be per-

formed. And then afterwards also, by the faithful ones, at certain

times, the paint (or color) must be cleansed, and the Sacristan (he

that has charge of the image) must inviolably observe the established

”

a“

rule

40 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jan.

Copperplate Grant from Biakerganj.

This plate was presented in November last, to the Society, on my soli- -

citation, by Baboo ConoyLaL TaGorE, in whose possession it had re-

mained for some months previous, having been dug up in the char land, or

land deposited by river inundation, of a zemindari or estate belonging to

him in perganna Edilpur, zilla Békerganj about 120 miles directly east

of Calcutta. “oe

No little curiosity has been astir among the Baboos of Calcutta to

ascertain the contents of this curious document, as itis I believe the first

that has been discovered treating of the Bel/dla kings of Bengal. I should

not have thought it possible from the appearance of the copper, which is

in perfect preservation, and still sharp in the letters, that the plate could

have been long buried in the place where it is stated to have been found.

The seal, which is an elaborately executed figure of Siva cast in copper, of

great delicacy and taste, is uninjured by time even in the minute limbs and

weapons which protrude undefended from the trunk. I have given a very

rough sketch of this seal in Pl. II. of the natural size, and certainly it

bears evidence of having been somewhere preserved with the greatest

care for the seven centuries which have transpired since it was engraven,

and of its having been only recently buried in the alluvial ground,

perhaps by the upsetting of some boat traversing the spot during the

inundation. |

Seeing the depth and perfection of the engraving, I endeavoured to print

off directly from the plate a facsimile of the writing on both sides, by

inking the surface with printer’s ink and carefully pressing upon it a mois-

tened sheet of paper:—the impression thus taken I immediately passed

between rollers with a plain sheet so as to obtain a reversed or rather

rectified facsimile fit for transfer to a lithographic stone. With the assis-

tance of the officers of the government lithographic press I at length suc-

ceeded in effecting the triple transfer with tolerable success, retouching

the writing on the stone where the letters had become too much filled up

by the operation. We have thus in Pl. III. a copy of the whole which,

though imperfect in the finer strokes is legible throughout, and more

trustworthy than any copy made by the eye alone. M. Jacquet of Paris,

I fancy, employs the same method in lithographing inscriptions both from

plates and stones. ‘Their size renders the latter inconvenient.

The character of this inscription is rather less simple than the earlier

alphabets of the Pala dynasty. Itis strictly the Gawr character whence

has descended the modern written Bengali*.

* It is much to be regretted that when first a fount of Bengali type was prepa-

red, the letters were made after the model of the running hand or writing instead

of this which may be called the prin¢ hand, Mad the latter been taken, the dif-

1838.] Kesava Sena Plate from Bakerganj. 4}

Govinpa Ra’Ma, the Society’s pandit was entrusted with the transcrip-

tion of the contents ; and his work was revised, where difficulties occurred,

by Kamata’ka’nra: while the English version was made under their

explanation by young Sa’ROD’APRASA’DA.

The purport of the whole is, a grant in perpetuity to a brahman named

IswARA DEVA SARMA, Of the Va4tsa tribe, of the villages of Bdgulé

Betiogdta and Udyamina situated between four equally unknown places

in Banga, or Bengal: unless Garhaghataka be Ghoraghdta in the

Dindjpur, or Vikramapur the place of that name in the Dacca, district.

The mention of tanks of fresh water, with houses built on the raised

banks for protection against inundation,—of the neighbouring jangal in

the west, and of the saline soils, is in favor of the locality being in the

Bakerganj district itself, on the edge of the Sundarbans where sea salt

is still manufactured. Probably the Chanda Bhanda tribe made over as

property along with the soil may have been the poor class named from

this tract (quasi Sandabanda as indeed it is generally pronounced)

employed in the salt works, and like the modern Molangis, only a step

or two removed from slavery.

Regarding the Vaidya dynasty of Bengal (so called from its founder

being of the medical caste) there is the same uncertainty as in almost all

other portions of Indian history. Some make Apisur the progenitor, he

who is stated to have applied to the reigning king of Canouj, Kanyakubja,

for a supply of brahmans for the Bengal provinces ; but the catalogues

recorded on good authority in the Ayin Akberi place the whole of the

Bhupala dynasty, extending to 698 years, betwen Apisur and Suku

Sena the father of BaLLa’La Sena who built the fort of Gawr. No men-

tion of either of these parties is made in the present inscription, but on the

_ contrary the father of Batiaxa SENa is distinctly stated to be Visaya SENA;

and as this is I believe the first copperplate record of a grant by the family,

we should give it the preference to books or traditions, on a point of

history so near its own time: for Kesava Sena is but the fourth in des-

cent from VisAya4, on the plate; or the fifth, if we take ABuL Fazv’s list.

Aysn Akberi list. Inscription.

1063 SOOKHSEIN, reigned...... 3 yrs. VisayA SENA.

MEG BILLALSEIN,.. ce-acosvecce 50 BALLA’LA SENA.

1116 LUKHENSEIN,...ccecccess 7 LAKSHMANA SENNA.

1123 MADHOWSEIN,,......+..6+ 10 —

Rete SOOSHIN,. cutscccsseea 15 KEsAVA SENA.

1151 SUDDASEIN,.............- 18 considered the last by the Bengalis.

MPU INOWSEH, OF 2c ccccccucce 3

1200 (LAKSHMANIYEH) thelast.

ference between it and the Devanagari is so slight that gradually they would

have become amalgamated; at any rate the reader would with facility have perused

both, instead of deeming them, as now, distinct characters.

42 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jam

- It is curious that wherever the name of KrsAva SENA occurs on the

plate, there are marks of an erasure; as if the grant had been prepared’

during the reign of Ma’puAva Sena, and, on his dying before it was com-

pleted (for such a plate must have taken a long time to engrave), the name

of his successor Krsava, fortunately happening. to be of the same proso-

dial quantity, was ingeniously substituted, and mutato nomine, the endow-

ment was completed and promulgated. Kxzsava must have been in

this case the brother of Ma’puava.

Little of the historical occurrences of Krsava’s reign are to be ga-

thered from the inflated eulogistic style common to this species of com-

position. It is said in general terms that he kept his enemies in awe, that

he was religious and bountiful to the priesthood. There is considerable

poetical ingenuity in the triple similes applied to the smoke of his

sacrificial fires, and to that of the sparkling of the moon-beam in the

second verse. The allegory of the bird with two dissimilar wings at the

opening of the inscription might be thought to apply rather to the moon

than the sun ; but the Surya SIDDHANTA, according to the pandit, shews

that the sun has as much to do with the phenomena as the moon—or im

fact that the moon, when east or west is, as it were, a wing to the sun:—

thus

BaisreeVa: Wt qqrmecywwt

ESS

wasianfaaagiiuryaryadied ||

‘¢From the sun retreating eastward when goes each day the moon

by twelve degrees, that forms the ¢ithi—the moon’s day.”

The title of Sankara Goureswara applied to all the members of

the family may mean either the auspicious lord of the city of Gaur ; or it

may convey a sly hint, by the substitution of x#T for FT (mixed

race) of the inferior caste of this Sena dynasty.

Nothing is said of the miraculous descent of BALLALA SENA,as before

romarked: but he is said to have worshipped Siva for many hundred

years (in former generations ) to obtain so famous a son as LaKSHMANA

Srna, who seems to have been the hero of the family, erecting pillars of

victory and altars at Benares, Alluhabad and Jaganndtha. It may how-

ever be reasonably doubted whether these monuments of his greatness

ever existed elsewhere than in the poet’s imagination.

The date of the grant is very clearly written in the lowermost line

TE PALe | semvat & jyaistha dine ... but the rest is not legible. The

third year doubtless refers to the reign of Kegava Sena, which brings

the age of the plate to the year 1156 of our era.

Tere follows Govinpara’Ma’s version of the text:

1838.] Kesava Sena Plate from Bakergany. 43

Giaaraetaaray wegcfaeqrarqayaeata fragua

TAIASCs | watataMafaateayaamaqarangaay (ara

Sam 1% i wamenfentast agadl fafisataaat

guiafsaacad|aqiaad au: | sigaheanadutitanfeq,

afaat: TIT VSI WMS SRIM TRACE HAT IR I

gama fafancftastuciedi(acogiamfastaiaaaraet

fanyss yes shat | TavfamafinanacaaHIgS

area fafaxerquanarar Tea: |e | BATATTUT

wa aefa aa ca: ad quilscamed fasta caret |

ae fgaaaiefaeg face nat euwalatead facts

fATRAT a | Teatesstetify caemaiia achat

ariif saaa aaife ayuieents are aad | fates

aaa saa aaa seat aatsaagaa Bat Ate

aa Gata jw vefufeataatfecefaatadafeyursdat

ateatey esate waatest West ey cre | Sea

Sifter we feqaataa ceqenygaaa frstawafia

fenfaty dianfaare: | ¢ | BIRT Awad

Siew cufaaaiticnqesiveal Zu | qaorwadfa

taeraquat ar duaferenewiaaea 3

fefsa: yoy staratu a aaa afar aitatiaac

qa aque: aattaecte waa | aig a

trai: ufigeatrad grea TU faTUg a AAT

Zu |S) sae frasentaataatdetyst aae aa

UIAARATAT AIS: || ala anfaatfertinacaage

aqanaaate ffuaneuenaad feet way ey aa

aranag ufataat aaa afaad qi aa catfaat gaa

G 2

44 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [Jan.

HE wa: fw: | cata aaawar ferayauaaaaar fa

wa fafaursarfacaad afer ater: wey AwaT

qaTy Wathast ArT TI TMA! a faquye aq eq

tat fawafa aa ycraatcatts | Ue | ATS TCU STRAT

GEN aa: feataed ara: siawea feqit aeqayaeat

efaa: | gaat aacgayufaat wat fats Fuet Rt arat

fa Fa Ral T APYTURACAT eT: v2 | Amai efaatsway

auTaeawdaaaTi aa at wqTefaqcarmaag ity

aifa | ats aur swaTTAETTAAaaTE TAA

au: ae wacTaaMAa Wufs 13 | atfaara ufas

uifacuag Fut adiat feared at fray qerafeatea

aaidad! waiyeta athearia face wet areal ABTA

Saeetate afeht aafsaafrat 1 ye Care whe

nuecatcaratar waa ufarac: | staimsiate: yfaay

asagcata: | wy efearraaa fegataat ae fesrai

We UsaeaatecUued sta at faa: cafataaarg

ara wefa vateestast sarstia fecwatath yraratayay

ANAT | Us | WAM ACAI CA_C TAC MITE ATE]

famy Fcuftueqraat fanaa! faars <frai fase wire

qi sam Ad favigizeciayutraesretgearaa 120 1

maAM_quaqacafaae: war feat eravay wansedy

aaaaety free, aAtaafearct feat teacst

emAamcyalfaat waaay warfs Fae: 1 es y athass:

ufestifaas afeat awetitcedfeega aaweet acaa:

MM Ha: GRE: | Hagrancanccaaiang AAI Far

SA AATASIYWIAA Sas | re RGM eats

— eo) ee.

PL] = 3 ayiske

DIBLE Lele A) 1S 2}

Raley

| (PIDUERS

(CREED IBERILEIE]

BU RRILE RS EIBORRIL

IGLOS IRELIMILE2I

LBL ELUSLT

IBAICSiRejcEN

pt PALE

Spee Le 2]

LELWEL EW) BURN DERSLRI IIE Be!

LNGIRDE RIBBLE 2ChiBSILUbe

WIP IBIS BEEN LbEL SB Ee IIs

EZiDRIBBEIRG EL BEINGSb4 ENE!

SEMEL WILLE 22IELF lisIailt BL AlZP EN 7

Hog WIELIRIRE LL ERIE bi CEGIPIE RIANA ble BB BBE Ne Bisel Mills

eb SUbellte IBEPINBE2 Bele HEIR ER ces PELE IB RIbeE SIRE Ree

BPS RIE CSL Elise ibhIGPRRIPIb CRIS sie Ss ReZEIbPE SLB DILIPBR

LZ bIEIbEIAISNBUSI6 = RIELIEINS T/L PEVRIPPERIGIBJEMDELILEL|LIEIBIL

BIEPRIERISBIBILIAU Cte GPRS LPIENSBIsie SUS BISBEI Lets kee 2)214)

lBJbe 2 2IRIEEBEE RI IGIABEROIREEGE SERIE PER IPLIIRIEBP 8 IIe)

DAVIES SPELIVE 2M? CFIA: BAVAIE CEE |ey ele seeietuiae

WISbPNESL abs sIPELI Pass chaiPee lS IIC ere elisisle EAS adnate tit

RUSKIN SBPRBPie6 Piste icibaiel 2) SSB ReGe thee abe rb |) Te Ie be

IASECRLISEI HAILED SUZ GL BILE NIE PERIEBE RINE R ELIE Reh ENE CIP Whol:

| Cl BSIS@GRERRIED| rhe REI seiseC (PO BEAGRIEL EPIC RSPEI BMS) bles

GiSkiG RLS BI SHEHPlsILIbS Gag Be Sebi )PlePibe epelbe Balj slJemglal ge: Lb

MATA

MAaaugheal

ie CO

Tala

fs “hws Paquet

iS oon oe

Peetu Rees

Sear aT ;

AMANTAGAS

hz ane aaa

5s bel

aren

eee

one

vat sige rca ie TA

be er rahe §

He SHEN ICT:

ee aah

ener meth

acerca:

cera,

rata.

aE eae

1838. ] Kesava Sena grant from Bakerganj. 45

qraaatenaifatecatat utara a fea wat

area: | waq mevaacuafafa =rafsatarge fasaiia

aaafaafaetigre AaTgTa: | Ro | fadafefa frwat

atrasranterattfastinatagerytaaataTe TUE v

fudifaat ufaahitatimmt: anagaarara: TasaTaAst

ZU: | 2% | Uasafa at Sita wa waAe aqafy at

GH ACTAARATSAT || 22 | Weal sfaenefeaeway Sra

Gat warhife yfofaeca: Tredtabatie: anitqetaa

afatad cleat cer we: aufaufeqiaca: aes

l RR | CadtaaaMEPeaTataa dana STH TALTAAT

aaaaqayataiaar | fara eft adi asaataayfast

WAUILIMAUUTM MALIA SAS: HAST: | AV TE GT FT

Daa MATISAAMaacg TaUrMEGIa BlCcst

Sea UHT Sasa fea seas OTe TA WAM TT

TABATA RTAUF TAS ATCA ASA TS ASAT ATT TIAA

DURGA A CCAALAUFTE A SAC MAA GM FAST aa ala

qamarmquasaufaarsataacafacsasartyatarargaaa

SATA ACS AITIS Va auAS AANA TATATS ANCA

AGUFLULA ACYL AN ZILATLA TILA SIL (SALA ACL AL

GUPFENSqeaawasaaniaaatys WTAE

CIAYRATSATAT TRAST CAAT AS Te Pear STaAT A

| astettufiatenasaamfiacieraearatiecieaaas

SMA Aeaalaniasan aAIMARAIAAITT

wares ance fausiifairaayayacig Wag

AMAT AAI GATS sae aaafa staat at

feufa v fafeane want auigasayenutiaay faa

TUATAIA LIMA Sastalee TaasrarelaaAaas faa

46 - Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. (JAN.

AFCIM A fay aaa ree ay: HanfeAagariaeswacat

w Sarat aaiyarawgqaay dase sasfesaet

aafearqequtagta: quaga gt qa qwaaaal aaqaiatar

at aiaiataat arauie: Tarerfafarsena acres TITT

ferrmnafeanaataRHETAMaaa Sagal

faeaata aaa fet aaawaraeanfcutten arcfaar

qaattastiea wats yatrarkanfsnaa qt

TATAGA AMATIAY VWI VATGIT Hea

UMVALY ULIMLSa TAM: UATATA aMaRIaEy ayaa Te

THACLIWAN: WAT IANA TA waysIcy gaara

WAM! YA AMARA AIAIVIAB GIG Blas ATyUAT

atta Sfaulsnta Ble acS aaa a FTAUTY Ae imaaRat aA

frat cdiaitaanien yfesatia wRawegarana

faa yea as Vaetarsteanrarafaty | seo agaty:

SicaaaTs aie lesa fafca wed TCU ANAT UIT

VAMIAT UIets asia WAAL ae: Brat | BlEWtz

afta faatt aaafa footaer “fates ata aaegrat

afafe ae actrees wld wees vara gw

cA . © rN = Q

ata fara qunfaadt qehiagu ca cafe: anarlefa:

ag ay aet Yfaay ay agi WIAACAU VCTUt aa wea

agua a fastat afavent frefa: ae uaa ufsacaverfa

aa fasfa ufae: SIaRTaTIaa @ aaa ACH Haq Aaat

Ha CATH AAA HAT wa | Ka MATT gtae stat Haaata

ww AAU fay anaacaerwag Gel afe yeu: WealVal

fearon: | afsancarfenfrarerqaerqMEaTya

AMPIM IMS AANA Gai Stange wcafa

Saracen Acafst Alaa atafay Ts wWaees....0.

1858.} Kesava Sena grant from Békergany. 47

Translation by Sirodéprasdda Pandit.

Aum ! Salutation to Na’/ra’vana !

1. J pray to the rising paradoxical bird (or the sun) of the tree of holy

writ (the Veda) the friend of the waterlily bushes, the deliverer of the three

worlds confined in the prison of darkness, who spreads abroad alternately

his wings one white and the other black (the semilunations). May that

moon shine propitious, who revivifies the fame of him who wears the flowery

shafts (Ka’ma), making by his rays the airy sphere as it were spread over

by the. water of the heavenly river, the earth as if scattered over with crys-

talline mountains, the ocean as if filled with pearls unfolded, andthe sides

resembling women adorned with the blowing spikes of flowers.

8. Of this line (the Chandra vamsa) was born a race of kings, whose

hands were employed in giving rest to the chief of serpents, oppressed with

the weight of the world; whose courtiers filled every side of the world, and

the explanation of whose works, written in incomparable strings of words,

is delightful.

4. In this noble line was born a raja by the name of Visava Sena, as

an incarnation ; who was as it were himself the god who wears a crescent

on his head ; at whose toe nails the raéjas putting their heads (bowing)

made others mistake them for the bow of the ten-headed (Ra’vana).

5. Whose sword plays in the war to the astonishment of all people, and

which (sword) though like the blue lily crushes the spirit of men, though

beautiful like the clustered clouds gives pain to the heart of men, though

black shining like the madhipas (black honey bees) is an object of terror,

and though like smeared kajjala*, is painful to the eyes of his enemies.

6. He, this raja, had the desire of overcoming the sun in glory (with

respect to his spirit), who governed this whole earth by rooting out the fa-

milies of the inimical royal lines by the sleepless attempt of his shining

‘sword; whose (the rdja’s) hands were properly compared to serpents ; and

who was in disagreement with the lords of the cardinal points (Dikpdia) for

the boundaries (of his possessions).

7. From him was born Batna’ta Sena, who by his creeping-plant-like

playing sword stole sweeping the heat of the pride of his enemies, whose

fame was unrivalled, and by whom was stolen the Lakshmi (or wealth) of

his enemies, being placed in an elephant-tusk-like palanqueen at the limit

of the field of battle which was impassable on account of the river of blood.

8. From him was born LaxsumMana Sena, who was the ka/pa-drima (tree

of desire) of the earth; who, though master of immense wealth, did not

‘conquer the bold by stratagem (but by force) ; though master of JtulaT (the

moon) did not accept the dosha} ; and could not say ‘* No” though he was

_* Considered as a collyrium being applied upon the eyelashes or eyelids me-

dicinally or ornamentatively.

+ The word:kalé has two meanings, the 64 qualities and the digits or minutes

of a degree.

+ The word dosha has two meanings,— faults when with raja, and night

when with moon.

48 Facsimiles of Ancient Inscriptions. [ JAN»

acquainted with all the words; and who, though the most happy of men (or the

bhogindra, lord of sesndg) was not surrounded by the double-minded (or

snakes).

9. Who (the raja) caused three different sounds to be made to the sky

in the three Sandhydés (the three periods of a day, the dawn, the noon, and

the evening). In the dawn the sounds of the iron chains of those impri-

soned réjas who were his enemies; at the noon the loud ringing of the bells

on the young elephants and camels, led forth to be watered ; and in the

evening the pleasing sounds of the manjiras (ornament for the feet or

toes) of female visitors, beautified by their evening dresses.

10. The raja (Batia’ta Sena) being desirous of having a son, left all

kinds of enjoyment and assiduously worshipped Hara (Siva) in many

hundred prior births on the bank of Suradhunt (Gangé) for the birth of

this prince; otherwise so famous a prince (LaxsMaNA Sena) would not

have born from him, who was the head of all raéjas and praised by the

universe, and whose resolution widowed the wives of his enemies.

11. Who when born and existing on the earth, the moon was no longer

solely on the firmament ; nor the kalpa tree on the golden mountain, nei- |

ther the chief of the gods only in the city of the Devas, (i. e. they were

here also). |

12. Who knows why the creator, having made his fond stay in the field

of battle, did not create his rival enemy in this sphere of the earth? His

hands were like the trunks of elephants and his breast hard as stone ; his

shafts were fatal to his enemies and his elephants were exuding juice from

their heads.

13. By him were erected many pillars for victories in battle, high sacri-

ficial posts near the altar of Mushaladhara and Gaddépéni ( Balaréma and

Jaganndtha) situated on the coasts of the South Sea; at the holy place of

Visvéswara, (or at Kashi) where fall the streams of 4si and Varand, into

the waves of Gangd ; and on the banks of Trivéni ( Allahabdéd), which be-

came truly sacred and pure, for its being the place where he who was born

from lilies (BRamuHa) commenced his sacrifice.

14, His chief queen was Va’su’pEvi’ the jewel of the heads of Sutis*,

and after creating whomthe creator thought his hands to have been sacred;

whose astonishing charms and conduct adorned the universe, and whose

Sapatnist Earth and Laksmi fulfilled her every desire. Nay she was

worthy of obtaining the Z'rivargas (or the three human objects of pur-

suit, viz. virtue, wealth, and love.)

15. From them was born Kesava Sena Deva, who was the jewel of

the crown of his inimical rdjas, as was born Saxripuara (Kartika) from him

who wears a crescent on his head and Gi'rya’ (the mountain-born goddess).

16. It is not wonderful that at the glance of him, who conquered the

universe and turned the golden vessels of adverse rajas into iron, that the

iron drinking-vessels of the bramans should be turned into gold !

17. The multitude of his inimical réjas hearing of his strength, instantly

starting with fear and leaving their dear sleeping consorts, quickly enter.

* Virtuous women, who burn themselves with their husbands’ corpses.

+ A woman whose husband marries other wives,

1838. ] “Facsimiles of Inscriptions. 49

ed their ramparts and being disappointed of a firm shelter there, imme.

diately came out and are wandering here and there ; whose (the raja’s)

mind was devoted from his childhood to the occupations of numerous bat-

tles and whose station was praised by the assembly of heroes. |

18. The hands of this raja were not for a moment inactive,—towards

his foes in firing arrows drawn home to his ear,—among the assembly of

polite men in hold the darvha (sacrificial grasses) moistened with the

drops of water, for consecrating gifts;,—and among bashful lovely-eyed

women in loosening their waist cloths.

19. The smoke of whose burnt-offerings plays over the world, making

it appear as though the banks of rivers are skirted with Tépinja trees,—

that the sky is involved in thick clouds and all the trees of the earth

seem to be covered Marakatas (emeralds) and most of the pearls seem

to be changed to the color of sapphires. |

20. ‘Ihe wishes of honest men tired with wandering for wealth in the

forest of Kulpa trees, in the broken mountains, in mines of gems, and on

the shores of oceans, are at last lying under the canopy of his cloud-like

feet for rest, (i. e. he has fulfilled their wishes.)

21. He(theréja) who was like Rupra in Pralaya (the end of a Kalpa)

and born from the race named Gundhapavana and the first of those who

were praised by the famous heroes, governed this earth. Whom when the

contending rdjas beheld when leading their expeditions for victory, they

were struck with wonder and exclaimed, “ What is this?” their whole

thick army being at once put into confusion!

22. Even Saraswati’ (the goddess of wisdom) having lived in his

mouth gained the title Paudmdlaya (whose dwelling-place is the lily)

which LaxsumMi enjoys in three worlds.

23. The wives of the interior of the r4éja who were always seeing his

beauty, when he played with them on the top of the lofty cloud-reaching

palace and cast his eye on the damsels, shrunk under it, yet still courted

it, coquetting in gesture and motion through evident desire.

24. By him who was like Inpra on earth were granted to the brahma-

nas many famous villages with high buildings; which (villages) contained

many fruitful and smooth fields and were pleasant with the sound of the

geese that were sporting in the sands of the rivers near, and the rice of

which became the best of its kind when boiled.

The victorious and honorable emperor Kes’ava Sena Dava, who was

possessed of fame, the king of the three sorts of rajas, namely, Aswapati,

Gujapatt and Narapati, like the sun in expanding the lily-like Sena caste,

the lamp of the lunar line, famous as Karna in gifts, veracious as

Ga'neeya (the son of Ganea’, or Bui’suma) a cage hard as Bujra to the

refugees, the most rich, learned, the great hero, the king of kings, the

destroyer of his enemies, and entitled Sankara Gaureswara, who was a

dutiful son of Laxsmana Sena entitled also Sankara Gaureswara ; who

(Laksmana Sena) achieved his own fame, suppressor of his enemies and al-

50 Facsimiles of Inscriptions. [Jan. _

ways meditating on the footsteps* of his father Batia’ta Sena ; who (Bat

La‘LA Sena) was also titled Sankara Gaureswara and possessed of fame, sub-

duer of enemies, and who meditated on the footsteps of his father Visaya

Sena ; who (Visaya Sena) was also possessed of self-earned fame, for his

putting down (securing) the load of victory from his shoulder which he

gained by conquering all. this Jamba Grdéma (India), and who was the

destroyer of his foes, and entitled Sankara Gaureswara,—now duly inti-

mates, informs, and commands to the rajas and réjanyas (the caste of Khe.

triyas) that were present with him, and the queens and their children, the

princes, the royal ministers, the priests, the judges, those who were experi-

enced in war and peace, the chief commanders, wrestlers, the peons who ap-

prehend robbers, naval officers, masters of elephants, cows, goats and wool-

len cloths, keepers of gardens, the executioners, the magistrates, the moral-

ists, peons, those who were supported from his kingdom, superintendents

over his dominions with their chiefs, men that belong to the tribe called

Chanda Bhanda, and their chiefs, and many other-rulers—to this effect:

“ Be it known to all of you that this great raja, on his birthday to

prolong his life has consecrated with water and presented to the brahmana,

named Iswara Deva Sarma, with a copperplate s’dsanam on which an

image of Sudds‘iva is riveted, who (the brahmana) was the descendant of

Vatsa mini, of five Pravarast ; namely, Bhargavo, Chydvana, Apnivat,

Aurva, and Jémadagna ; the reader of the holy texts, (Sruté) and the

son of Banama’ui’ Sarma the descendant of Varsa, of the above five

Pravaras, the grandson of GarBHEeswaRaA Deva the descendant of Vatsa,

of the above five Pravuras, and the great-grandson of Para’s’ara Deva

Sarma, the descendant of Varsa of the same Pravaras,—the land of the

villages Bigili, Bettogdétélodyumina, which is encompassed with these fa-

mous boundaries; on the east by Pranagiéinaténa Gharhdghétaka, near

Vikramapura in Banga, which is in Paundrakat, as bhakti (or as a jageer) ;

on the south by the village named Sattrakdédhi, on the west by Sdnkara (?)

Govinda, which looks high with jangals, and on the north by the village

Panchaka Pagado ; for the peaceful enjoyment of his sons and grand.

sons, &c. &c. as long as the moon, the sun, and the earth shall endure.

Which (village) is perpetually inheritable, well-governed, and not to be

claimed by any of his relatives (such as an elder brother, &e.) and which

contains houses on the margin of pure tanks, holes, saline soils, both the

Jand and water, all sorts of shrubs, the trees of betelnuts and cocoanuts,

and the tribe called Chanda Bhanda, and in which (ere he has consecrated

it) he caused the ponds to be made, and the nut and cocoanut trees to be

planted. Besides he has given him the power of punishing the Chanda

Bandas.

F Uarat*arTea reflecting on his feet, or the hereditary successor of.—Ep.

t+ The disciples of the Munt from whose progeny were the brahmans descended.

{ Paundra is the country extending from Rangpur across the Ganges to the

Jangalmehals, including most of Bengal. Wils. Dict.—Ep.

1888.) Ballaia inscription from Bikergany. 51

“In this copper sésanam are written 300 (perhaps bigés.)

“ Therefore you must allow him to enjoy the same ; as also shall the

future rajas maintain it, with consideration that deprivation will doom them

to hell, and maintaining will do glory to their virtue.

Some religious Slokas are written on this subject.

“ When any body gives land, his ancestors praise and boast themselves,

saying that a land-giver is born in our race, and he will be the deliverer

of us. He that presents lands and he that receives it, both of them are

worthy of going to heaven.

Again: “ this earth though enjoyed by several kings as Saga7 raja, &c.

&c. yet whenever any one possess it he is the svle enjoyer of its produce.

“« He that deprives the land given by him or by any other person will

rot in ordure, being born insects in it with his forefathers.

*“« He who presents land lives 60,000 vears in heaven, but he who abuses

or disregards it is doomed to hell for the same period.

“ The effects of giving other things are to be enjoyed for one life*.

*« Men, considering human life and prosperity as fickle as the water on

the leaf of the lily, and understanding what is already said, should not

destroy the fame of others.

“ This sdsanam of the (prince) whose feet are kissed by a hundred

ministers: (signed on his part by)

‘< His Majesty’s almoners the high in authority, Sriman Mapyasa

Karanani; Srimahé MapanaKa Karawnant; Srimat Karananl.

“‘ In the year (of reign) 3 ; the month Jyaistha on the day—’ (the rest

obliterated.

4. Inscriptions on Jain images from Central India.

In the course of the year 1836, a number (nine or ten) of Jain

images of marble were exhumated at Ajmir, from what is now a Musal-

m4n burial-ground, and in the immediate neighbourhood of an old Jain

temple beyond the Durgah of the Khawaja Sdhib on the ascent to

Térdgarh. Lieut. E. Mappen, in obligingly communicating the

above intelligence, furnished me with a copy of the line of writing in-

scribed on the base of three of the images, in hopes it might afford some

‘historical aid, however limited, to our store of dates and names. One of

these inscriptions I have inserted at the foot of Plate II. Omitting the draw-

ing of the naked Jain saint kindly made by Lieut. OLDFIELD, because it

differs in nothing from the ordinary images of the Digambarvi class, so fre-

quently represented ;they are seated cross-legged with their hands joined;

their ears are long and split, and their hair in the small round knebs or

curls which have led many to give these images an African origin.

* In this half sloka, afew words are wanting to complete the verse, the

meaning of which should be ‘‘ but the effects of presenting land are enjoyable

for endless lives.”’

52 Facsimiles of Inscriptions. | Jan

The following version of several of the inscriptions was attempted by

Lieut. Mappen’s pandit at Ajmir. The first being intended for that

represented in the plate.

q PAT eRe. VI Tels GH TYAS Taal area wast

asfas fared? sane asafearaofaatarctrar: |

R Haq pRss aay Vey. Was Gaea slaragea: gfaat

ALIN YAIGAA TU wa saat auraarfaaa

eautaat sfaeriiafaat | ,

Q Wad YwRRse BHsTs YR TUles ayael FAIA we

sfareata caus saafafaet | |

g Faq (Aso FATT TT Vw SWS Tay TwaTTal BTR

aay ofretua Aareare vfsat Ware aise |

y dad wae at safes gH BruTalfus @afamaraed

afsataca asaiisar gaafa | |

¢ Haq hey Bamgte & Bras Aeridtad ufeaqaaRa

wifaata ufaaraticat |

HI ATA AT Btar Fat aT faa He at HAT aT AT

aia Rt Be Saat aia feaqa weraarey |

Whatever may be the correctness of the rest, the plate specimen cer-

tainly does not accord with the pandit’s version as to the name of the

jmage, which is clearly Prajitindth, one of the 24 Jain saints : another is

* as evidently Mallinatha pratima karapita ‘ the image of MALLINa’

THA was caused to be made, —and doubtless the whole would be found

jn any list of the Jain Zirthankaras (see Useful Tables 87). Parswa-

natha, Varddhamdana, Vasupddya, and Chandraprabha of this list

are found in the present inscriptions. The inscriptions are couched in

the Prakrit dialect, and their chief merit is in being specimens of the Jain

character of the 12th century. I read the line in the Plate thus :

Sam. 1239 Pha. sudi 4, Sukreé ; sadhuviha-acharyyamadana Srt

Putra pandu (?) lahadena, Prajitanitha pratima kdrapitda.”

1838. ] Account of the ruins of Jéjipur. 58

VI.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. MArKuAm KirTokr, sub-

mitted to the Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 1836.—

Ruins and Pillar at Jajipur.

Sunday the 27th Nov.—Halt to-day.

Having made previous arrangements for a visit to Jajipur, I started

at 4 a. M. in company with about a hundred men of the corps proceed-

ing to pay their devotions at the famous ¢irath or khetr resting (as the

Hindus assert) on the navel of the great Gaya Asura. At this place all

good Hindus make offerings to their deceased relatives termed “ pinda

_ pharna:” a notice of the ceremonies attending which is to be found in

STIRLING’s account of Orissa. I had no leisure to make many inquiries

or to visit every object worthy of notice, yet I still saw a great deal

which duly repaid me for my long ride of six miles there and six back

again with a burning sun over my head.

The first place I visited was the mosque in the outskirts of the town,

where there formerly stood the palace of the Sabehdars of the province

MuwamMmap Taki’ Kuya’xn, Apu Nasar Kua’n and others. The

mosque is rather a pretty object but of rough workmanship.

Over the centre archway is an inscription of five verses placed. in

five “ howducs” or compartments in the style of the reign in which the

mosque was built, the verses run thus: ‘

w\bin< lps BaF yy HLS wise, gla dj SH ens) ls hs

gs dae OS Uy ale yt yo

dplyd fake dh LUG apis |

oy wldyaipl yles 3! gry lay vbderl pid ph Bee lS thy

The English of which is nearly as follows:

‘““ May the Shadow of the insignia of the Emperor AuraNnazEB

Be spread as long as the stars cast their light (shine. )

The praises and good qualities of the excellent Nawab

Are greater than in the power of the poet to describe.

In the town of Jdjipér he laid the foundations of a mosque

Beneath the domes of which the nine heavens are hidden.

> =o

D4 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, (JAN.

Oh would you hear the angels recite the prayers

You must pass one night therein,

As the mosque was made in the time of A’pu Nassar Kna’n

So-its date is “ the time of the Nawéb A’su Nassar Kua’n.”

The year of the Hegira 1093 A. D. 1686. *

By this inscription it would appear that the mosque was built in

A. D. 1686 by the Nawab Asu Nassar Kua’n and not MuHAMMaD

Taki’ Kuan as stated by Mr. STIRLING.

At a short distance from the mosque is a dargah or shrine of a

Mussulman saint who destroyed a famous temple and converted the

terrace,on which it stood, into an open mosque and burial-place for

himself and family. Beneath the terrace are three idols of enormous

dimensions and exquisite sculpture, representing Indr4ni, Vardha and

Kali: the latter figure is the most worthy of notice though a more

hideous object could not well be imagined,—it resembles (as it were) a

living skeleton of an old fury. Mr. StiriLine gives a good account of

these finespecimens of ancient Hindu sculpture ; it is much to be regret-

ted that these idols have so suffered from the mason’s chisel, in late years

employed by an European officer to detach “relics!” A part of the

mund-mdla of Kali and a hand of Indrani have been thus lost. It is

also a great pity that these curiosities are not removed to the museum

in Calcutta (which could easily be done in the rainy season) and thereby

placed out of the reach of such would-be-antiquarian relic hunters.

The following are the dimensions of the figures.

Ka’t1’, base 6 feet 04 inch; height 9 feet ; thickness at the base 1 foot

4 inches.

InprRa’nI’, height 8 feet 10 inches; breadth at the base 5 feet 9

inches ; thickness ditto 3 feet 14 inches.

Vardua, height 9 feet 10 inches ; breadth at the base 5 feet 11 inches; ©

thickness ditto 3 feet 64 inches.

I regretted my inability (for want of time) to make drawings of the

three figures.

Having through the attention and exceeding politeness of the Mun-

sif ABpuL Autp (who resides near the mosque) procured guides to shew

me all that is to be seen in and near Jijipur, I visited the different

temples, none of which are worthy of notice or at all ancient, though

‘they occupy the places of those destroyed by the Muhammadan conquer-

ors. About a mile and a half from the mosque behind the town, I was

shewn a very elegant pillar of which the accompanying is a sketch ; it is

Set!

\e AY NE {/

: AY h! |

AVA \

Yay NY

WAIN

\ ~ ~~ ‘

ORE

Saw NY im

NEw

———!

—

S——

Vol. Vit. Pl. 1

D,Kittoe ‘

few e

~—

= =

; ; 5

fe ILA A”

Aid ———

dest

OX x

« Veniieatirnsy ith

Lat a ae eS os ee,

" Ur arse? aa HH A

4 4

W y

4 a3 i ‘

lie

! We)

0% 104,

ware Vn tal

Pas A os wy

Ls ie

Ley

}

——

trinted al the Or ten (al Lit 72s. Calculla,

Tea Minti

. id Ht gies — sti aa

Pee

é 4

- ‘ ( 14

2 re Tees

a en

a ‘ —

' / = 9

whe. Va S = , Ul

Rhee SS

a A

I. (

{ | itl rear

os ( sat r

xX >.” Nt. feulip

(" '

Sout! AS. Soe.

Vot.VIl. PL. Ve

ee ee a er a Naw

ey Se 5 Sata ae a Se Se ee

Ed aoe

st ad : A :

TR CTA CE TD as ee CA

Mp pe ee car ee

LT CRE OB SOS

es eres (Re

OE ia filha’ & + "imei }

fit

hates Las +

yal AMA 4

(NM (lia Weg

Tet 2

WAN

—s

SSS er

Say

——

RYE

Vai am eth

SS roa J)

S=s

SSS

——

———

<.Cl CT-

—

3 kb <

MK. est ; BEISittoe Lcth*

1838. ] Ruins of Jajipur. 55

of black chlorite and highly polished. I could obtain no information

worthy of credit regarding it ; it is called Stvastambha and is 85 feet high ;

the shaft is 19 feet 8 inches, the base 6 feet, consequently the capital

is 9-4, consisting of three separate blocks which have been shaken out

of their original position : indeed I doubt their originality.

The column is a polygon of 16 sides slightly concave. It would be

useless conjecturing the origin of this elegant column, or even the former

locality of it; it certainly was not always in its present situation but has

been fixed in some building, perhaps a terrace, now no longer in existence.

Want of time again prevented my visiting a curious place said to be

on a hill 3 miles off, but, God willing, I shall pay a special visit to Jaji-

pur at some future period, where I shall devote a few days to hunting

out and remarking upon all its now unknown curiosities.

I remarked a number of Jain and Buddhist figures in different places

scattered about.

I omitted to state that an assertion of the villagers that a fine figure of

Garuda was formerly at the top of the pillar and had flown away and

alighted a mile off when Ka’LA’pA’HA’R came to commit his ravages at

Jdjipur ; since which it had remained there and had had a small temple

erected overit. Curiosity led me to the spot : I was shewn within a small

templean elegantly executed figure of Garuda of black chlorite, a sketch of

which I annex; it rests on a shaft (sunk in the ground) exactly similar

in dimensions to the Stvastambha and may probably have belonged to it.

In the suburbs [ remarked an ancient bridge similar to that over the

Kanse-banse* but nearly buried in the earth, the accumulation of ages.

A river called Mudagir, used in former times to flow through it, but

of which there is scarcely a visible sign left ; the bridge is of itself very

ancient and constructed of materials taken from buildings of more remote

date still. Figure (1) is an elevation of one of the arches+ which struck

me as very peculiar: it will be observed that there is a regular keystone

in lieu of the more common block architrave. Figure (2) shews the

manner in which the stones project and are finished off on the starlings,

that is, on the face towards the stream.

The huts and houses in the town (which is very straggling) are re-

markably neat and are all on stone terraces{ raised to the height of 4

and 5 feet, a very necessary precaution in a place subject to inunda-

tions as this is; the country is a very few feet higher than the bed of the

* This is the place alluded to in the Udayagiri inscription, see last No.—Ep.

t+ A represents the face towards the strears, and B the opposite side. The

actual form of the arch is not altered by this arrangement.

} Hewn stones from the different ruins.

56 Remarks on a comparative vocabulary [JAN

Baitarani. There are numerous tanks and swamps which together with

the forest of cocoanut and other trees as well as bamboos must render

it very unhealthy.

The brahmans are more troublesome here than in any place I have

ever yet visited; they complained loudly of their loss since the high

road through Akua Padda had been established, which deterred pil-

grims from visiting their khetr*. I must now take leave of Jéjipur

and conclude with stating that I returned to camp late in the evening —

much fatigued, having been in motion alternately on foot and on horse-

back for the space of fourteen hours; but I considered myself amply

repaid for my trouble.

Vil.—Remarks on “a Comparison of Indo-Chinese Languages, &c.

By the Rev. W. Morton.

The paper which appeared, under the above title, in the last, or December

No. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, was no doubt perused with much

interest by many of the readers of that periodical. The importance of

such a comparison, as was therein partially instituted, of the very yu-

merous languages or dialects spoken both within and beyond the Ganges,

is, in every point of view, very considerable. Whether we aim at amelio-

rating the civil institutions of the various tribes among whom they are the

media of intercourse, or to communicate to them the arts and sciences and

purer religion of the west, and to elevate them above the debasing in-

fluence of cruel, impure and abominable superstitions; or whether we

seek merely to obtain an accurate as well as extensive acquaintance with

these various dialects —in all points of view such investigations, as those

in question, are most important; and the present efforts to obtain in-

formation of a philological nature by the Sadiya missionaries, directed to

these ends are cousequently highly laudable.

I. Of their execution of the task undertaken I can say but little, and

that little must almost be confined to the language of our own Province

of Bengal. Of course the excellent individual who furnished the ‘* Com-

parison,” will take my observations in good part, as my design is simply,

and in good faith, to throw in my mite of aid to him in his useful in-

vestigations, as well as to draw the attention of others to the subject.

1. In the “ Comparison of the Bengéli and Asémese,” it is stated that

*‘ above six-tenths of the most common words are identical, except with

slight variations of pronunciation.” Now I have carefully examined

the list of words from which this conclusion is drawn, and find that up-

wards of eight-tenths would be the more correct statement ; and that, of the

60 words, 50 are identical in Beng4li and Asémese. For, the most has not

been made of the analogy. between the two languages, by the introduction,

* The highway to Cuttack lay through Jdjipur before the new road was made.

1838. ] Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. 57

into the Bengéli column, of such secondary forms in current use as come far

nearer, in many cases, to the Assamese terms,than those given in the “* Com-

parison.” Thus béyu is compared with botéh, while bét, equally a Bengali

form, is omitted. So, with asthi a bone, should have been given hdr ; with

karna, kén; with hasti, hati ; with pité, bép ; with matsya, miéchh ; for

pushpa, phul ; for mastak, mur ; with shringa, shing ; with bdénar, bandar ;

with chandra, chand ; for janant, mé ; with rétri, rét ; with tail, tel ; for

prastar, shilé ; with danta, dént ; with grém, gdén ; all identical, or very

nearly so, with the Assamese of the table.

In the same use of secondary forms, the results of comparison with

some of the other columns also would be slightly varied ; as the Bengali go,

a cow, would much more nearly resemble the Khamti ngé and Siamese

ngoa, than garu (the only form given) from which the Assamese gér% is

drawn. Thus too, were ¢ej and /auha given in the Bengéli column, for blood

—with the former, signifying vigour, the principle of vigour (and so applied

to the brain, marrow, bile, semen, &c.) would agree the Assamese fez, the

Jili tashai, the Koreng tazyai, &c. while the latter would appear to have

originated the Khamti /eit and Siamese J/iiat; whereas rakta shews no

agreement with either. The Assamese pérud, an ant, might shew a resem-

blance to the Bengali pinpard, though none with pipiliké, &c. These,

and others we shall reduce to a table as follows.

English. Bengali. Asamese.

Air bat botéh

Ant pinpara porua

Arrow shar Cor. sar

Blood tej], lauha tez, Kha, leit, St. liat, Jt. tashai, Kor.

tazyai

Boat nau, dingi nau, Ana. ding

Bone har har Man. sari, Song. karau, Ch. sori, C. T.

ura, S. 7. aré, Lu. arii, N. T. artikéu

Cat marjar

and my4o, acat’s mewing, :

whence myaokari, the mewer mekdri Kh. mit, Si.meau, Gar. menggé, Song.

and Kor, myauna, An, meyit

Cow Z0 Kh. ngé, Si. ngda

Dog - shwa —_—— Bar. kbwé, Sing. kwi, M. hwi, Song.

shi, Kap. &c., wi. An. shé

Ear kan kan Ji. and Kap. kana, Koren. kon. Ch.

‘-khund, Lu. khana

Elephant danti Mish, datén

Father bap, bapu, béba, bupai, Ak, &bba, Abor. babu, Maring, papa, &c.

Fire poran (to burn) Co. par

Fish m&chh mas

Flower phul phal

Foot pa Mar. Lu. and Song. phai, Ch. aphat

Hair lom Anam. long

Hand pani Song. ban, Mar. van, Ch, apan, Lu. ping

Head mur mur, Co. mari

Horn shing hing, Ak. kung, An. sting

Leaf parna, pén Koreng. pant

Moon chénd jun, Si, ditan

Mother ma Kh, An. and Si. me, Bar. amé, Kar. mo,

Mountain

ai (mat: grand- ai

mother)

adri

Garo amé, M. ima, Co, omi

Abor, adi

58 Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. . | [Sans

Salt lun lun

Sky swarga (heaven) Garo, srigi

Stone shila hil, deh. hin, Si. hin

Sun tapan _ St, tawan

dahan (burning) Ak. dahani

Tiger sing, (properly a lion,) Kh. sei, Si. stia, Lu. sangkhi, N. T.

sakhwii, C. T. sakwi, &c.

Village - gan gaun

Thewriter will no doubt be glad to obtain the Bengali forms above

given.

2. The seven cases stated to belong to Assamese Nouns, are the same in

number and order with those of Bengali nouns: and it is by no means (as

asserted in the ‘‘ Comparison, &c.”) a peculiarity in Assamese that “ two

pronouns are used for the 2nd person, according as the person addressed is

superior or inferior to the speaker.” The same -obtains in Bengéli also,

and is extended to the 3rd person likewise, with a similar terminational

change in the verb. Thus—

Ist pers: ami mari Plural amra mari

Qnd inferior tui méaris tora maris

2nd superior tumi mara tomra mara

8rd inferior se mare tahara mare

3rd superior __tini maren tanh4ré méren.

3. The comparison of adjectives in Bengéli is effected by a similar pro.

cess to that erroneously stated to be peculiar to the Assamese. Thus tahé

haite bara, greater than that ; sakal haite bara, greatest of all. All

the other grammatical minutia particularized, equally apply. Also

what are termed in the “ Comparison, &c.” numeral affixes, are of ordinary

use in Bengéli; so that the analogy of the two languages is much closer

than supposed in the “ Comparison.”

Il. The fact stated by Captain Gordon, of the various very minute por-

tions of the population employing a variety of dialects often nearly unin-

telligible to their next neighbours, is most observable. And, the same

multiplied diversity having existed among the numerous aboriginal tribes of

South America,the inference is just, that dialects are most numerous in the

infancy of nations and tribes : while, in proportion as, with the cessation of

hereditary feuds and the extension of national intercourse, they become civi-

lized and educated, they approximate also in the use of a common language,

Hence it may be confidently expected that, as the blessings of knowledge

and refinement, peace, commerce and true religion, are extended among

these 27 nations, at present using so many vernacular media, the customs

and languages of the smaller tribes will merge into those of the larger, and

those of common origin again approach each other and ultimately coalesce,

The philanthropist must ardently desire so happy a consummation ; since

no one thing, perhaps, so fatally impedes the progress of mankind as those

endless subdivisions, of which these multiplied tongues are first a conse-

quence and then a confirmation, ever exciting to jgeloupies and hostilities

of most injurious operation.

Se! eee sh LULU

1838. ] Remarks on Indo-Chinese Languages. 59

It may therefore fairly be a question how far the intelligent missionaries

at Sadiya and elsewhere, might be justified in endeavouring to anticipate

in some measure the work of time. It will scarcely be disputed that a

translation of the Scriptures, (unless in very minute portions) for such

a tribe, for instance, as that of Champhung, speaking a dialect understood

only by thirty or forty families, would be most preposterous. Much may,

no doubt, be done to diminish these. fractions of language, and the Babel

confusion and difficulty they occasion, by the judicious efforts of our

political Agents and Missionaries in the ultra-Gangetic and other regions.

Much prudence will indeed be required to avoid exciting the hostility

of national prejudices, and other impediments to universal improvement.

In many cases, however, little difficulty would be experienced in con-

fining translations, &e. to a more general language, which would ultimately

supersede the more confined colloquial idioms. Thus, it is stated that

“the majority (of the Champhung families) can speak more or less of

Manipuri, or the languages of their more immediate neighbours.” = Again

that ‘ dialects so nearly similar, as are those of the northern and central

Tangkhuls, are generally intelligible to the adult male population on

both sides ; while the women and children, who rarely leave their homes,

find much difficulty in making themselves (mutually) understood.” In

these and similar cases, the way is plain ; to extend education in the com. |

mon or nearly common language; then, as the want of intellectual and

especially of religious supply is felt, it will be sought in the language of

the printed books.

III. Intimately connected with this point is that of the character to be

taught to a people having none of their own. It should seem good, as a

general principle, to employ, in such instances, the one used by the dominant

neighbouring nation, especially if the languages be of kindred origin ; for

in this case, that character will be the best adapted to the sounds of the

cognate dialect, and may be expected generally to give it a fitter and more

correct expression than would any foreign alphabet.

The words in the “ Comparison, &c.” are given in the Roman character,

according to the modified system of Sir Wint1am Jongs, to which the term

Romanizing system has been applied. The writer thinks “ they furnish

abundant evidence that the Roman character is adequate to express every

sound of the human voice, and is well fitted to be the written representa-

tive of all languages.”’

There is a fallacy here, into which most of the thorough-going advocates

of the Romanizing system have been betrayed ; it is that the modifications

applied, according to that system, to the Roman alphabet, are not equally

applicable to almost any other alphabet. Now, it is an obvious fact that

the Roman letters are, as applied to eastern languages, both redundant

and deficient. First, there are no letters corresponding to the ten aspirated

consonants at gq, &c.; to the sibilants *t and w; to the liquids a and 4; to

the nasals $ » 4 ; to the long vowels of %, &c. Again, the letters c, f, q,

j ee

60 Remarks on the inapplicability of the Roman (Jan

Vv, W, X, Z, are redundant ; while the two dentals, d and t, must denote, by

the aid of the aspirate and a diacritical point, no fewer than eight sounds of

that class ! But, while this double defect, of redundancy and insufficiency,

opposes the application of the- Roman alphabet to the expression of the

sounds of the Hindustani, Assamese,and many other languages in question,

the Nagari and its derivatives are not only complete without excess, but are

positively also the most perfect alphabets in the world, the most philosophi-

cally conceived and arranged. The only exceptions that can be shewn are,

that in the derivatives of the Sanskrit, the sound of v has been generally

merged into 6 or w, which occasions a seeming redundancy of one letter ;

(yet but seeming, because the form is also but one* ; ) and that two of the

three sibilants are usually confounded in utterance, because of the tenuity

of the distinction in their sounds, or rather origin. But if the abuse of even

a perfect alphabet, one exactly commensurate with the primitive sounds of

the language for which it was devised, be a matter of fact, surely that fact

is rather an argument against the adoption of a very imperfect one, as somuch

more liable to originate far greater abuses. ‘To a certain extent, few living

languages, if any, have ever been exempt from these irregularities ; but all

that can, it should seem, be done to prevent or remedy them, is done when

the sounds are, technically, fived sounds ; and, above all, when the written

expression of them is exactly commensurate with them when so fixed; and

when, if a few irregularities have become obstinate in the usage of any peo-

ple, they also are assigned their fixed limits and fixed expression likewise, as in

the use of a diacritical point under the dentals 8 and U to mark a provin-

cial utterance not original to the language. Now, as to this last expedient:

it should appear to be the only available resource for denoting to the eye

the variations from the first sounds of those letters, other than the invention

of additional ones not primitive and original to the language ; one neces-

sary effect of which course, would have been the confounding of the

etymologies of words essentially the same.

But the fallacy alluded to above is involved in the assertion that “ the

Roman character is adequate (as gathered from the tabular columns of

‘ the Comparison, &c.’) to express every sound of the human voice, and is

well fitted to be the written representative of all languages.” This assertion.

involves a negation of such adequacy and fitness to all other characters.

Let us see then with what justice. For how are the deficiency and redun-

dancy in the Roman alphabet overcome, on the Romanizing system ? Why

Ist, By entirely discurding those letters in it whose European sounds are not

found in the Indian languages. 2ndly, By the use of combination and of

diucritical points, to enable the Indian variety of sounds to be expressed

by an inadequate number of letters having an original utterance not In-

dian. But who does not see that the same operation may be extended to

any alphabetic characters whatever ? Of any such, we might with equal

propriety and equal truth say, that “ it is adequate to express every sound

of the human voice, &c.” The more or less is altogether, as we said, a

* i, e.in the derivate alphabets only; the original forms were quite distinct, —EpD.

Spiess

1838. ] Alphabet to Oriental Languages. 61

subsequent and separate consideration. Let not any then be misled by

the fallacious mystification of a plain question, in which the sanguine ad-

vocates of the Romanizing system have indulged and do yet indulge. It is

of course, a subsequent question what alphabet may be made applicable to

express the sounds of the Indian languages with the fewest, simp/est, and

most effective modifications ; but the primary one, as to the capability of

any set of characters to receive an arbitrary assignment to the office of re.

presenting any variety of sound whatever, is that which has been, in our

judgment, so mischievously mystified. What, in fact, should prevent the

process of omission and of diacritical distinction from being applied to any

existing alphabet or to any newly invented symbols whatever ?—

We have, abstractedly considered, no objection to make to the adoption

of the Roman alphabet for written communication among a people yet

without one of their own. In such a case the only question with us would

be one of expediency, to be determined by aptitude, facility, and many

other special considerations. But we look upon the attempt to substitute

the Roman letters for the long established characters, among a people ac.

quainted with the use of written as well as spoken language, as both quixo-

tic and preposterous ; quixotic, because the attempt must fail of any consi-

derable measure of success within the lapse of ages, except by measures

too arbitrary and unjust to be contemplated by the most zealous advocate

of the plan ; and preposterous, for the following reasons chiefly—

Because there is a positive, though not to all at first manifest, danger

of a progressive corruption of the sounds and confusion of the etymologies of

the native languages, by applying to them any other than their own origi-

nal alphabets. ‘The results of the progress of independent nations, during

a course of ages, must not be confounded with those that may be expected

under the operation of a high state of mental advancement in a dominant

people suddenly and at once imparting their own large knowledge to their

conquered subjects. Therefore no conclusion against the present argument

can be drawn from the gradual modifications of a nation’s own alphabet, from

age to age; nor from the ultimate disuse, among the European nations, of

the German character for the Roman: because these two sets of symbols

were substantially the same in form, essentially the same in sound. There

is consequently no analogy between the gradual improvement of the Euro-

pean alphabets, in appearance and facility of writing, &c. and the now con-

templated entire substitution of a foreign alphabet, altogether exotic both

in sound and figure, for the native Indian characters. In the former

case, there was no danger whatever to be apprehended of confounding

letters of the same organ, to the annihilation of all clear traces of the

etymologies of words of various origin, or of the gradual corruption of the

phonic powers of the letters ; in the latter there is the greatest. Thus ¢aé,

that, and ¢at a shore, differ, in Roman character, but by the diacritical

point under the final ¢ of the latter word. Now all who are versed in this

subject well know the extreme difficulty, and often almost inextricable con

fusion, occasioned by errors and omissions in diacritical marks, in the writing

62 Remarks on the inaptitude of the [Jan,

of Janguages to which they are original ; and if this be the consequence of

such a system to them to whom such languages are vernacular, how much

more extensively is its experience to be apprehended by those who come, as

foreigners, to the study of languages whose system of alphabetic sounds is

so widely different as are those of India from those of Europe? Europeans

as it is, with all the check upon a vicious pronunciation secured by the

distinct forms of the native characters, too often fail in acquiring their

proper sounds, and in consequence are but too extensively unintelligible in

their vocal communications. How often has this been felt and complained

of in civil functionaries and, where it is most injurious in its results, in

Missionaries of the blessed Gospel! The writer has known numerous

cases in which the greatest zeal, and even large positive attainments, have

been greatly neutralised by a confused, inaccurate and indistinct pronuncia-

tion. The adult organs have, in fact, acquired a set, so to speak, which

does not readily admit of the enunciation of sounds various from those

acquired in childhood. Indeed, not only a facility of accommodating the

organs of pronunciation to new positions, &c. but a fine and accurate ear

too, is necessary, in the first instance, to distinguish the minuter variations

of sound among letters of the same class: some, entirely new, are seldom

perhaps thoroughly acquired by the best scholars. Now it is manifest that

this difficulty, and the concomitant danger of confounding the most impor-

tant differences in letters and words, would be immeasurably increased were

the helps and guards of the native characters removed and our own, how-

ever systematized, introduced.

Nor would the evil be confined to foreigners. For, besides that increasing

intercourse with these would naturally and even necessarily tend, of itself,

to familiarize the natives to much vocal and written corruption of their

languages, were they also to adopt the Romanizing system, they would

themselves be in no small danger of extending that corruption. ‘Thus the

words Se that, and 3B, a shore, in distinct native characters cannot be

mistaken ; but their equivalents in Roman letters, tut and tat differ only-in

a point. How easily might the omission alone of that point create confusi-

on and obscurity ! But this is not all ; for as, in English, the letter ¢ has ne-

ver the sound of © but of @ only, in learning that language a native of In-

dia has first to encounter the difficulty of altogether discarding, wherever he

meets the letter ¢, the dental sound of 5, (immeasurably more frequent in his

own language than that of @ which is the English t,) and is then inces-

santly exposed to the hazard of corrupting the sound either of the English

t or of his native letter 3, and of settling down into a slovenly uniformity

of dental enunciation in one or in both languages, to the ultimate confu-

sion of words essentially different ; thus, at once, destroying the etymolo-

gies and obscuring the sense of the words he employs. Sv of the vowels also ;

man, in English, he must pronounce nearly as gta in Bengéli; in reading his

own tongue Romanized, he must pronounce the same combination as 4a,

of which it is the equivalent. It is replied, I know, that Europeans

of all nations experience no such difficulty, and are exposed to no such

ae —

——

1838. ] Roman Alphabet to Oriental Languages. , 68

hazard of a mispronunciation of the same letters applied in different

combinations to varying utterances. But, be it remembered, that the

European has acquired his vernacular alphabetic sounds in infancy and

without effort ; by effort must he learn, in after life, to give other sounds,

say the French, &c. to the same letters. ‘There is no danger whatever of

his corrupting those proper to his native tongue. There is to him only

the difficulty of fully acquiring and correctly applying the acquired foreign

enunciation. But to a native of India, the Roman alphabet is originally

unknown, as the expression of any system of sounds. He has therefore to

encounter the prodigious difficulty of applying foreign letters on two dis-

tinct vocal arrangements; first to his own tongue, to which it is inade-

quate, and then to a European one. Nor, let this difficulty be thought

exaggerated. For in eastern languages vowels at least are strictly invari-

able ; the same letter expressing ever but one sound ; and, with very slight

exceptions, this is equally true of the consonants : but, in English, and but

in Bengali, are severally, an adversative conjunction and a noun meaning a

species of corn ; and the same vowel wu is equivalent to the native & and g

both, vowels never confusible or interchangeable !

To all which must be added the conclusive consideration, that were the

Remanizing innovation, by any chance, to succeed in throwing out of use

the native character among European students of the native languages,

and among any considerable number of the youth of the country now edu-

cating in our Schools and Colleges, one of the most singular and fatal

consequences of such an unparalleled anomaly in educational philosophy,

would be the setting aside, at one fell swoop, of the whole indigenous

literature of the Jand, the entire writings of its purest and most valuable

original authors, and the reduction of the native library of the rising

literati and the European student, to a few miserable volumes of Roma-

nized exotics, a Primer or two, the Pilgrim’s Progress, and one or more

similar specimens of a foreign idiom in a foreign dress! How monstrous

a consummation !

I might indefinitely enlarge, but must yield to the restraint imposed

by the limits to which the small space afforded in a periodical confines me.

Enough has been stated I should hope to shew— |

Ist. That it isa manifest fallacy to represent the Roman alphabet, as

modified in the Romanizing system, as a fitter expression than any other

alphabet, under the same plan of modification, of the sounds of eastern or

of any other languages.

2nd. 'Fhat the attempt, futile as it really is, to substitute the Roman for

the native alphabets, were it actually to succeed, must be pregnant with the

~ most mischievous results to the philology of the native languages ; both as

to the etymological distinctness of words, (on which the clear perception

of their sense and the perspicuity or obscurity of construction so much de.

pend) and as to the purity of native pronunciation.

I will only in conclusion observe, that, as applied to the expression in

European books, and for the information of Europeans, of native words and

64 Remarks on the romanization of the Indian languages. [Jan.

sentential quotations, the Romanized system, originally fixed by that emi-

nent scholar Sir W. Jonxs, and now but very slightly modified indeed,

is immeasurably more accurate, complete and philosophical than any

other that has been put forth by English Philologists. All who take an

interest in oriental literature must heartily rejoice in the fresh impulse

that has been latterly given to it ; an impulse which bids fair, ultimately

and at no distant period, to put out of use, for ever, those other, at once

crude and tasteless, systems, equally unphilosophical to the mind and unin-

viting to the eye, which have been applied by some learned but injudicious

scholars. ‘This alone were result enough, amply to reward those active

and philanthropic individuals who have stirred up the present question.

Would they but rest here, they would be justly esteemed benefactors; be-

yond this their labours are either mischievous, or absurd, or both at once ;

of which, besides the philological arguments above given, may be adduced

the fact, that while occupied with more than quixotic hopes, excitement,

and confinement of view, in this vain attempt at more than an Herculean

task, they are dividing the warmest friends of native education and general

improvement: they do positively retard the period of the regeneration

of India; a consummation that can only be brought about by united exer-

tions; by “a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether,” of that

chain of instrumental truth which is to pull down for ever the monstrous

edifice of the superstitions of ages.

Note.—Did we not consider this question as long since set at rest, we

might easily second our author with other arguments against the adapta-

bility of the Roman alphabet to take the place of the oriental alphabets either

of Arabia or India ; although it is no doubt possible to contrive that it shall,

by modifications and restrictions, represent any given number of sounds.

The real merit of the European alphabet, for writing and for printing con-

sists in its fewness of symbols:—multiply these by diacritical marks, and

it is put on a par with Eastern alphabets in one source of perplexity, while

it is behind them greatly in the distinction of letters inter se. Any one

engaged in printing knows the exceeding difficulty of setting up and of

sorting letters of the same name merely affected by a minute dot; and

hardly a page of romanized writing can be produced in print properly ac-

centuated. SirW. Jongs’s system of romanization even with the TReveLyan

modifications, is still far from being perfect, however sufficient, as we have

always maintained, for Europeans and sentential quotations. Some of the

continental systems, as that of Cuezy, founded on the principle of repre-

senting single letters always by single letters, has a great advantage over it

in the transcription of poetry in particular,where it seems unprosodial to give

a short quantity to a vowel preceding such double letters as bh, dh, chh,

while mh, /h, require a long one. The hard palatial is, we think, better

represented by the ¢ alone, that is, the Italiane; especially as both the

hard and soft sound of this letter are discarded in the present romanized

scale. What can look more uncouth than achchhé (by Cuezy ace‘d) un-

less, indeed, it be the more ancient continental orthography atchtchhé,

which is qualified to express nothing short of a typographed sneeze !—Ep.

1838.) On the Indian Coal Fields. 65

VIII.— On the difference of level in Indian Coal fields, and the causes

to which this may be ascribed. By J. McCieLttanp Esq. Secre-

tary to the Committee for investigating the Coal and Mineral re-

sources of India.

[Extracted with permission from the Committee’s Reports now under publication. ]

Before proceeding to notice the information which has been published

or reported to government regarding the various coal fields, it will be

desirable to offer a few observations on the geological features of that

portion of India in which they occur, more especially beyond the Gan-

ges.

The face of the country rises gradually as we cross the plains on the

western side of the Hoogley towards the range of hills, at the base of

which the coal field of Burdwan is situated ; this is proved by the fol-

lowing fact noticed by the late Mr. Jones, namely, that at Omptah,

twenty-two miles due west of Calcutta, and the same distance from the

sea as that city, the tides in the Damuda derived from the estuary of

the Hoogley rise but ten inches during the springs of June, ebbing

and flowing only half an hour*. In Calcutta on the other hand there

is a difference of seventeen feet between high and low water during the

same springs+, from which we may perhaps infer, that the plain in this

direction ascends nine inches per mile for the distance of twenty-two

miles from the Hoogley ; beyond this, the surface is known to rise

more rapidly throughout the extent of sixty or seventy miles to the foot

of the hills, which is the cause of those violent floods that render the

navigation of the Damuda so difficultt.

* We should think the facts here noted prove rather the two places to be on

the same level. As far as the tide reaches, the average of high and low water will

be very nearly the level of the sea, unless there is a considerable flow of water from

above, which is less the case in the Damuda than in the Hoogley. The lift de-

pends on the body of water, depth, and configuration of the channel, and the

Damuda only gets an offset from the Hoogley tidal supply. The height of the

surface of the land may be safely measured from the average of high and low

water mark. See a paper on this subject by Captain T. Prinsep, Gl. Sci.

Vol. I1.—Ep.

+ See Kyp’s Tables, Asiatic Res. 1829.

t Mr. Jones states that the Damuda river is open from the middle of June

to the end of September for boats of 300 maunds burden, from Omptah to the

situation at which the coal is raised, and that each boat is capable during this

period of passing five times between these situations. It is necessary, when from

a slight cessation of rain the river is perceived to fall, to haul the boat on the

highest practicable ground, and there await the succeeding flood, which sets in

with so much impetuosity as to overwhelm whatever may happen to be in its

course.

66 On the difference of level (JAN.

On the eastern side of Calcutta on the contrary, there is a depres-

sion, though probably of less amount, extending gradually to that portion

of the Swnderbunds marked ‘morass,’ in ARROWSMITH’s map, a little

on the west of Culna. This lowest situation perhaps of the Sunder-

bunds, is situated midway between the Tiperah hills on the east, and

those hills the continuation of which on the western side of the Hoogley,

contains the Burdwan coal field; the distance across the alluvium on

either side being about 150 miles, making the breadth of the united

delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, at this situation 300 miles.

If from the morass, we proceed two and a half degrees due north, |

we find the breadth of the great delta contracted between the Garrow

and Rajmahl hills to 150 miles, from which situation the alluvium

again expands into the plains of its respective rivers, extending north-

west and north-east respectively, and leaving an obtuse angle formed

by the Sikkim and Lhotan mountains, pomting toward the great delta,

and forming with the Feajmah/ and Garrow mountains three points of a

nearly equilateral triangle, which constitutes the nearest local con-

nexion of the three distinct systems of Indian mountains; and at each

of the three situations, viz. Rajmahl, Chilmary, and the Teesa river

coal has been found.

It would be hazardous to draw any conclusion from this interesting

fact, until we are better acquainted with the nature and relative position

of the strata in each locality. Should the coal of the three situations

prove to be the same formation, borings in that case conducted in

various intermediate points in Purnea and Dinagepore, might detect

the coal measures buried beneath this portion of the delta; (vide a. A.

Fig. 1) but at present our data are too vague to justify the expense of

such a mode of inquiry in this quarter. It would rather seem that the

intervening coal measures were upheaved with those of the adjacent

mountains, and subsequently overthrown by the Ganges and Brahma-

putra, or by other causes hereafter to be considered.

Although we have at Chirra Pumnji, a bed of coal raised on an

insulated summit 4300 feet above the level of the sea, the rocks by

which it is accompanied are identical in their nature with those that

are found bearing a similar relative position to other beds of coal of

the same formation, whether above or below the level of the sea. The

annexed figure will render these observations better understood.

aaaaaCoal. bb Great sandstone forming the base of the coal measures.

ee ee Igueous rocks. g Basaltic quartzose-rocks, reposing on the greenstone (i.) _

7 Greenstone. 4 Granular slaty quartz, or metamorphosed sandstone.

k Nummulite limestone. m Slate clay. |

n New sandstone, containing in the south side of Assam fragments of cual and

fossil trees,

1838.] of the Indian Coal Fields. —~ 67

Mufiong. Serarim. Chirra.

Agi

Livia

Assam. a e

The section of the Késya mountains here represented is not ideal,

although the horizontal distances are contracted for convenience.

With regard to the tertiary beach Z, it is a settled point in such

cases that it is the land and not the sea that has undergone an alteration

of level. The difference between the fossil beach and the present sea, is

consequently the quantity which these mountains have increased in

height since the tertiary period, indicated by the character of the shells

of which the fossil beach is constituted, thus accounting at once for the

principal difference of level between the coal at Chirra and that of

Burdwan on the opposite side of the delta. The bursting of a sub-

marine volcano between the points B, B, from’ beneath a secondary

basin A, composed of the coal measures, would necessarily if on a scale

of sufficient magnitude uplift the intermediate portion of the latter,

separating the strata /, 7, /, 7, which were continuous before the elevatory

movements commenced. ‘This will also account for the presence of coal

at the base, as well as on the summit of the mountain at Chirra*. ‘The

great mass of igneous rocks e, e, e, e, which appear to have been chiefly

instrumental in effecting the upheavement of the coal measures, is sienite ;

but at 2, situated on the southern side of the Gogapany river, greenstone

€ B

* The existence of a sub-marine basin of a depth which according to these views

must have heen equal to the entire height of the mountains, may appear to be

incompatible with the depth to be assigned to the sea which would appear to

have covered Bengal during the tertiary period. The existence of an unfathom-

able abyss called the swatch of no ground, close to the mouths of the Ganges,

and surrounded by shoal water where the deposit of silt might be supposed

rapidly to remove such a remarkable feature, leaves little difficulty in conceiving

the great depth to which marine valleys may descend. The swatch is about 5

miles east of Lacom’s Channel: itis fifty miles long, and thirty broad, and

within a mile or two of sands which are left bare at low water; 150 fathoms of

line have been tried without effect, and this, within so inconsiderable a distance

from the northern side of the swatch, where soundings indicate only 7 fathoms,

as to leave little doubt of this sub-marine valley presenting as precipitous

declivities as we are in the habit of witnessing from the loftiest table-lands. For

the soundings of this basin see Horssvreu’s Map of the Bay of Bengal.

pe epee A ae —

68 : On the levels of Indian Coal Fields. [Jan.

is seen protruding from beneath the lower strata of sandstone here

represented by a coarse conglomerate of boulders, imbedded in some

occasions in a matrix of felspar, as in the valley of the Calapany*. The

greenstone 2, forms the whole declivity on the south side of the Bogapany,

down to the bed of the torrent which is formed of a glassy basalt,

apparently nothing more than altered masses of that portion of the

sandstone .formation which has been here entirely overthrown by the

causes just adverted tot. Ascending from the torrent along the pre-

cipitous face of the mountain to Muflong, the metamorphosed rock

gradually loses its columnar structure, and assumes the character of

granular slaty quartz. In the vicinity of Muflong, this last form of

rock, which may be traced by several gradations into ordinary sand-

stone, rests on sienite in highly inclined masses. Sienite forms some

of the loftiest summits in this situation, but appears to pass, on declivi-

ties, into a rock formed chiefly of felspar in a fine granular crystalline

state, with a little quartz{; and enclosing granitic masses which under-

go concentric decay, and occasionally beds of mica, and sometimes of

quartz much comminuted. This constitutes the principal formation

over which the road extends from Matrang into the valley of Assam.

Somewhere on either side of the lower portion of this declivity, coal

measures have been detected the same as on the Bengal face of the

mountains, but accompanied with newer sandstones containing salt

springs in addition to fossil trees and detached fragments of coal.

Limestone, agreeing in mineral characters and probably in fossil con-

tents with that of Chirva, also occurs in this side of the mountains;

but the relative position of the beds, as well as all other important geo-

logical features here remain unexplored§.

* This is a small but precipitous river valley, met with in the table-land

between the Serartm and the Bogapany.

+ It is always satisfactory on such occasions to find the views of different

observers agree in ever so limited a degree: I may therefore remark that Sir

Epwarp Ryan and Mr. Cracrort, who on distinct occasions crossed this

portion of the Kasya mountains prior to the visit of the Assam deputation, also

found rocks which they denominated basaltic. No 21 in Sir Epwarp’s collection

of specimens presented to the Asiatic Society’s museum’ is named ‘ basaltic

quartz’ from the bed of the Bogapany ; and is the same as the glassy basalt

abovementioned. Mr. Cracrort’s collection of specimens from between

Muflong and Serartm also contains a ‘ basalt’ as well as ‘a coarse quartzy

sandstone’-—(Vide Journal of the Asiatic Soc. Vol. III. 294) which is the

metamorphosed sandstone here spoken of.

+ Described in my geological catalogue as primary sandstone.

§ Figs. 25, 20, 21, and 15, Plate 2, were found in a small quantity of the Assam

limestone which had been brought to Gowahattt for the purpose of making

lime: all these but 15 have been found in the Chirra limestone also.

1838. | Geology of the Kaésya Mountains. 69

The insulated situation of the coal measures at Chirra Punji affords

an excellent opportunity for their examination, owing to the great extent

of surface which is free from soil and alluvium, so that the geologist

has no obstacle to encounter but the dense vegetation peculiar to the

climate.

The great sandstone composing here as elsewhere the base of the

coal measures, forms the lofty front of the mountains facing the plains.

The lower beds consist of a coarse conglomerate, as already stated, repre-

sented at 7, in the preceding section, resting on greenstone after the

manner of similar conglomerates in nearly all countries in which their

fundamental rocks have been observed*. When we consider that this

is not merely the case with the sandstone of the Adsya mountains, but

that the whole series of sandstones throughout Central India rest on

the flanks of ranges of sienite, greenstone, and basalt, we cannot apply

more appropriate language in elucidation of this general feature in our

geology, extending as it does over an area of 1800 geographical miles

in length, and 300 in breadth, than the following remarks of De La

BecuE :—“ As we can scarcely conceive such general and simultaneous

movements in the interior strata immediately preceding the first deposit

of the red sandstone series, that every point on which it reposes was

convulsed and threw off fragments of rocks at the same moment; we

should rather look to certain foci of disturbance for the dispersion of

_ fragments, or the sudden elevation of lines of strata, sometimes perhaps

producing ranges of mountains in accordance with the views of M. Exte

DE Beaumont. Had this idea resulted from observations in India,

rather than in Europe, it could not have been more appropriate, or

formed so as to convey a more accurate notion of the nature and con-

nexions of our red conglomerates.

Ascending through the series of beds of this rock in the Kdsya moun-

tains, we find the coarser strata occasionally reappear, succeeded again

by the normal beds which are fine, durable, and grey colored.

In some places, but especially when approaching the upper third of

_the series, the colors become variegated, and ultimately the whole, or

nearly so, assume a brick red color. The higher strata form a barren

table-land with lengthy sloping summits extending to the distance of ten

miles towards the interior of the mountains.

* Speaking of the porphyry on which the red conglomerates of Devonshire rest,

De La Bercus observes (Manual Geol. 388),—‘‘ When however we extend our

observations, we find that our conglomerates are very characteristic of deposits

of the same age in other parts of Britain, France, and Germany, and they most

frequently though not always rest on disturbed strata.”’

70 Geology of the Kasya Mountains. [Jane

The limestone and coal about to be described, repose in an elevated

position on either side of the.adjoing summits ; whether the rocks of

which these last are composed, occupy a superior geognostic position

with regard to the coal or not, is somewhat.doubtful ; but as far as itis

safe to determine from inquiries of a partial nature, we may consider

the sandstone from the base of the mountains to the higher peaks along

their flanks as an uninterrupted series of beds, and consequently, =

the coal is a newer rock than the sandstone composing adjacent sum-

mits.

In the sandstone upon which the coal and limestone immediately rest:

at Chirra, a bed of boring shells, figs. 8, 9, 10, plate VII. occur com-

posing a considerable portion of the rock in certain places. The shells.

were of the size and form of the Teredo navalis, but they are mine-

ralized so unfavorably as to render it doubtful to what genus. they

really belonged*.

It is here worthy of remark that the old red sandstone at the base of

the coal measures at Caithness, and other parts of Britain contains

fishes, none of which appear in the-superincumbent beds, while at Chirra

we have a sandstone bearing the character of the old red, and like it

reposing on igneous rocks, and supporting beds of limestone and coal ;

but instead of fishes abounding in the peculiar boring shells just men-

tioned, not one of which could be found in the superimposed rock, nor.

could one of the numerous shells of the latter be found in the subja~

cent rock, thus indicating both in Europe and India, that a sufficient

* In Dr. BucKLawnn’s paper on the fossils procured in Ava by Mr. CRawForp,

Geol. Trans. 2nd series, vol. II. p. 387, teredines are mentioned as having been-

found in blocks of wood in that kingdom and of the same species as those found

in London clay. Mr. Wise of Dacca has recently found fossil trees in Camilla,

that remarkable tract of table-land referred to in. the first paragraph of the

author’s report on the physical condition of the Assam tea plant. (Transactions

of the Agricultural Society of India, vol. IV. p. 1.) Two specimens of these trees

have been brought to Calcutta by H. M. Low, Esq., one apparently calcareous,

the other is siliceous, yet both were found together in the same place, so that it is

to be supposed they were drifted from distinct situations. One of these fossils

had been eaten by termes and the other perforated by a kind of feredo, the holes

of which agree in every respect with those formed in recent trees in the Swnder-

bunds by the teredo navalis ; the trees were dicotyledinous. If they were actu-

ally found on the table-land alluded to, the fact will lead to some highly inter-

esting inferences, but whether or not, they serve to form an interesting local link

between the fossils of the Chirra Punji sandstone, and the living teredo in the

Bay of Bengal. Mr. Low has kindly undertaken to procure more information

from Mr, Wise regarding the history of the fossil woods in question, whieh are

in the meantime trausferred to my friend Dr. Cantor.

1838.] Geology of the Kasya Mountains. 71

interval of time had elapsed between the period at which the formation

of the conglomerates was finished, and that at which the production of

the limestone commenced, to allow of the disappearance from the seas

of one class of animals, and. the introduction of another. The surface

of this great formation for two-thirds of the entire height of the Kdsya

mountains in this situation, is covered with a stratum of marine shells

which lie immediately under the soil, and in places these remains are

accumulated in extensive deposits of the shingle of an ancient coast

represented at Z, in the preceding figure. — ,

On the summits which intervene between the coal at Chirra, and

that of Serarim above adverted to, the sandstone is chiefly of a brick

red color, variegated in places with white. Imbedded in the structure

of this rock, the fragment of a fruit or lomentum of a leguminous plant

belonging to the tribe mimosea, was found*. This fossil, figs. 4, 5, 6, 7,

plate I., like the remains of the teredinous animals already noticed,

(though its form is better preserved) is converted into sandstone in no

way different from the matrix, except that it was separated from it by a

_ want of cohesion between the form and the impression. It is probable

from this condition of the fossil that it may have lived at a time when

the rock in which it was imbedded was forming, and been washed into

waters and deposited with their sediment. Near it was found a thorny

stem, fig. 3, plate I., such as the plant to which the fruit belonged most

probably possessed, especially as the thorny species of mimosez, produc-

ing fruit of such a size, are the most numerous of the tribe. The mi-

mosee form a very general feature of the vegetation of the plains, but

are rarely if ever seen on mountain summits at such an elevation as the

rock in which these fragments were found. The inference consequently

tends to support the indications of upheavement afforded by the marine

remains so extensively distributed over the acclivities of these mountains,

as well as the doctrine of Lyrxu as to the influence of vicissitudes in

physical geography, on the distribution and existence of species. It also

leads us to infer, that one feature at least of the existing vegetation of

India, has survived those revolutions which have obliterated the existence

of tropical forms in the present temperate regions of the earth.

Reposing on the teredinite ‘sandstone near Chirra, a detached accu-

mulation of limestone with alternating beds of sandstone, coal, and shale,

disposed in horizontal strata, form a precipice about a hundred feet high

from the base. Coal, to a thickness of fifteen feet in places occupies a

* We are indebted to the botanical acquirements of my friend and fellow-

traveller WiLt1AM Grirritru, Esq. for aright knowledge of the nature of this

fossil.

72 Geology of the Kasya Mountains. [Jan.

middle position in these strata. A bed of loose, coarse and sharp sand,

five feet deep, forms the roof of the coal, and a layer of soft sandstone,

about two feet in thickness, rests directly under the soil upon a bed of

clay about twenty feet deep. The clay holds an intermediate position

between the roof of the coal and the superincumbent sandstone; it is

of yellow color, but dark in some places, and intersected horizontally

with thin layers of gravel, coal, and an iron pyrites of little value, and

in small quantity. From their softness these beds ‘are easily, though

not uniformly, acted upon by surface water, which peculiarity may have

given rise to that waved appearance observed by Mr. Jones and Captain

SaGeE in the Burdwan and Palamow coal fields. |

Following the section from the coal downwards, we meet with an

earthy limestone, which, though naturally dark, becomes mealy and

whitish on the surface by exposure: it is perhaps the magnesian lime-

stone of the coal measures. This bed is about four feet in thickness,

and contains nests of coal, with some traces of shells; a layer of sand-

stone an inch in thickness divides this from a bed of ordinary compact

limestone twenty feet in thickness, containing few if any shells ;—an

interesting circumstance when compared with the fact of the absence of

fossils in limestones of similar character in Central India: a more com-

pact and crystalline bed than the last, abounding in those shells repre-

sented in plate 2, then occurs. This is separated from the great

sandstone, by a fine calcareous grit stone eight feet in thickness, in

which fig. 23, plate VIII. was the only fossil found.

Nummulite limestone (A, fig. 1) was first brought to light at the

foot of the Kdsya mountains by Mr. CoLesrooke in his paper on Mr.

Scorr’s notes and specimens, which were forwarded to the Geological So-

ciety in 1824* ; but the Chirra Punji bed of shell limestone here noticed

was first observed in 1832 by Mr. Cracrorrt+, Mr. Scorr may have

previously found occasional shells in the same rock in the Kdsya as

well as in the Garrow mountains{. It does not however appear that

any chronological distinction has been established between the different

limestones in this quarter, although the Chirra rock is distinguished as

a formation from the nummulite limestone, as well by means of its fossils,

as by the beds with which it is associated.

The nummulite limestone of Terriaghdt, where it composes that por-

tion of the Laour hills situated at the base of the Kdsya mountains, is a

* Geological Transactions, vol. I. 2nd series, 132.

t+ Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. I. 252.

} Geological Transactions, vol. I. 2nd series, 132.

~ 1838.) Geology of the Kasya Mountains. 73

compact blue rock alternating in single strata with a coarse earthy oolite

of a calcareous nature*. These appear to rest (as well as could be de-

termined during a cursory examination while passing) on a slate clay

composed of argillaceous blue clay with slaty layers of ferruginous matter

and sandstone. The compact beds abound in nummulites, and in frag-

ments of the same rock which had been quarried somewhere in this

vicinity and conveyed to Chaté:k for the purpose of making lime, a

turbinolopsis ocracea was found+. Now although we cannot as yet

contend for the universal and contemporaneous distribution either of the

same organic species or geological formations, yet as the chalk of Europe

is represented in several extensive tracts of that continent by rocks

which are very unlike, and especially in the Morea, by a compact num-

mulite limestone, and inthe South of France by an oolite containing

nummulites, there is no reason why, in the present state of our knowledge

-we should not refer our compact nummulite limestone, together with the

volite associated with it, to the cretaceous group. See LyEeLu, 4th ed.

vol. IV. 287-8, where the observations of MM. Bosiaye and VIRLET,

are referred to in support of the equivalent distribution of chalk and

nummulite limestone in Europe.

In the Chirra Punji coal no vegetable impressions have been found ;

but slight opportunities have been hitherto afforded of examining the

adjoining shales in which they are chiefly to be expected. I found in

the bed of coal at Serarim, however, which appears to be the same

formation, a large phytolithus, or stem, characteristic also of several of

the independent coal formations of Europe and America ; a similar fossil

appears to have been also found by Voysey, in the coal of Central

* Although 40 geographical miles distant from Silhet, it is named in Mr.

CoLEBROOKz’s paper, Silhet limestone; but as other limestones may be found

nearer Silhet, the necessity of being more definite in our allusious to localities

in India is obvious. In the following volume of the same Transactions, this

rock (supposing it to be the Sil/he¢ limestone), is said to be white, and also

to contain in the Garrow mountains vertebre of a fish; but unless we presume

that the Rev. Dr. Buckianp, the eminent author of the paper in question,

identified these in Mr. Scorr’s specimens, and that they were overlooked by

Messrs. Cuirr and Wegster who examined them for Coresrooxke’s paper, we

must attribute the statement to a similar vague indication of localities as that

above referred to ; as we look in vain for an instance of Mr. Scorr having found

vertebre of fishes in the nummulite limestone, although such were found by

him in the sands and clays of the Caridari hills, as appears from the list of fossils

in COLEBROOKE’S paper.

t A madreporite represented by a single star, the radii of which, as well as

the form of the fossil, correspond with T. ocracea, represented in the Suppl. vol.

Grirr. Anim. ‘King.

74 Geology of the Coal beds of Central India. (JAN.

India* ; thus, the identity of the different beds referred to, is so far

confirmed. |

With the exception just mentioned, as well as the impressions of

lycopodiums and ferns in the shales connected with Burdwan coal,

organic remains have been hitherto little noticed in Indian coals ; but

when we avail ourselves of improved means of observation we find this

branch of the subject no less interesting here, than it had been rendered

in Europet+. |

The microscopic discoveries of the organic tissues of plants recently

made by the Rev. Mr. Reape in the ashes of English coal, have induced

J. W. Grant, Esq. of Calcutta to repeat those interesting observations

with complete success. The ashes of Serarim coal, as well as those

afforded by several kinds from the neighbourhood of Silhet, and one

variety of the Burdwan coal, display most distinct signs of organic tex-

tures; so much so, that some of the coals of very different localities

may be identified by their ashes as having been formed from similar

plants under similar circumstances—for instance, one variety of coal

from the foot of the hills near Sz/het, with another from a lofty bed on

the summit of the Aasya mountains.

With regard to the nature of the rocks in Central India associated

with coal, as far as their details have been made out, there can be little

question regarding their identity with the coal measures of Chirra.

FRANKLIN, after an examination of several districts, considered the

sandstones of the Nerbudda to represent the new red conglomerate of

Europe. The Rev. Mr. Everest on the other hand, has assigned

excellent reasons for supposing those rocks to bear a closer alliance to

the old red sandstone, and his views are strengthened, if not confirmed,

by more recent and extended observations in a quarter better calculated

to afford satisfactory results. The limestone of the same districts were

considered by Captain FRanKLin, and other writers of the same period

with no better reason, to represent the lias; but Mr. Everest justly

* Res. Phys. Class. Asiat. Soc. 1892.—13.

t+ A gentleman recently engaged ina survey of one of our coal fields, exhibited

a large reed which seemed to be an ordinary species of saccharum, at one of

the late scientific soirees at Government House, as the plant from which coal

is derived. It is however stated on the authority of LinpLey and Hurron,

in their Fossil Flora, that no glumaceous plant has been found in a fossil state,

though grasses now forma general feature of the vegetation of all countries.

Of 260 species of plants discovered in coal formations, 220 are cryptogamous, the

remainder afford no instance of any reed, notwithstanding some doubtful appear-

ances to the contrary, and not a single vegetable impression in the coal beds has

been identified with any plant now growing on the earth.

ee ee

—

“2 aro

ert Ee

T838."} Change of level in Indian Coal beds. 75

observed, that as no fossils have been found in it, the chances are that

it belongs to an earlier date*. Numerous limestones are found so much

alike in appearance, that it would be quite impossible to draw a line

of distinction between them except by means either of their fossil con-

tents, or their relative position to other rocks whose nature may be

better understood; but where, as in the present case, such information

is also deficient, we must still hesitate to adopt any decided views regard-

ing them.

It may here be desirable to offer a few observations on the changes of

levels which have taken place in our various coal fields) Why one

should now occupy the summit of a mountain at an elevation of 4300

feet+, and another remain scarcely emerged above the seat, is a question

that almost suggests itself in this place ; and as the nature of coal has

led to the conclusion that it must at least have been formed beneath

estuaries, if not at greater depths from the surface§, the causes that have

produced its present diversified position cannot fail to excite the deepest

interest in our minds. In the course of the inquiry we shall find that

there is perhaps no portion of the earth to which the doctrine of existing

causes can be applied with more effect in accounting for the physical

changes that have taken place, than India.

An inspection of the annexed map Pl. VI. will show the probability of

the disturbing forces having been directed in certain lines, one of which

extending from A, to B, may be named the secondary volcanic band,

from its principal energies appearing to have been exerted during the

secondary period. Voysery, after a careful examination of several dis-

tricts in Central India, embraced by this belt observes, ‘I have had too

many proofs of the intrusion of trap rocks in this district” (table-

lands west of Nagpore) “amongst the gneiss to allow me to doubt of

their volcanic origin||.” Dr. Harpy, Captains Frankuin, JENKINS:

and CouULTHARD in their several communications to the Asiatic Society,

have in certain instances expressed similar views regarding several phe-

nomena presented to their notice in the course of their inquiries in

Central India. The appearance of lines here observed in the distribu-

tion of trap rocks, was formerly supposed to be irreconcilable to the pro-

* Gleanings of Science, vol. III. page 207.

+t At Chirra Punji. t At Arracan.

§ Dr. Taomson considers coal to have been formed by the slow combustion

of vegetable matters under great pressure and consequently at considerable

depth beneath the surface—vide outlines Mineralogy and Geology 1836: others

refer its origin merely to the accumulation of vegetable matters in estuaries.

| As. Res, 1829. p. 194.

L 2

76 Volcanic bands extending (JAw.

miscuous nature of volvanic action, and may have tended materially to

embarrass the views of geologists in districts not calculated to afford any

very striking results.

If we refer to the volcanic belt of the Molucca and Sunda islands, -

we shall find evidence of as perfect a lineal tendency in the direction

of its active energies as that which the extinct band affords, of having,

within the secondary period, extended across the ceutre of India in a

line parallel with the equator from the gulf of Cumbay to the Himd-

hiya.

The active vents of the Molucca band have been extended by Von

Bucu from Suwmutra to Barren Island, from which point the train

may be carried in the same line through the islands of Marcandam and

Rambree, to the coast of Arracan and Chittagong, as represented on

the annexed map ; at this situation the two zones intersect each other, so

as to form their united focus in the Késya mountains where the energies

of both would seem to have been most exerted, the elevatory move-

ments having commenced in the secondary, and continued throughout ©

the tertiary period.

Although oscillations of the surface, and perhaps occasional eruptions

-may have taken place at all times, attended by the subsidence of one

tract, and the upheavement of another, yet the principal energy of the

Vindhya* volcanic belt from A to B, appears as already stated to have

been chiefly confined to the secondary period. .

A chain of sienite passing on the one hand into granitic rocks, chiefly

composed of felspar, and on the other into greenstone and basalt, extends

across this portion of the continent. On the flanks of this chain the

coal measures repose, rarely forming a series of beds so extensive as .

observed in England, except perhaps in the Caribari hills and along

the southern boundary of Assam. A sandstone equivalent to the old

red, rests immediately on the disturbed strata; with the sandstone, beds

of coal and shale, as well as limestone occur: along the flanks of the

chain thermal springs are situated, one of these has been recently found

by Mr. Bervs in the Damuda river near the foot of the Pachite hillst+.

In the Nerbudda valley two have also been brought to notice by Dr.

Spitspury ; in Curruckpore district several hot springs are mention-

* Such is the geographical name of the range which extends from the Gulf of

Cambay to the Ganges at Bdgalpore, from which it would seem from certain

indications (24.49) tc have been extended by a series, obliterated ridges across

the Delta tothe Garrow mountains, the leading geological features of the older

rocks being, as far as they are as yet determined, the same on both sides (41.)

+ Journ. As. Soc. 1832-36.

1838. ] across India—and down the East Coasts. 77

ed by Mr. Jones, in addition to the well known spring at Mongir. In

Assam, on the opposite side of the delta they are alsocommon in the

same line in several situations along the foot of the Muga mountains,

thus confirming other indications that have been adduced of the volcanic

agency of this extensive band throughout its extent on both sides of the

Ganges.

_ The other band now to.be noticed is a continuation of that which has

been described by Von Bucu, as belonging to the volcanic train of the

Moluccas; but it has been extended no farther by him in the direction in

which we are now to trace it, than Barven Islund in 12° 19’ N. lat. in

the Bay of Bengal*. | :

The island of Nercandam situated in 18° 22’ N. lat. is a volcanic cone

raised to the height of seven or eight hundred feet. ‘The annexed out-

line, reduced from asketch made by WiLLiamM GriFFitTH, Esq., while

passing within half a mile of the shore, shews the figure of the cone; the

upper part of which is quite naked, presenting lines such as were

doubtlessly formed by lava currents descending from the crater to the

base, which last is covered with vegetation. No soundings are to be

found at the distance of half a mile from the shore.

The next. volcanic islands to be observed, are those which form a small

archipelago on the Arracan coast. The largest of these is Rambree,

described in the fourth volume of the Asiatic Journal by the late Lieut.

Fo.ey. It is situated close to the low marshy coast of Arracan, and

is formed of ranges of mountains extending in the direction of north-

northwest, varying in height from five to fifteen hundred feet; one

peak named Jeeka, is raised to an elevation of 3000 feet above the sea.

The plains from which the ridges ascend slope down to the sea with the

occasional interruption of low ridges containing basin-like cavities large

enough for the cultivation of rice. The highest portions of the plain

are composed of shingle, the same as the recent breach, a circumstance

which may be observed on removing the soil.

Earthy cones covered merely by a green sward, and situated gene-

rally in marshy grounds are ranged along the shores of Rambree as well

as the adjoining islands and coast of Arracan: their naked appearance,

* See Plate III. Lyex’s Principles Geol. vol, XI. 4th ed.

78 Mud Volcanoes on the Coast of Arracan. [J AR.

contrasted with the dense marshy forests from which they ascend, is

said to have a singular effect, heightened by a few scattered plants of

the Tamarix indica, elsewhere found only in sandy deltas and islands

along the course of the great rivers, growing on their sides; on the

summit of each cone a spring of muddy water is found, through which

gas escapes in bubbles, a peculiarity which has procured for them the

name of mud volcanoes. These cones, although they excited no interest

when first described by Lieut. FoLey*, are characteristics of the coasts

of Chili and Calabyia, and are well known to result from some of the

most interesting and awful visitations to which the surface of the earth

is exposed. They are of a similar nature, but of much greater size

than the cones of earth which formed on the coast of Chili during the

great earthquake of 1822, where they are referred to fissures produced

in the granitic rocks through which water mixed with mud was thrown”

upt. The alluvial plains of Calabria present similar cones of sand, in-

dicating the alternate rising and sinking of the ground.

Sir W. Hamitton explains such phenomena by supposing the first

movement to have raised the fissured plain from below upwards, so that

the rivers and stagnant waters in bogs sank down, but when the ground

was returned with violence to its former position the mud was thrown up

in jets through fissures{. ;

Near Kaeng in Rambree, Lieutenant Forry found at the foot of one

of these cones, masses resembling clink stone, of green color, very hard

and sonorous when struck, and he naturally concluded that they must

have been ejected from a volcanic vent.

Two of the largest of the cones are situated on a ridge of sandstone

. 300 feet in height, about 3 miles from Kyouk Phyoo, the capital of the

island. From one of them called Nayadong, vapour and flame was

seen by the inhabitants of Kyouk Phyoo to issue to the height of several

hundred feet above the summit during the principal shock of the earth-

quake of the 26th August 1833. The phenomenon may have been

occasioned by the concussion of the earthquake bursting open some

new fissure from which a transitory stream of inflammable gas, such as

that which supplies the celebrated burning fountain of Chittagong may

have issued.

The island of Chaduba adjoining Rambree is represented in most old

charts as a burning mountain, from which it may be alleged that early

surveyors witnessed its eruptions; the higher ridges of neither of these

islands have been examined, but the shores of Chaduba, like those of

* They were referred by some merely to the decomposition of iron pyrites.

+ LYELL, 2, 232, 4th ed. } LYELL, 2, 278. 4th ed.

1838. ] Earthquake, and alterations of the Coast. 79

Rambree, present numerous earthy cones, with springs of mud and gas

on their summits.

Three miles south of Chaduba, there is a small cone composed of

scoriaceous rocks, raised 200 feet above the sea; soundings at its base

display those peculiarities which always characterise volcanic coasts*.

The above facts might alone be sufficient to prove the volcanic

nature of the coast of Arracan, and to justify our extending the train

of active volcanic agency from Barren Island to the 20° N. Lat. or

within five degrees of the Kdsya mountains as in the annexed map.

But the events which took place on this coast during the great earth-

quake of the 2nd April 1762, and to which the earthy cones are no

doubt referrible, place the question in a less doubtful point of view.

Sixty square miles of the Chittagong coast, suddenly, and permanently

subsided during this earthquake. Ces-lung-Toom, one of the Mug

mountains, entirely disappeared, and another sunk so low that its

summit only remained visible+. Four hills are described as having

been variously rent asunder, leaving open chasms differing from 30 to

60 feet in width{. In the plain, the earth opened in several places,

throwing up water and mud of a sulphurous smell. At Bar Charra,

200 lives were lost on a tract of ground that sunk suddenly, but it is

said that at Arracan where it was supposed the chief force was dis-

played§, the effects were as fatal as those of the earthquake which

happened about the same period at Lisbon. At Dacca the waters rose

so suddenly as to cast several hundred boats on shore, and on retiring,

the wave which is described as terrible, swept numbers of persons

away]||.

* This is stated on the authority of Captain LLoyp, Marine Surveyor General,

to whom the author is indebted for several other interesting items regarding this

coast.

T Phil. Trans. vol. LIII. p. 256.

¢ Other mountains and hills were variously disturbed or destroyed, some partly

or entirely thrown down so as to obstruct the course of rivers ; others sank 25 and

others 40 cubits. A Toom hill called Chatter Puttuah, is described as having “‘ split

by little and little till if became reduced to the level of the plain,’’ and in other

eases creeks were closed up by banks of sand rising from their bottom. See Phil.

Trans. 1763; upon the whole the history of this earthquake may be supposed to be

very incomplete, its effects in one district only of the extensive line of coast in which

it happened being imperfectly described.

§ See also observations on the disappearance of various stn on the Chitta-

gong coast, which are alluded to in the nautical works of the Arabs in the middle of

the 16tn century. (Journal As. Soc. 466.)—J. P.

|| As an instance of the readiness with which such visitations are forgotten, I may

mention that a well written '‘ Historical and Satistical Account of Chittagong"'

has recently been published by agentleman many years resident in the province, in

which no mentionis madeof this earthquake, though a Chronological list of 120

Tajas is given, and the political history traced to a proportionally early date.

80 Alteration of level in Cutch ‘[Jan.

It is an interesting observation connected with this earthquake as

with that of 26th August 1833, that although both were peculiarly felt

at Arracan, as well as toward the hills on the northwest side of Ben-

gal, yet they were comparatively little felt in several intermediate situa-

tions. At Ghirotty where Col. Coorr and a regiment of Europeans

were at the time encamped the earthquake of 1762 is described as most |

alarming, the waters in the rivers and tanks being thrown up to the

height of 6 feet, although at Chandernagore, only a few miles distant

in a southeast direction, its effects were scarcely perceptible.

The earthquake of 26th August 1833, which was attended with the

peculiar eruption already adverted to from one of the volcanoes near

Kyouk Phyoo, was more severely felt at Mongir, where the fort and

several houses were injured, than in any intermediate position, which

might lead us to suppose that although the volcanic energy of the igne-

ous bands we have pointed out may have become extinct, or at least

comparatively dormant as they recede from the seas on either side of

India, yet that they are still the peculiar seat of occasional disturbance.

The province of Cufch already adverted to as forming the western

boundary of the carboniferous zone, lost a considerable portion of its

surface, which subsided suddenly during an earthquake in 1819, while at

the same time an adjoining tract was raised to a higher position than it

had previously occupied*.

Although the surface may seem to have acquired greater stability in

recent times in proportion as we proceed inland from the points at which

the two volcanic bands are intersected by the seas at Cutch, and Chitta-

gong’, yet as far as we are prepared to judge from unquestionable data,

the amount of disturbance which has taken place appears to increase as

we proceed from Cutch towards the east, and from Chittagong towards

the north, until we arrive at that situation at which both bands meet

and cross each other; and thus by a species of synthesis, we find the

common focus of disturbance to be situated in the Kdsya mountains,

about the very position in which we have the most direct and unques-

tionable proof of concentrated action, the circumstances of the raised

beach being sufficient evidence of these mountains having been raised

to nearly twice their former height since the commencement of the

tertiary period.

It remains for the present uncertain whether so great a change in the

physical features of India has been effected by paroxysmal violence, such

as occasionally even in our own times has been known to destroy one

portion of the land, and to raise up another, or by a slow and gradual

* Lyell, 11. 237, also see Capt. BuRNrs’ repor ton Cutch.—EpD.

1838.] Alteration of level in Cutch. 81

perpetuation ofelevatory movements. It has been before remarked that

a destruction of an elevated tract of land, which probably formed a more

or less complete series of ridges extending between Rajmahl and the

Garrow mountains, may have taken place.

Considering the geological features of those table-lands and moun-

tain chains which extend from Hajmahl to the gulf of Cambay on the

one side, and from the Garrow mountains to the Himdlaya on the

other, it becomes a matter of greater probability that the present breach

between Rajmahi and the Garrow mountains was more or less oc-

cupied by hills and table-lands, than that this tract of plain escaped

all those vicissitudes to which every other feature of our geography has

been subject. If this tract, like every other portion of the band which

it contributes to form, once presented elevated lands, they would neces-

sarily have formed the northern coast of that sea which it is evident

from the remains ofan estuary in the Caribavz hills, as well as from the

littoral remains which are spread over the surface of the Kadsya moun-

- tains, must have occupied the place of the present plains of Bengal.

If we admit this reasoning to be correct, little ingenuity will be re-

quired to account in a satisfactory way for some of the most interesting

points in our geology. The destruction of the highlands, which it is

thus probable once filled the space alluded to, by subsidence during some

great paroxysm, when another tract of equal extent may have been ele-

vated ; or by means of a succession of earthquakes, to the destructive

effects of which the action of a sea on the one side, and of the waters

of the two great rivers on the other, would powerfully contribute. The

interesting discoveries now in progress in Fort William of the bones of

land animals intermingled with those of amphibious reptiles and frag-

ments of mountain limestone, wood, and coal, at a depth of from 370 to,

450 feet* beneath this portion of the Gangetic delta, seem to refer te

some such destruction of dry land on the northern side of Bengal, as

that which has been here supposed to have taken place+.

Should the catastrophe referred to have been sudden, we may easily

imagine that a devastating wave would have been occasioned of sufficient

* I here refer to the experiment of boring for water now carried on in Fort

William, in which process the augur, five inches in diameter, brought up nothing

but clays, sands, and gravels, until the depth of 350 feet had been attained, when the

jower end of a humerus, supposed by Mr. J. PRinseEpP to resemble that of a hyena,

was extracted. Soon after a portion of the rib, a chelonian reptile, with detached

fragments of mountain limestone resembling that of the Kasya mountains, but much

corroded, as well as fragments of wood, coal, &c. The depth now attained is 450

feet, and the work is still going on with spirit.

+ Two other fragments of the plastron of a turtle have just been brought up from

450 feet depth.—Ep,

een a eae ae

82 Description of the Plates. [JAan.

extent to account for many of the denuded features presented by the

geology of Central, and Southern India. The overthrow of the mam-

moth, whose gigantic remains have been brought to light in such

abundance in Central India by Dr. Sprrspury, may have been occasion-

ed by the same cause; and should signs of upheavement be found to

extend at intervals from the raised beach at Chirra Punji, towards

Ava and the Chittagong coast, we may be able to refer the destruction

of the various species of mastodon, and other extinct animals whose

bones are extensively dispersed throughout Burma, to the events which

took place at the time of such commotion. When the countries in this

direction shall have been farther explored by geologists, we may expect

to arrive at more exact conclusions than at present, as to the time these

changes took place, and the circumstances of the animal and vegetable

kingdoms under which they occurred,

Description of the Plates.

MAP.—PLATE VI.

The geological map of Upper India has been constructed chiefly from

the authorities referred to in the text; its utility will probably consist

merely in shewing how much remains to be done in researches of this na-

ture. The publications of Bucaanan, Hryne, Voysey, Crawrorp,

Davy, and many more recent writers, as Benza, SrirLiNc, BaBIneTon,

Pemberton, Low, and several others, some of whose inquiries are still in

progress, will probably, when carefully examined, afford sufficient materi-

als for including the southern portion of the continent in this geological

sketch. ‘The want of sufficient information regarding the Great Desert

has prevented more being said on the subject than occurs in paras. 142-3 ;

barometrical measurements of its levels, and the navigableness of the

Loony ov Salt River, are objects well deserving the attention of future

travellers in this quarter. The delineation of the rocks on this portion of

the map has been partly derived from Ex.puinstone’s Journey to Caubul,

and Lieutenant Bo1LEeav’s recent work onthe Desert States, which I have

not had an opportunity of acknowledging in the text.

PLATE VII.

Fig. 1. Fragment of a Phytolithus transversus, from the coal at Sera-

vim in the Kdsya mountains.

Fig. 2. Apparently the mould of a stem found in the shale adjoining

the coal measures at Chirva Pynji.

Figs. 4, 5, 6, 7. Several views of a fossil which Mr. Grirriru thinks

is probably the lomentum of a species of mimosa, found imbedded in the

red sandstone on the road between Chirra and Serarim.

Fig. 3. Found with the above fruit, and is probably a portion of the

stem of the plant to which the fruit belonged.

Figs. 8, 9, 10, 11. ‘Teredinites, foundin great abundance in the Chir7a

Punji sand-stone, on which the limestone and coal rest.

Fig. 11. From the shale adjoining the coal at Chirra.

Fig. 12. Shell from the lower beds of the great sandstone.

PLATE VIII.

Organic remains from the lime-stone which intervenes between the

teredinite sandstone and the coal at Chirra. ‘The same remains are also

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Meteorological Register kept at Cathmandi. 83

contained in the limestone connected with coal in Assum, and may be

found on farther inquiry to characterise this member of the coal measures

generally throughout India.

The fossils represented in the above plates, together with the views to

which they have partly given rise, are so much of the results of my late

journey to Assam, as appear at present to be connected with the subject of

coal. Other more extensive collections of a similar nature from the raised

beach referred in section I1., are less connected with the natural history

of our coal-fields, but will be progressively brought forward on more suit-

able occasions: in the mean time Dr. Canror has kindly undertaken to

submit a sample of the whole to naturalists at home, whose views will be

a guide to farther investigations on the subject. J. M.

1X.— Abstract of a Meteorological Register kept at the Cathmandu Resi-

dency for the month of September, 1837.

Nipal Residency.

Observations at 10 A. M. Observations at 4 P.M.

By A. Campse.u, Esq.

Wind, Weather, Rain.

= {Barome-|Thermometer. |Barome-|Thermometer. |At JOA. M.| At4P. M. 3 ©

=) ter. ter. oa

Height Dif- |- Height Dif-

at In | Wet} fer- at In |Wet}] fer-

320 Fah.|Air.|/bulb/ence.!32° Fah. | Air.|/bulbjence.

1 {25,242 | 74| 69] 5 [25,176 | 78 | 70} 8 |W.Cloudy.|N.W.Clear

2 3258 74 | 69 5 ,165 76 | 70 | 6 Do. Do. |W. Shy.

3 270. } 73-1 68}. 5 5174 78|}70|] 8 IN. W. Do./W. Fair. 519

4 ,202 | 73 | 68] 5 ,0S3 | 75|69!}] 6 |W. Do. |S.W. Rain} 346

5 ,181 71 | 66 5 ,089 75 | 701 5 Do. Do. |W.Cloudy,| 200

6 141 714, 68°|.,.5 al 72168} 4 |S. W. Do. |S. W. Rn.

7 147 72 |68| 4 ,107 | 72| 68 | 4 |Do. Do. |S. E.Do. | 250

8 291 72 | 68 4 , 146 74 | 70 | 4 |W. Do. W. Fine. 865

9 247 72 | 68 4 ,191 72069 | 3 Do. Do. |S. W. Rn. |1.297

10 »259 71 | 68 3 ,190 74 | 70) 4 S.W. Fair.| W. Clear 519

1] 3287 71 | 67 4 »207 76 | 70) 6 W. Clear. |W. Thund

12 ,328. | 70 | 66 4 »268 70 | 66 | 4 W.Cloudy.;W. Calm. {1.020

13 eas, 1 20:| 66.| 4 ,280 | 77] 70) 7 |W. Clear. |Do.Bright.| 150

14 ,389 | 72 | 68 | 4 »279 | 76|70| 6 |S. W.Cdy.|Do. Do.

15 369 72|68 | 4 »279 75. | 71 4 W. Clear. |S. W. Cady.

16 9295 72 | 68 4 ,199 75 | 70; 5 S. W. Cdy|Do. Do.

17 3229 72 | 68 4 , 166 7 he ay ol 6 i a) Do. Clear. |W. Clear.

18 291 72\ 66 | 6 240 173) Gt) 6 IW. Do.) 1S... Wild.) 4.

1g saa 71 | 65 6 7283 75 | 68 | 7 S. W. Cdy |W. Clear.

20 9372 70) 66 4 9297 75 | 66 9 Do. Do. |Do. Do.

21 9427 68 | 64 4 ,305 75 | 68 7 W. Clear. |Do. Do.

22 4449 | 69 | 64] 5 339 | 73 |68!] 5 (|Do. Do. |Do. Do.

23 454 | 69 | 64] 5 soo. 721 66| 6 |Do. Do. |Do. Cldy.

37 -

_ Mn.j25,292 |71.3|66.8| 4.5 25,257 |74.5|68.6| 5.9 5.166

No Rain since the 13th but the neighbouring mountain tops have been cloudy

throughout the month. A slight shock of earthquake at 11-45 P.M. of the Sth.

M 2

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Meteorological Register kept at Darjiling. 85

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1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. | 87

XI.—Proceedingss of the Asiatic Society.

. Wednesday Evening, the 7th February, 1838.

D. Hare, Esq., senior member present, in the chair.

Major W. H. Sieeman, Messrs. J. W. Grant, G. A. Prinsep, Assistant

Surgeon J. Arnorr, and Dr. Bonsauu, were elected ordinary members

of the Society.

Syep Kera’mat Atl, proposed at the last meeting, was upon the recom-

mendation of the Committee of Papers elected an associate member.

The Caevauier Ame’pe’E JAuBERT, President of the Asiatic Society of

Paris, proposed at the last meeting, was upon the favorable report of the

Committee of Papers, elected an honorary member,

CuarR es Fraser, Esq. Commissioner at Hoshungabad, and Manaton

Ommaney, Esq., proposed by the Secretary, seconded by Col. Cauriexp.

Dr. W. H. Green, proposed by the Secretary, seconded by Dr.

McCuierpann.

Lieut. A. Bicer, Assistant to the Governor General's agent in Assam,

proposed by Captain PemsBerron, seconded by the Secretary. |

Mr. W. Dent, requested that his name might be withdrawn from the

list of members from the beginning of the current year.

Read letters from M. E. Burnovr, and Dr. Jutes Mout, acknowledging

the arrival of the several cases of Sanskrit books, dispatched hence last

year ; and presenting various works. (See Library.)

Dr. MoHL, mentions having obtained for the Society, a copy of the first volume

of the Collection Orientale now under publication at great cost by the French

Government. It*contains the first part of Raschideddin, by M. QUATREME’RE

DE QUINCEY.

Also, letters from the Secretaries of the American Philosophical Society

and the Cambridge Philosophical Society acknowledging the receipt of

the Researches, vol. xx. §

Read a letter from M. Csoma ne Korés, thanking the Society for the

renewed accommodation afforded him during his stay in Calcutta.

Read a letter from Mana’ra’sa Hinpvu Rado, stating his readiness to

deliver the fragments of the Ancient Hindu Pillar, to the executive

engineer when required.

Library.

Read a letter from Professor WILSON, presenting copy of his translation of

‘The Sankhya Karika’”’ or memorial verses on the Sankhya philosophy.

Read a letter from J. VAUGHAN, Esq. Librarian of the American Philosophical

Society, forwarding for presentation a copy of Vol. V. part 3rd of their transactions.

The following works presented by the Asiatic Society of Paris.

Geographie d’Aboulfeda, texte arabe, de par M. M. REINAUD, et le Baron

MaAcGUCKIN DE SLANE.

Elements de la langue Géorgienne, par M. BrosseT Jeune.

Also, a number of duplicates of the Journal Asiatique to complete the Society’s

series.

The following Books were likewise presented :—

Verhandelingen Van Het Bataviasche Genootschap Van Kunsten En Wetens-

chappen—by the Batavian Society.

Narrative of a tour through the Western states of Rdjwdra in 1835, by Lieut.

A. H, E. BorLeau, Engineers—by the Honorable Government.

Report on Amherst Town and the Tenasserim Provinces, by Dr. J. W. HELFER,

2 copies—presented by F, J. Halliday, Sec. on the part of Government.

Reports of a committee for investigating the coal and mineral resources of India—

by the Committee’s Sec. Dr. MCCLELLAND.

The Quarterly Journal of the Calcutta Medical and Physical Society, Nos. 4

. and 5—by the Editors.

Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, No. 51—by the Society.

Meteorological Register for Dec. 1837—by the Surveyor General,

From the Booksellers.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Domestic Economy,

Wellesley Dispatches, Vol. V.

88 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [JAn.

The Secretary read the following letter from Government on the subject

of the Journal, deeming it, though of more immediate concern to himself

as editor and proprietor of that work, in principle addressed to the

Society, whose labours it eulogized. ,

: To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

IR, .

I am directed by the Honorable the Deputy Governor of Bengal to transmit to

you the annexed extract froma letter, No. 51 of 1837, from the Honorable the

Court of Directors inthe public department, dated the 25th October, in order that

the wishes of the Honorable Court in regard to the transmission of 40 copies of the

Society’s Journal from its commencement to the period of dispatch may be complied

with, and that 40 copies of each of the succeeding numbers as they shall respective-

ly appear, be in future forwarded to this Department,. and for transmission to the

Honorable Court.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Fort William, (Signed) H. ‘I. PRINSsEp,

17th January, 1838. Secy. to Govt.

Extract from Letter, No. 51, of 1837, from the Honorable the Court

of Directors, dated the 25th October.

‘* We have always felt the importance of affording due encouragement to the pro

motion of learned and scientific pursuits in the territories subject to our Govern-

ment, and more especially to those branches of knowledge which have peculiar

reference to Oriental objects. The Asiatic Society of Bengal, having labored long

and successfully to collect and diffuse the best and most accurate information upon

such topics, we desire that you forward to us 40 copies of the Journal of that Society

from its commencement to the period of dispatch ; and that you will subsequently

continue to transmit 40 copies of each of the succeeding numbers as they shall

respectively appear.’’

(True extract,)

' H.T. PRINSEP, Secy. to Govt.

A representation having lately been made to Government respecting

the publication of the Bishop of Cochin China’s Vocabulary forming an

Appendix to the Dictionary now nearly completed, the following answer

was received.

To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Sir,

I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 13th instant,

soliciting that the Government will take upon itself the entire expence of printing

the Vocabulary or English Appendix to the Cochin Chinese and Latin Dictionary

about to be published by the right reverend the Catholic Bishop of Isauropolis in

lieu of paying for the 100 additional copies of this part of the work; and in reply to

state, that under the representation now made, the Honorable the President in Coun-

cil is prepared to authorize the expenditure of a sum not exceeding 1,500 rupees for

the publication of 1,300 copies of the Vocabulary of the Anamitan language which

has been prepared at the suggestion of Government with the map, &c, in lieu of

taking the 100 additional copies as originally proposed.

I am, &c.

Council Chamber,

17th January, 1838. H. T. Prinsep, Secy. fo Govt.

Babu Ram Comut Sena communicated an offer, from Maulavi Hariz

Qaxir, of 1,200 rupees for the imperfect set of the Fatéwa Alemgirt. Re-

ferred to the Committee of Papers.

The Librarian submitted a statement of the books bound and repaired

from November to January, in all 146 volumes; a daftarie’s bill for

Rs. 63 2 was passed,

The following extract of a letter from Professor Wison, to the Secre-

tary, dated 5th September, 1837, having been read :—

‘*We have in the library at the East India House an excellent bust of the late

Mr. COLEBROOKE by Chantrey, a copy of which the artist would furnish for £60.

It would form a valuable addition to your Society’s statuary if 600 rupees could be

raised for the purpose.’’—

Proposed by the Secretary seconded by Captain Sanpers and carried

unanimously ;— i

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 89

That, in order to profit by Professor Witson’s most welcome sugges-

tion, and to obtain a lasting memorial of Henry Tuomas CoLEBROOKE to

be placed in the Society’s library, a subscription be set on foot among

members of the Society in Calcutta and in the Mufasal.

It was further resolved that should the sum raised be more than suffi-

cient to cover the expence contemplated, Mr. Wixson should be requested

to procure, if possible, a similar memorial of Sir Witi1am Jones, if there

be any monument in England from which a good bust can be copied.

And as the sum raised for Dr. Minx’s portrait was also sufficient to pay

for a bust by Chantrey, it was determined to modify the former resolution,

and to request Dr. Mixx also to sit to this eminent sculptor ; by which

means the Society will become possessed of four monuments of its most

eminent orientalists, equally ornamental and durable.

Antiquities.

Mr. D. Lisron forwarded facsimiles (or rather impressions) of the in-

scription on the Kuhaon and Bédgelpur pillars in the Gorakhpur district.

[Published in the present Journal. }

Mr. J. H. Batten presented an impression of the inscription on the tem-

ple of Bdgheswur ( Vydgreswara,) in Kemaon, with drawings of the old and

modern temples there, and a Négari report drawn up by the priests of the

place, of the princes who formerly reigned in that district.

Capt. J. Campsett, Asst. to the Commissioner, Ganjam, at the request

of Mr. Wix1nson sent for presentation the Gumsur copperplate grants of

which a lithograph and translation were published in the Journal, vol. VI.

Mr. L. Wixx1nson, presented for deposit in the Society’s museum the

Piplianagar plates, translated by him in the Journal for July 1836. __

The Secretary exhibited to the members present a number of Bactrian

and Indo-Scythic coins collected by Captain Burnes at Cabul and from

Bokhara.

Among them were three Indo-Sassanians dug up at the former place, which had

enabled him to interpret the Sanskrit marginal legend of two similar coins found at

Manikydla, by Genl. VENTURA. It proves to be a translation of the usual Pehlevi

titles of the Persian monarchs of the Sassanian dynasty.

Mr. M. Kirror presented for the museum, 6 arrows used by the Paiks

in the Kattak hills:—a Kund arrow from Boad ; a Sikh spear.

Also, a small stone with inscription from the fort of Kattak, anda fac.

simile of another from the same place.

Various weapons used in JVipal were presented by Mr. B. H. Honeson.

Physical.

Fourteen boxes of geological specimens collected in the Shekdwati coun-

try by Mr. Epmunp Dean, were presented in his name to the museum ;

with a descriptive catalogue.

Mr. B. H. Honeson presented a variety of the fishes of the sub-Himé-

-layan streams preserved in spirits. Dr. McCuennanp had examined

and named these, and made drawings of such as were new.

List of Fishes presented to the Asiatic Society, by B. H. Hopeson, Esq.

1 Cyprinus mola, Ham. Figured Ganget. Fishes.

2 Cyprinus calbosus, ditto ditto ditto.

3 Cyprinus bacaila, ditto ditto ditto.

4 Cyprinus putitora.

5 Cyprinus shacra, and

6 Cyprinus chagunio of HAMILTON, unfigured and not received in consequence

by the naturalists of Europe.

7 Cyprinus, a new species.

8 Cyprinus, probably new.

9 Achirus new ?

10 Bola coitor, Ham. Figured and described in HAM. Gang. Fishes.

11 Pimelodus tengana, ditto ditto.

90 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Jan,

12 Chauda nama? Ham. Figured and described in HAM. Gang. Fishes.

13 Clupanodon cortius, ditto ditto.

14 Silurus canio, ditto ditto.

15 Pimelodus aor, ditto ditto.

16 Esox cancila, ditto ditto.

17 Coius cobojius, ditto ditto.

18 Silarus boalis, ditto ditto.

19 Gmnotus notopterus auctorum.

20 Macrognathus armatus, Ham. Figured and described in Gang. Fishes.

Various specimens of butterflies and insects were presented by Mr. C.

Harvey.

A stuffed parrot, by Mr. X. Niconas. A black curlew by Dr. S. Evans.

A porcupine stuffed and mounted by Mr. Boucnez. The Skeleton of a

Gosamp or guana was presented by Mr. M. Masters.

A large collection of birds was. received from Captain Pemperton for

deposit until the return of his expedition. |

The following extracts from a private letter dated the 1st and 11th instant, will

interest those who are acquainted with the objects of the embassy :

‘* 1 yesterday crossed the frontier line and entered the Bhotun territory, after wait-

ing for several days to afford my friends time to make their arrangements for the

conveyance of our baggage and the collection of supplies ; but I found them, quite as

far advanced after a week’s nominal labour as before their exertions commenced.

I have opened communication with the Dewangirt raja who commands the Bura

Dovar pass by which I shall enter the Bhotan hills, and he has written to me in

very, friendly terms, promising a great deal when we meet. His residence is on the

summit of the first range of mountains overlooking the Assam valley. I ought to

have mentioned that this pass though called Buxa is not the Dovar by which -

TURNER travelled in 1783, but another bearing the same name, a little to the

westward of north of Gowhatty. I have just been shewing some Bhoteahs the

plates in TURNER with which they are delighted, and recognized the different places

immediately. They are quite astonished at the extent of our knowledge.

Dewangirt, Bhotan hills, January, 11, 1838.

Lat. 26° 50’52” Long. 91° 37’ 17”. Height above the sea, 2,150 feet.

We left Hazdragong on the 2nd for Goorgam a small village at the foot of the hills

where we halted for the night, and on the following morning entered the defiles of

the hills, and travelled nearly the whole day over the rocky bed of the Durung

nullah whose source is among the heights which immediately overhang Dewangiri

on the east. The stream is now scarcely more than ancle-deep, but in the rains it

forms a rapid and impracticable torrent, rushing with immense velocity. over its

rocky bed. Boulders of granite, masses of hornblende-slate, micaceous-slate, brown -

and ochre-colored sandstones, are the principal rocks found in this torrent, and the

heights on either side which rise almost perpendicularly from the stream, appear to

be composed of a coarse granite which is rapidly decomposing. In some instances,

the whole hill is a conglomerate formed of angular fragments of the different varie-

ties of rock already enumerated, the fragments of pre-existing formations. These

inferior heights when viewed from the plains present a very striking contrast to the

more massive ranges of which they form an advanced barrier. Their sides are almost

entirely bare of vegetation: slips are seen in every direction, having large white

patches, which’ have a very singular and striking effect when contrasted with.the

dark foliage of the more lofty ranges beyond them, The peaks, some of which are

from 500 to 800 feet high, rise very precipitously from the ridges on which they rest

presenting all the characteristics of primitive rocks.

The ascent from the foot of the hill on which Dewangiri stands commences about

half a mile. below the village and is rather precipitous, but presents nothing like the

difficulties which I have frequently experienced in my former rambles. I was met

by a deputation from the raja with ponies and mules to convey us to the encamp-

ment, and being mounted on the favourite hybred of royalty, | committed myself to

the guidance of a stout limbed Bhoteah who led it by ahalter. The ascent was

accomplished by a succession of rushes: the guide stopping at every ten paces to

take breath, and then hallooing to the animal made a second rush and we at

length reached the summit with very little apparent distress to the powerful mule

on which I was mounted. During the whole of this ascent, I sat perfectly secure

between the well raised kantle and pummel of the Bhoteah, saddle, without: even

finding it necessary to touch the bridle. I was closely followed by an officer of

some rank who must have ridden at least 15 stone, and he was conveyed up this

Ee ee

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. ie

ascent with apparent ease by a little mule scarcely more than 11 hands high, one:

man leading the animal and one on each side supporting the back of the compound

of silk, good humour, dirt and rank, on the little animal.

On the 5th, we paid our respects to the réja and were received with all the state

he could display on the occasion. He is a fine looking man of about 55 years of age

with a strictly Mongolian countenance (that is superfluity of cheek bone and paucity

of beard), he received us in the southern room of the second floor of a tolerably well

built stone house, the ascent to which was by a plank notched into steps of such

inadequate width that it is a service of no small danger to reach the presence by such

devious ways. We found the réja seated ona well-raised cushion witha colossal

statue in front of him which I have since heard is intended to represent any one of

the ten thousand dharmas who have been amusing themselves for the last eighteen

centuries by periodical flights from defunct carcasses into living children. Every

thing was conducted throughout this visit with a degree of polite urbanity which

would hardly have been expected from a nation whom we have been accustomed to

regard as so low in the scale of civilization; there was some distrust at first, but it

has now evidently worn off, and we have established a mutual understanding which

will, I trust, be productive of much eventual good. ;

Tam just now about to pay the raja a friendly visit, and intend taking Csoma

De Koros’ Tibetan Grammar and Dictionary to shew him. As yet we are hardly

sufficiently far north to obtain any very accurate information regarding the coun-

tries in that direction, but I have seen one or two very intelligent men who confi-

dently affirm that the Eroo Chownboo, or river which flows between Teshoo Loomboo

and Hlassa, is the Burhampooter of Assam, and that just before turning to the south

it receives a river from the eastward which flows into it from China, which country

they designate Karree, not Geanna as TURNER represents, this latter term being

applied apparently to eastern Tartary. We expect to leave this in a day or two

more, and hope to reach Punakha in twenty days. The general direction of our

marches will be about northwest, and on the seventh day we shall enter a snowy

region from which we shall not emerge until the eleventh march. The most inter-

esting portion of our journey is therefore still before us, and thus far I have

succeeded in having my instruments conveyed in safely. I have two excellent baro-

meters from which my estimate of altitudes are deduced, and. as I have frequently

tested them in the course of journeys previously made by comparison with heights I

examined trigonometrically, I know they are to be depended upon. My observations

for latitude and time are taken with a Troughton’s reflecting circle on a balanced

stand, and my chronometer is one by BARRAUD which I purchased from Mr. Gray

just before leaving Calcutta. Its rate is 1’ per diem gaining, and I have deduced the

longitude of this place from Gowhatty by it. It is an excellent time-keeper and

fully sustains the character Mr. Gray gave it when it was purchased. We are

enclosed on the north by peaks which must rise from two to four thousand feet above

our present level; but vegetation flourishes exuberantly to the very summits of all

the ranges visible, and I long for the sight of more rugged scenery. I have sent

you another dispatch of birds, of which I enclose a list.’’

Mr. G. Evans submitted to the meeting the Prospectus of a work by

Capt. Harris of the Bombay Engineers, comprising twenty-eight paint-

ings of the south African game quadrupeds with appropriate landscape,

collected during a hunting expedition into the interior of Africa, wherein

he had penetrated to the tropic of capricorn. Resolved, that members

should be invited to patronize the work.

[See the Prospectus and list of Subscribers on the cover of the present Journal. ]

The following bulletin of proceedings in the Nerbadda fossil field was

extracted from a letter from Dr. SprtsBury dated 15th January.

Major OusELEy is very hard at work bringing out some unknown animal’s head,

the teeth running like the radii of acircle, 18 inches long. You will hereafter receive

it along with a tusk that we cannot make out. The matrixis so very hard, that it

requires skill as well as labor to get on. It was first trusted to a native and nearly

spoilt. I chiselled out a splendid elephant’s head at Saugor ; there is also one here,

As I have already sent you one, these are destined for different places. I hope you

got the box of shells from WALKER, I have drawings of all the varieties we have

yet discovered which shall be sent you by and bye with an account of the sites, also

some new fossil sites, which I shall visit.

Colonel Luovp forwarded meteorological Journals from Daryjiling for

October and November to complete the year’s observations by Dr. Cuap-

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JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 74.—February, 1838.

{.—Account of the expedition of Cuacn (Chacha) extracted from

the Chach Nameh, and extracts from the Tohfat ul Khwaén. By

Ensign PosTans.

The original Chach Nameh, from which the following is taken, is

the only known history of Sindh, authentic or otherwise, which affords

any information on the state of that country, previous to its conquest by

Muwammap Bin Ca’sim, under the Khalif WaALuip, in the year of

the Haj. 92. It exists in the form of a Persian translation from the

Arabic, in which it was originally written, by ALI BIN AHMED

BIN ABU-BAKR KurFIE, a resident of Ooch; but it is so defective,

that much on the following, and other interesting subjects connected

with the state of the country at that period, has been lest; the succeed-

ing account, is all that can be given of an expedition led by the brahman

CuaAcu when he usurped the sovereignty of Sindh, about the year 20

of the Hejira. |

Cuacu being firmly seated upon the throne of Sindh, and having

appointed his brother as his deputy, inquired of Bu’pHEMa’n, the minis-

ter of the late king, as to the divisions and extent of the empire, seeing

that it was his intention to make a tour of his dominions, for the pur-

pose of forming still stronger alliances with those chiefs who were

friendly to his rule; whilst he punished, and subdued te his obedience,

the discontented and seditious. Bu’ pHEMA«A’N informed him, that for-

merly the country had been divided into four great divisions, each

having its ruler whe acknowledged the supremacy of the sovereign ; in

which state it came to Sa’Hars BIN Diwaiy*, who was overthrown,

* Diwaij seems a corruption of dwija, ‘the brahman :’ and Sahurs resembles

much the genitive sdhasa of our Saurashtra coins, of whom the first is a swami

putra or son of a brahman; but the date seems too recent. See Vol. VI. p.

385.— Ep.

94 Extracts from the Persian History (Fes.

and killed by the Persians, under Nimroz; it then descended to

Sa’HASsi, a wise and virtuous prince, who made great exertions to

improve the country, and who added much to the wealth of the public

treasury ; he observed, “ Oh, CuaAcn, it is now in your possession,

where may it long remain; Go therefore and see the country, for by so

doing, and personally inquirmg imto its affairs, the dominion and power

over this vast territory will be fully secured to you.” CHAcH approved

of this advice, and having prepared a large force, set out to go towards

Hindostan, which was close to his territories. After many marches he

arrived at Hissarpdadyeh, on the southern shore of the river Bids; the

governor of that fort, MaLtakx BAMEA'H, opposed his progress; engage-

ments ensued; MaLaKk BameEa’H was defeated, and fled to the fort

where he entrenched himself.. CHAcH staid at this place some time,

until, his supplies failing, he made a night march, and arrived at Iskunder,

which was a fortified place, and encamped near the city. Now in that

fort was a person named Martryren, who was well disposed towards

Cracu, and the most influential man in the place. Cuacu sent messen-

gers to him, promising him the fort and the government of that part of

the country, if he would contrive either to destroy, or imprison MaLaxk

Bamea’H, the governor of Lskander; and in order to ratify his pro-

mise, he delivered written agreements to Mavyen to that effect. This

latter acceded to these conditions, and seizing an opportunity slew

Marak Bamea’n by night, and brought his head to Cuacn, who

made Matyrn governor of the country, whilst the great people of the

place paid visits, and brought presents to Cuacu, acknowledging his

authority. From this place, he proceeded towards the country of

Miltin. Now in the city of Multan, was a governor named Buu’siran,

of the family of Sa‘uassi the late king; when this man heard of the

arrival of Cuaca on the confines of his dominions, he came with a

large force to the edge of the river Rdwi; his nephew Sinup, was

governor of the fort of Sukeh to the eastward of Mdaltdén, and his

cousin Assi’n came with a large force to the edge of the Bits, where

he encamped for three months, until the water decreased, when he

forded it, and came to join Siau’p, at the fort of Sukeh, which place

Cuacn besieged. The besieged held out for some time, until they became

distressed, and much slaughter ensued on both sides. Sinu‘p then fled

towards Miiltén, and made a stand on the bank of the Réwi; Cuacu

advanced upon Ailtun, and Buu’si’rauw prepared his forces and war

elephants to oppose him. After much fighting and slaughter, Buv’si’rag

was defeated, and fled for refuge to the fort, from whence he dispatched

emissaries to Cashmere, telling the governors of that place, that the

;

1838.] of Sindh, relative to Chacha raja. 95

brahman Cnacu, witha powerful army was in the country, and that there

would be no bounds to his conquests, unless they sent assistance to

enable him to repel the invader. The messengers from Cashmere return-

ed with the following answer: “ The governor of this country is just

dead, and his son is a minor: the army so far from being disposed to

obey him, are rather inclined to be mutinous: we must first settle the

affairs of our own state, before we offer to render you the assistance

you require.” On receiving this reply, Buu‘sirau sued to Cuacu for

safety for himself, his family, and the whole garrison, when he promised

to evacuate the place, and depart from the country: this was acceded

to. The fort and whole country of Mudtin, were taken possession of by

Caacu, and Bav’sirag departed to Cashmere. After this acquisition of

territory, CuAcu proceeded to the temple, where he prostrated himself

before his gods, and made his oblations: after having appointed a

Thakur as his deputy to gevern Multun, and the governors of Malud,

Karud, and Ishpahar, having profiered their allegiance, CHacu pro-

ceeded towards Cashmere, to the boundaries of which country he arriv-

ed without any opposition, because, when God raises a man to power,

he facilitates all his difficulties, and gratifies all his wishes. So Cuacu

proceeded from stage to stage until he arrived at the fort of Shah

Kidhar, higher up than Kisa, and which is situated upon the confines

of Cashmere; here he halted for one month. Some of the neighbour-

ing chiefs were refractory, whilst others acknowledged obedience: he

formed new alliances, and strengthened old ones, with many of the

nobles, and when affairs were settled, he sent for two young trees, one

a willow and the other a fir; these he planted on the borders of the

country of Cashmere, on the edge of the river which is called Panj

Mahiyat, near the hills of Cashmere whence it rises; he remained here

until the branches of the trees met, and then decreed, that they should

be considered as the boundaries of the two territories, on that side was

to belong to Cashmere, on this to Sindh. After this he returned to

Alor, where he remained for one year. Having now completely settled

the affairs of the country to the eastward, Cu acu observed to his minis-

ter Bu‘puEMa’N, that it would be necessary to make a journey to the

southward and westward; whereupon he proceeded to the fort of Biad-

hapur and Secustan, the governor of which latter place was named

Matten. From a place called Dahtamat (which is a boundary between

Sammah and Alor) he went to Budyeh, whose governor was the son of

Korup. The capital of the country was Kakardj, the residents of

which are called Sawis. Cuacu attacked them, and took the fort.

‘Ka’KEH BIN Ka’KEn came to Cuacu, and asked for safety for his father

o 2

96 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, (Fes.

and family, promising to pay tribute and be obedient. Batis then

proceeded towards Sectistaxn. MatTTEen the governor came out to battle,

but was defeated and fled to the fort, where he was besieged. After a

week, Cuacu took the place, and reinstating Marren as the governor,

left agents of his own there for its greater security. Here he staid for

some days, until all the affairs of the country being settled, he sent

messengers to Brahmanabdd, to the governor Akuam Lona’na’,

who had also charge of the provinces of Sakeh, Sammah and Suhuteh,

to bring him to obedience. The spies who had been stationed on the

road, which is a few days’ journey from Makrdn, intercepted a letter

which AkuAm had written to Marrex wherein it was thus written:

“ Your letters have arrived: whilst I live I will prevent any person

from encroaching upon my dominions. Who is this Cuacu that I should

fear him? a thousand such have come and departed, who is not a king,

but a brahman; you are free to travel in my dominions, from Brah-

mandbad to the sea at Diwul, no one shall molest you, nay, I will

assist and protect you, for I am powerful.” Cuacu on reading this,

wrote to Akuam thus: “ You are proud of your power and bravery, but

be not too confident; it is true that the countries I possess were not

mine by inheritance, but they are the gifts of God who protects me, and

whose assistance I alone supplicate. It is in this way that I have always

overthrown my enemies.” |

Cuaca marched to Brahmandbadd. Axuam Lona’na was notat

that time there, but in another part of his dominions; but hearing of the

arrival of Cuacu, he hastened to oppose him. After a great battle and

much slaughter AKAM was defeated and besieged in his own fort.

* * * '% * * + * * *

The following are from the Zufat ul Khwan.

Methods of deciding the innocence or guilt of persons Eee of

misdemeanours.

Ist. It is a practice with these people (although a foolish one*),

when any person is accused of theft, to give him the trial by fire: if he

passes through the flames unhurt, they conclude him innocent.

2nd. Another plan is, to place an iron spade heated to a white heat

* NorE.—These, or practices equally ridiculous, are at the present day com.

mon in Sindh. Since writing the above, I have been informed by a most intel-

ligent native (SAyAp AzAmuppin) for some time resident at Vikhar, as British

agent at the mouths of the Indus; that the most approved method at present in

use amongst these people, is for the accused to dip himself clothed in the river,

from whence if he emerges with his body dry, he is beyond doubt innocent of

the crime laid to his charge! Truly, such methods of administering justice

must leave the accused but a sorry chance of escape; whether innocent or guilty.

1838.} On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 97

upon the palm of the hand; some green leaves are tied together with

raw silk, and placed upon the heated iron: if the accused be innocent,

the leaves remain unburnt and the hand uninjured; (as has been fre-

quently observed) but if guilty, both the leaves and handare burnt. For

example, a certain woman stole a pair of siwdrehs, (kind of ornament) —

from another woman, and denied the theft, whereupon, they agreed to

decide the question by means of the heated spade. The accused

placed the articles stolen in a basket, covering over and concealing them

with cotton, and previously to undergoing the ordeal, gave the same

to the owner of the siwdrehs: then, fearlessly lifting the spade, she

returned it to the ground unhurt, although the heat was so great, that

it scorched all the surrounding earth. The accuser, enraged at seeing

the woman, whom she knew to be guilty, escape without injury, threw

_ down the basket, when the ornaments rolled out, and the truth became

apparent.

3rd. They sink the foot of a post in deep water: the accused is direct-

ed to dive to the bottom of the post; at the moment that he does so,

an arrow is thrown, and a person dispatched to-bring it; the post is

then moved, if the accused be guilty, he rises to the surface, but if

innocent, he is enabled to stay in the water. |

Magic and Divination.

These people are great magicians; one woman will charm away the

butter from the curds of another, and add the quantity to her own. For

instance*, I was once the. guest of a woman in a village who had pre-

pared her curds for butter, when under pretence of asking for fire, she

proceeded to the house of a neighbour, whose curds she saw were also

ready; my hostess returned, and in a short time by dint of powerful

charms, produced as much butter from the produce’of one cow, (which

was all she possessed) as could scarcely have been produced by ten

cows. Their best method of divination is by means of the blade-bone

of a goat. The following once occurred. |

A party of hillmen being pursued by enemies, left their stronghold,

and fled to the plains; they had amongst their number, a Mdneh Sang,

(so this description of diviners are called). On the road they found the

blade-bone of a goat, and requested the diviner to tell them how far

their pursuers were behind. He looked at the bone and reported that

they were close upon them. He was then directed to point out the best

means of escape; he ordered them to sprinkle the contents of their

* This is quoted from the author of the Tohfat, who speaks in the first

person.

98 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, [Frs.

mussocks upon the ground, and pass over it; they did so, and proceeded

on their journey. In a short time, the other party arrived, having also

with them a Médneh Sang, who, looking at the water and the direction

the pursued had taken, told his companions that there was no use in

proceeding further, as the enemy had crossed the (water), they accord-

ingly gave up the pursuit.

Tracking footsteps, and Omens.

These people are wonderfully expert in the art of tracking footsteps;

they can distinguish those of friends from strangers, old from young,

nor do they lose the track over any kind of ground. Some can also

divine from the noise of birds, particularly from that of the woodcock

or quail, both of which are birds of great omen. I was once with a

person who said to me, come along quickly, for, from the omens of

the birds I know that guests have arrived at my house, as also, that

a certain person is dead. It proved to be as he had predicted.

Stories.

No. l. In the time of Omar Sumrau, two extraordinary circum-

stances occurred, which I will relate: Ist, a beautiful girl named Mau-

ru‘l, who resided at Zalhar, was betrothed by her family to a person

named Panu’, but afterwards given in marriage to another. Panu’

enraged at what had occurred, determined upon revenge, and with this

intent, reported to the king Omar, that Mauru’’ was exceedingly

beautiful, and fit only to be an mmate of his harem. OMAR on hear-

ing this, disguised himself, and mounting a swift camel proceeded in

search of the beauty; he found her, and being enraptured with her

charms, seized the first opportunity of carrying her away. Maurvu’i’s

virtue however was proof against all the king’s entreaties, and after a

year had passed in vain endeavours to gratify his desires, he sent for

the husband, and resigned her again to his care. Notwithstanding

OMAR’s assurances to the contrary, the man’s mind was infected with

doubts as to his wife’s purity, nor did the taunts he underwent from his

tribe, on the subject of her residence with the king, diminish these sus-

picions; in short, he ill treated MaAHrv‘’i, and did not scruple openly

to curse Omar, as the cause of his misfortune and disgrace. ‘These

circumstances, reaching the ear of the king, in a transport of rage he

headed a body of troops, determined to inflict summary punishment

upon the whole of that tribe; but MAnru‘’t interceded to dissuade

him from so cruel and unjust a proceeding, pointing out, that the fault

was his own, in keeping a stranger’s wife so long in his own house.

Whilst in order to satisfy her husband’s doubts, and set his mind at rest,

she underwent the trial by fire, and coming out unscathed, proved to

1838.) On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 99

him and all the tribe, that she was spotless. They then lived together

in the bonds of affection.

Susi and Panin.

2. In the city of Bahanpurweh, resided a rich man, whose wife

after remaining for many years childless, brought forth a daughter; the

father’s happiness at the event was very great, but on consulting the

astrologers as to the future fate of the child, they predicted, that she

would marry one of the Muhammadan persuasion. In order to prevent

the disgrace which must attend such a connéction, the father determined

to destroy the infant; and for this purpose, placed it in a box which he

threw into the river. By chance, it floated to the city of Bahanpore, and

was picked up by a man in the employ of a dhobi of that place. He

took it to his master who opened it and found the child alive. Being

without children himself, he adopted the girl as his own. In time Su’s1’,

(for so she was called,) became so renowned for her beauty, that when-

ever she went abroad, she was followed by a large concourse of the peo-

ple of that city. Now it happened, that a large caravan of merchants

from Kish and Makran halted at Bahanpore, and some of these,

having seen the girl, on their return, reported her beauty to Panun,

the son of the governor of Kish. He became enamoured of her deserip-.

tion, and disguising himself as a merchant, travelled with the next

caravan to the city of Bahanpore, for the purpose of satisfying himself

as to the truth of the reports he had heard. The better to carry his pur-

pose into execution, he entered the service of the dhobi, and soon con-

trived to see Su’si’, whose real charms exceeded all description. Ina

short time, he made her acquainted with his passion, which she returned;

and by the consent of the dhobi, they were married.

When the intelligence of this reached Panu’n’s father, he was

annoyed at the connection which his son had formed, and dispatched

other two of his sons to bring their brother back. They arrived at

Bahanpore, and took up their residenee near the house of the dhobi

where their brother lived, until watching an opportunity, they one

night seized Panv’n, and placing him upon a swift camel, returned

with him to their father. The grief of Su’st’ on discovering the

abduction of her husband knew no bounds; she determined to follow

him, and took the road to Késh. After travelling for about 40 kos

from the city, overcome with thirst and fatigue, she feli exhausted

to the ground, but in so doing, her foot struck a stone, and imme-

diately there gushed forth a spring of limpid water, with which she

quenched her thirst; this same spring yet remains, nor was it ever

known to become dry, even in seasons of great drought, when all the

100 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, [ Fes.

tanks, and other springs in the country, have been parched up. Svust’,

in commemoration of the goodness of God in thus miraculously affording

her assistance, planted a sprig of the tree from which henna is procured,

on the edge of the spring. ‘The tree is to be seen there at the present

day.

Proceeding onwards towards the hills, she was again distressed with

fatigue and ‘thirst, in which situation a shepherd observing her, and

being struck with her extreme beauty, advanced for the purpose of

offering her violence; by entreaty however, she prevailed over him

sufficiently, to induce him to desist from his evil designs, until he

had first satisfied the thirst with which she was tormented. Whilst

the shepherd returned to procure her some milk, Sv’s1’ prayed

to the almighty to release her from her manifold calamities; her sup-

plications were answered, the hill whereon she stood opened, and she

entered the fissure which closed after her, leaving only the edge of her

garment visible, as a proof to the rest of mankind of the power of God,

and to direct her husband Panu’n, to the spot. When the shepherd

returned, and saw what had happened, he reproached himself bitterly as

the cause of the calamity, and piled a few stones together in the shape

of a tomb, as a memorial of his grief. In the mean time, Panun

continued inconsolable at the separation from his beloved wife, and his

father seeing that he was determined rather to die than live without her,

became apprehensive for his life, and dispatched him in charge of his

brothers, to seek Su’si’. When they arrived at the spot in the hills,

and were informed by the shepherd of the circumstances attending

Su’si”s death, they were overcome with fear and astonishment.

Panu’n, under pretence of paying his devotions at the tomb of his

wife, withdrew from his brothers, when he supplicated the almighty to

join him in death with his beloved Su’s1’; the earth again opened, and

he was swallowed up also. The brothers returned to their father, and

reported what had occurred. This is a story well known in Sindh, and

Mvr Masu’n Baxerte, the author of the 2nd Chach Nameh,

has composed some verses upon it, under the title of Hassan and Naz*.

3. It is related, that during the reign of a king of Cutch named

Laken, there lived a jogi who was wonderfully skilled in the various

properties of herbs, and who had for years been occupied in searching

for a peculiar kind of grass, the roots of which, if burnt and a man

* Nore.—There can be little doubt, that this, as well as the succeeding legends,

relative to the destruction of tne cities Alor and Brdhmandbéd, have their

erigin in some convulsion of nature.

1838. ] On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 101 —

thrown into the same fire, the body of the person so burnt would become

gold. Any of his limbs might afterwards be taken away without the body

‘sustaining any diminution for the parts so taken, would always restore

themselves. It happened one day, that this jogi whilst following a

flock of goats, observed a red goat eating of the very grass he was so

anxious to procure. He immediately rooted it up, and desired the shep- —

herd who was near, to assist him in procuring firewood. When he had

collected the wood, and kindled a fire, into which the grass was thrown,

the jogi, wishing to make the shepherd the victim of his avarice, under

pretence of its being necessary, desired him to make a few circuits

round the fire. The man however suspecting foul play, was beforehand

with him, and watching an opportunity, seized the jogi himself, and

threw him into the fire where he left him to be consumed. The next

day when he returned to the spot, great was his astonishment at behold-

ing the golden figure of a man lying amongst the dying embers. He

immediately chopped off one of the limbs, and hid it. The next day, he

returned to take some more, when he found to his surprise, that.

another limb had replaced the one he had taken off. In short, in this

way the shepherd soon become wealthy, and afterwards revealed the

secret of his riches to the king LakEen; who by the same means, accu-

mulated so much gold, that every day, he was in the habit of giving

1,25,000 rupees, in alms to fakirs.

The country of Cutch taken possession of by the men of Samméh.

_ Many of the men of Sammah emigrated to Cutch, the ruler of which

country treated them with kindness and consideration. After some time

they represented that they had become a powerful and numerous tribe,

able to support themselves without burthening the state, for which pur-_

pose they petitioned the government for a grant of land, which they

pledged themselves to cultivate, and pay tribute and tax, like the other

subjects of the country. The king of Cutch with great generosity,

bestowed broad lands upon them, and also gave them 500 carts laden

with grain, which they promised to repay with the produce of their

agriculture. In the course of time, these people made themselves ac-

quainted with the affairs of the country, and became ambitious to possess

it. With this intent they formed a plot in the first instance to seize the

capital, and residence of the king, which was as follows; they con-

cealed armed men in their 500 carts, covering them over with grass, two

men in each cart, and one as a driver. Under pretence of selling the

grass, they were about to enter the fort, but seated in the porch of the

gate, was a brahman, an astrologer, whose business it was to divine the

intentions of all who entered the city, and who warned the door-keepers

102 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh, (Fes.

of danger by telling them, he was sure flesh was concealed under the

grass. These men would not believe him, but to prove the truth of his

assertion, thrust their spears amongst the bundles of grass in the fore-

most carts. The Swmmdhs who were thus wounded, wiped the stain

of the blood to prevent detection; the door-keepers were deceived, the

brahman was taunted as a false diviner, and the whole of the carts

passed into the city. In the night, the Sammdahs left their places of

concealment, and took possession of the place, and of the whole country,

the descendants of the Summdhs, are governors of Cutch to this day*.

Downfall of the Cities of Alor and Brahmandabad.

Ditv’ Rai was a tyrant, and his oppression and injustice caused

the downfall of the cities of Alor and Brdhmandbad: as they are

extraordinary circumstances, I will relate them. It was the practice

with that monster of cruelty, to deprive every merchant who visited his

city of half his property, and to seize by force the beautiful wives of

his subjects, who were made to minister to his sensual gratifications-

It happened that a very wealthy merchant by name, Sizrr ut Muvk,

(some say, he was not a merchant, but a prince in disguise,) halted at

Alor on his road to Mecca; he was also accompanied by his wife, a

very beautiful woman: in those days, the waters of the river Mehran,

ran close by the city of Alor. Now when Ditvu’ Rat, heard of the

riches of SizF uL Mutk, and of the beauty of his wife, he determined

* The city of Goontree or Goatree, one of the three remarkable ruins in Cutch and

which the writer of this has visited, was the scene of this stratagem ; as the strong

current in this province agrees so nearly with what our author has written, it is

herewith given in the words of Captain BurNEs, whose paper on these and other

subjects connected with Cutch, leave but little employment for the pens of others.

After describing the situation of the city, and the discord which exists amongst its

inhabitants, the account says, ‘‘ Discord having been once sown among them, their

city fell into the hands of a body of Sumas or Jharejas through treachery. This tribe

had migrated from Kucho in Sindh to Cutch, and tended herds of cattle in the

neighbourhood of Goontree, supplied the city with grass, &c. and being encouraged

by the differences among the Rajpoots, they secretly introduced armed men into the

city, not exactly in the bowels of the wooden horse, but concealed during night in

carts among the grass, and thus possessing themselves of Goontree, as the Greeks

did of Troy, they forced the Sands to flee from Cutch, and they settled in Bal beyond

Lemree in Jhalawar, where their posterity are said still to exist.

‘‘It is in the mouth of every one, that the inhabitants of Kattywdr are from Cutch,

which gives probability at least to this story.

‘‘The chiefs of the tribe of Suma, which thus came into power, were Mor and

Muwnal names of notoriety to this day, and often mentioned by the Bhats of the

country in their songs; and it was the son of this Mor, who afterwards took Kténcot

in Wagur, and extended his rule over all Cutch, and converted the province into a

petty kingdom in which it has ever since continued.’’ f

1838.] On the Customs and Superstitions of the people. 103

to rob him of both, and told him of his intention. The unfortunate

merchant, petitioned for three days’ grace, when he promised to accede

to the tyrant’s wishes in all things. Srer ut MuLx was a holy man,

and that night prayed fervently to God and the prophet to assist him

in his difficulties; he had a dream, wherein he was desired to collect

together all the masons of the city of Alor, and cut a road through the

neighbouring hills, sufficiently large to allow of the passage of a boat,

by which means he should escape. The merchant reasoned within him-

self, that such could not possibly be the work of mortal hands, but since

it was the will of the most high, he did as he was directed, and in one

night the passage was completed; the river changed its course, and

flowing through the new channel, enabled Sizer ut Mutk, to escape

_ with his wife and property, from the fangs of the tyrant Ditu’ Ra’t.

The river has ever since flowed in the new channel, and from its so

doing, may be dated the downfall of the city of Alor, which rapidly fell

into decay, and from being the capital city of the country, soon became

a mere ruin. ~ It is related, that Serr Ut Mutx with his wife returned

from Mecca, and took up his residence near Sttaporu, where he died after

having two sons; his tomb, and those of his sons, are well known as

places of pilgrimage.

Destruction of Brahmandbad.

After the river had left the city of Alor, Ditu’ Ra’r took up his resi-

dence at Brdhmandbédd ; he had a brother named Cuotan, who by the

blessing of God had early in life embraced Islamism, and knew the Koran

by heart; his friends importuned him to marry, but he shewed a disincli-

nation to do so, till one of them tauntingly observed; “Oh, he does not

intend to marry a native of his own country, but will go to Mecca, and

take unto himself the daughter of some wealthy Arab. Now it so hap-

pened, that Cuorau at that time contemplated a journey to the holy city ;

this speech, and the importunity of his friends urged him to the measure,

and he departed. During his residence at Mecca, as he was one day

walking in the street, he observed a woman standing at the door of a

house reading the koran aloud. Caoran stopped to listen to her, where-

upon she asked him, why he did so? he said, “ He also was anxious to

read the koran, and that he would consider himself her slave, if she

would instruct him. The woman replied, My teacher is the daughter

of such a person, if you will disguise yourself as a woman and accom-

pany me, I will introduce you to her.” They went accordingly, and in

his disguise, CuoTsn attended daily upon his instructress, who in ad-

dition to other accomplishments, was also skilled in astrology. On one

occasion CuoTaun remarked to her, ““Youwho are so well skilled in fore-

Pp 2

——s.

104 Extracts from the Persian History of Sindh. ([Fes.

telling the destinies of others, are you acquainted with your own?” She

‘said “ Yes; and itis foretold that I shall become the wife of a native of

Sindh, and you are the man.” CuorTan, finding his secret revealed, no

longer continued his stolen visits, but making the girl’s parents ac-

quainted with his passion, was lawfully married to her, and returned to

Brahmandbad, where he employed himself in trying to persuade

Ditvu’ Ra‘, to abandon his evil courses, but without effect. The

beauty of CuoTan’s wife (FATIMEH), reaching the ears of the tyrant,

he determined to possess her and for this purpose sought an opportuni-

ty whilst his brother was from home to visit his wife. Cuoran being

informed of this, returned quickly and taking FATIMEH with him de-

parted from the city, after venting maledictions upon it, and the tyrant

who ruled there, prophecying that the place, and all who inhabited it,

would be overthrown. Many believed his predictions, and fled; three

nights afterwards, it was, with all its inhabitants, swallowed up ; one single

minaret alone remains as a warning to the rest of mankind.

Worship of Idols.

Bris Ca’sim after the taking of Alor* entered the city, where he

observed a number of people prostrating themselves before a temple. On |

inquiring, he found that they were worshipping idols ; he entered the

temple, where he saw the figure of a man on horseback so perfect, that

he drew his sword to defend himself, but the bystanders told him to

sheathe it again, as the figure he saw was not a man, but the resemblance

of one and an object of adoration. Upon this, Brn Ca’sim advanced to the

figure, and the better to prove to these people the absurdity of their reli-

gion, drew one of the gauntlets+ from the hands of the idol, and

observing to the idolators that their divinity had now only one gauntlet

left, desired them to inquire of him, what had become of the other?

to which they replied, “ How should the inanimate idol be able to answer

a question; what can he understand of such things?” Then said Bin

Ca’sim, “what strange sort of god do you worship, who so far from

being acquainted with the state of others, is not even able to answer a

question concerning his own.” The unbelievers were ashamed at the

rebuke.

*93H. 7H1 A.D. .

+ Literally, the word is wt dws dastwdn, gauntlet or glove, probably more cor-

rect as an ornament of some kind, than a glove.

1§38.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 105

I]l.—Ezamination and Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts depo-

sited in the Madras College library. By the Reverend WiLLi1aM

TAYLOR. |

Palm-leaf MS. No. 217, counter mark 74.

A :—TAMIL.

1.—Conga désa Rajékal.

There are two copies of this valuable manuscript both of which were

read and compared together. The one was found to be an imperfect

copy of the other, having besides a considerable chasm in the middle :

the superior copy has also a short break in the passage relating to a

change of Visunu VerRv’aana of Talcdd from the Jaina to the Viish-

nava faith ; there is also an omission of one or two names. In other

respects the better manuscript is complete. The palm-leaves of this

copy (and of the inferior one also) had suffered much from being eaten

through by insects: in some places letters, in others words, were quite

eaten away: these, however, could be made out by a little attention ;

and to prevent further illegibility, I directed the manuscript to be re-

stored in paper, forming a valuable record.

Though the title indicates only a narrative of the ancient Conga-dé-

sam (being as it would appear the same with the modern Coimbatore

country) yet the work contains distinct chapters, or sections, which

might be regarded as distinct productions on the Chéla, Oyisdla and

Vijayanagara kingdoms ; these kings having been successively con-

querors of the Conga country. The first record of the country goes up

nearly to the commencement of the Christian era, and narrates the

rule of some chiefs down to the close of the ninth century, and con-

quest of the country about that time by ApiTya Varma a Chola prince.

Various matters are narrated in connexion with this dynasty, and some

light is thrown on the Pdndya-désam, such as the records ofthat

kingdom would not own. The Cénga country then seems to have

come under the rule of the Oyisdlas whose capital was above the

Ghats, in the Mysore country. . These gave way before the Rayers, of

Bisnagur.

Both dynasties of Oyisdlas and Rayers are given from the com-

mencement. The record is brought down to a period subsequent to

the transfer of the remains of the Rayer power to Pennacéndai; and

concludes with narrating warlike operations in the Mysore country,

with the siege and storming of Seringapatam A. D. 1609-10, nearly

two hundred years antecedent to a like event which made it for a time

106 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fan

so famous. At that time it is said to have come into the possession. of

the raja Upiyar of Mysore.

The manuscript is for the most part free from the mythological fable

which usually disfigures Hindu documents, and is well supported by

dates ; in general referred to inscriptions which are mentioned ; and

many grants of land are specified with such reference. -On the whole

this is one of the best, and most valuable manuscripts in the collection.

A more full abstract is not here given seeing that sometime since, I

translated the whole; and intend to transmit a copy of it to the Bengal

Asiatic Society for insertion, if thought worthy by them of such dis-

tinction, in the transactions of that illustrious Society.

Professor WuiLson’s notice of this manuscript will be found in Des.

Cat. Vol. I. p. 198.

Books of Manuscripts on paper. Book No. 12, countermark 766.

Section 1.—The universal deluge according to the account of the

Jaina people in the Chettupat district.

The account was given by one named Cavunpr’svaReR. There are

some geographical details of the neighbourhood of the Himdlaya

mountains, with chronological definitions dealing in magnificent periods

of time, and narrating changes of those periods. Bounds of Dherma

Candam, and Mléchch’ha Cdndam. The period of great heat—of fire

—rain—previous to the deluge ; then other kinds of showers—among

them of sugarcane juice—of poison—quintessence of poison ; by which

means the earth sinks down depressed. ‘Then come showers of milk—

nectar—water, and afterwards the earth becomes restored : grass,

plants, shrubs, &c. re-appear. Men also again inhabit the earth, who

dwell on it and increase. After forty thousand years, the Menus, and

Chacravertis are born, and continue to rule. Then comes a period of

twenty crores of crores of years, at the close of which the seven kinds

of showers, as before, introduce the yuga praldya, or periodical deluge.

Certain other changes occur down to the year 2480 of the kah-yuga,

corresponding with the year of the era of Salivahana 1739 (A. D. 1817

when possibly the account was given). After another 18,000 years,

there will be extreme heat for 21,000 years, and then in the Dherma

Candam only, the fire showers falling, will be followed by the periodi-

cal deluge.

Note. ‘This short paper is in Tamil strangely mingled with Prdkrit ;

and the writing is so much faded as to be with difficulty legible. It

contains the most extravagant exaggerations ; but illustrates obscure

expressions in other manuscripts, as to fire-showers; and may be

1888.] = -_ Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 107

taken generally for a confirmation of opinion among the Jainas sub-

stantially the same. as to the leading fact of the deluge with the opinions

and records concerning the same great event by the Brahmanical Hin-

dus.

Section 2.—Account of a Raja of Chenji (Ginjee) who persecuted

the Jaina people.

In the year of Salivdhana 1400 (A. D. 1478, 9) Ca’varar Vunca-

tapaTi Nayak ruled in Ginjee, over the Tiruvadi district near Vrid-

dhachala. Being a man of a low tribe, he demanded of the brahmans

who among them would give one of their daughters to him as a wife.

They replied that if the Jainas would first give him a wife, they would

themselves do the same. The brahmans. went to a famous Jaina in

the Dindivanam district, who promised to give his daughter to the

chieftain ; but instead of actually doing so, contrived to offer him a

very cutting insult. The chief greatly incensed issued an order to de-

capitate all the Jainas that could be met with. In consequence some

Jainas emigrated : some adopted the Saiva religion ; some were slain,

and some dissembled, secretly following their own rites. In Uppu-

Véhir a disguised Jaina was taken at a pool of water while performing

his evening ceremonies in the Jaina method, and was sent to Ginjee ;

but as the chief had just then a child born in his house, he pardoned

the Jaina. ‘This person after so narrow an escape vowed to devote

himself to an ascetic life. | With some preparatory studies he fulfilled

his vow.

Another Jaina, through fear, had emigrated towards the south,

passing from place to place, till at length in a dream he was directed

not to go any further away. Immediately afterwards he heard of the

approach of the Muhammadans towards his native place. He went to

meet them, and advanced as far as Arcot ; where he acquired land to

cultivate. |

After some time he sent for the before mentioned Jaina ascetic ;

and to prevent a strange religion being introduced, he located that per-

son on his lands as a teacher and guide. Some time afterwards a

brahman named Tarra’cHa’RyaR set up a pillar at Conjeveram and

challenged any who might think proper to come and dispute with him.

Hearing of this circumstance the aforesaid Jaina teacher named Vira-

CHENA ACHA/RYA went thither, and overcame TaTTa’CHA’RYAR in

polemical dispute, upset the pillar, and returned to Uppu-Véhir ; where

he fell sick, and died. Subsequently the Jaina religion flourished

greatly in that neighbourhood, and Tayamur Ubalear continued to

108 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

extend to persons of that persuasion flattering distinctions and privileges.

Note. This paper was more legible than the former one, but in

some places difficult to be restored. It seems to contain a plain tradi-

tionary statement of matters not very remote ; and, in the main, may

possibly be depended on. Many Jainas live in the neighbourhood of

Arcot, Vellore, and Conjeveram.

' Section 3.—Account of the Sdne’hya, and other modes of religious

credence. |

In the early times during the reign of a son of Bharata, the Muni

Capila performed penitential austerities after the Jaina ( Vaishnava ) .

mode. ‘There is a defective Prakrit sloca, or verse. Some notice

follows of the foundation of the Sdanec’hya School by Carita. Notices

of other persons with defective slocas. Account of leaders of the Jaina

system, and of their disputations with the followers of other opinions..

Remark. ‘This paper is in the same handwriting, and mode of com-

position, as Section 1, but the ink so much faded, as to leave the mean-

ing provokingly unintelligible. The attempt to read it, and by conse-

quence to restore it, has been a failure. The information that, if other-

wise might have been obtained from it, we most probably possess from

other sources.

Section 4.—Customs and manners of the Jainas in the Chettupat

district.

This paper contains two parts, here designated by the letters A.

and B.

A. The Yetht Dherma and B. the Sravana Dherma.

a. The Yethi Dherma is of ten kinds.

1. Ardhyavam, to follow the right way, and teach it to others.

2. Mard hava, to behave with reverence to superiors, and carefully

to instruct disciples. 3. Satyam, invariably to speak the truth.

4. Sdujam, mentally to renounce hatred, affection, or passion, and

evil desire ; and outwardly to act with purity. 5. Tiydgam, to renounce

all bad conduct. 6. Cshama, to bear patiently, like the earth, in time

of trouble. 7. Tapasu, outward and inward self-mortification. 8. Brah-

macharyam, to relinquish all sexual attachment, even in word or

thought. 9. Aginchanam, to renounce the darkness of error, and to

follow the light of truth. 10. Samyamam, duly to celebrate all special

periods, festivals, or the like. 7

bh. The Sravana Dherma is of eleven kinds, 1. Terisinigen, one

who relinquishes certain unclean kinds of food, with killing, lying, theft,

and all anxious cares. 2. Vritiken, one who eats not at night, is faith-

ee SA as Ge a hea a

1838.] Jains of the Chettupat. division. 109

ful to his teacher, to his family, and to his religion ; he is self-restrained

and keeps silence, and zealously renounces the use of all pleasant vege-

tables. 3. Sdmdthiken, is one, who with the foregoing qualifications,

renders homage to the Divine Being three times a day, morning, noon,

and evening. 4. Proshépavasen, one who fasts on certain days, so

appointed to be observed. 5. Sachitan-vrithen, one who with the

foregoing dispositions renounces certain kinds offood. 6. Rdttiri bakh-

ten, one who observes mortification during the day only. 7. Bramah-

madchirya, one always occupied in contemplation of God. 8. Anaram-

pan, one who quits cultivation, and all other secular occupations. 9.

Aparigrahan, one who renounces all kinds of earthly gain. 10. Anu-

mati-pinda-vrithen, one who forbears to eat even that which he had

prepared. 11. Uteshta-pinda-vrithen, one who relinquishes dress, except

for mere decency ; he carries a pot, and lives in the wilderness.

B. The Purva-carmam and Apara-carmam.

a. The Parva-carmam is of 16 kinds ; and relates to ceremonies pre-

ceding birth, attendant on it, or consequent thereto; with any particular

ceremonies attendant on special occasions, during life.

b. The Apara-carmam is of 12 kinds, and relates to ceremonies

consequent on death; the first being burning the body, and the others

different rites appropriated to following days. The names only are

given, without any explanation of the various ceremonies.

Note. Section 4, A isin the Grantha-Sanskrit character, with a little

Jaina-Tamil, towards the close. B is Jatwa-Tamil. Though not very

legible yet the restoration has been effected, this section may have its

use.

Remark. Inthe Sradvana Dherma particularly, some resemblance

appears to some peculiar and known tenents of the Pythagorean philo-

sophy. PyruHaGoras is considered to have learned his system from the

gymunosophists of India, usually confounded with the Brachmanes. But

the Sanskrit term answering to gymnosophist is Digambara, usually

understood to have belonged especially to the ancient votaries of Bud-

dha, and from it the brahmans of the south coined the corrupt term

Samandr, to denote the shameless sect of the Bauddhas or Jainas.

I think that the tenets taught by PyrHacoras were those of the

Indian Digambaras, or primitive Bauddhists ; and throw out the

conjecture as perhaps meriting attention.

Section 5.—Representation of the Juinas of the Chettupat district.

A petition to Colonel Mackenzir, Surveyor General.

The .Jaiwnd system was established in the Peninsula from very early

110 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fss.

times, and had many fanes, with other buildings for sacred purposes,

well endowed. The Saiva and Vaishnava systems arose in opposition ;

and the brahmans of those classes, by their learning and magical arts

brought over the kings, or other rulers, to their mode of credence ; fol-

lowed up by persecutions of the Jatnas, their champions in polemical

discussion being first overcome by magical means, and afterwards de-

stroyed. Some well-disposed rulers knowing these proceedings protected

the Jainas, and made allowances to their religious edifices. A Jaina -

king from the north named YEMasITaLA, came to the Daudacdranya

(the great Peninsular forest) and clearing it, brought a large colony of peo-

ple from the north. But KuLo’rtunGa Cuota and ADo’npAt, took the

country ; and by the counsel of the brahmans many Jaina edifices were

appropriated to the Hindu system of worship, and other edifices were

destroyed. At a subsequent period, the conquerors relenting, five Jaina

fanes, at places specified, were protected and endowed. VIcRAMA |

Cuo ta especially made a free-grant of land to the village of Chitambiir ;

copy of the inscription on stone, recording this grant, having been sent

to Colonel Mackenzie with the petition. About six hundred years

ago YEDATA-RAYER, and VISHNUVA-DEVARAYER, gave 1400 pagodas

as a free donation: the inscription commemorating this grant remains.

About 200 years ago VENCATAPATI-RAYER gave a free donation of

1000 pagodas: copy of the inscription, recording the grant, transmitted.

The rulers of the Carnataca country gave donations. During the rule

of the Muhammadans, as the brahmans were their agents, these, without

knowledge of their employers, resumed the whole of the grants, with

the exception of only 200 pagodas. Besides. Ipranim subadar fought

with Ra’yasi of Arcot, and taking possession of the whole very unjustly

left only 40 pagodas of the annual endowment. The /Jainas complained

to the nabob (name not specified) who issued an order on the subject.

but the messenger bringing the order was seized by the subadar, and

ill-treated. Terrified by this proceeding the Jaimas made no more

complaint, but committed their cause to God. When the Honorable

Company had assumed the country, they removed the distress which the

Jainas had suffered, and conducted themselves with equity to all. The

people generally were restored to their privileges; the Hindus were em-

ployed and favored, and the Saiwa and Vaishnava fanes protected ; but

about 160 fanes belonging to the /aimas were neglected. The Chitam-

bir fane, being ancient and distinguished, received some little notice, to

the extent of 60 pagodas. Considering that the arrangement was made

by servants of the Honorable Company, the Jainas were afraid to

make any complaint. At length “as a child addresses its father” they

1838. | Jain temples—Damara-pdkam. 111

took courage to address the Government, pointing out the alleged invi-

dious distinguishing favors, accorded to the Saivas and Vaishnavas

above themselves, who were earlier established in this country (the

Téndamandalam). ‘“ As we (says the petition) do not desire much,

we now enclose a list of actually necessary expenses for Chitambir and

other fanes.”

Section 6.—Account of the Jaina fanes at Chitambur in the Chettupat

district with list of expenses.

The required expenditure referred to in the preceding article follows

here ; but as it relates to very trifling items and to the supply of such

articles as oil, incense, lights, and the like, it was not thought necessary

to copy out this portion, which could be of no general interest.

The following queries came after the list of required expenses ; and

appear, as far as can be made out, to be inquiries given by Colonel

Mackenzie to his agent named ApAvu: some of the inquiries would

seem to have been answered by the foregoing and other papers. 1. From

the early times to the present, the statement of kings who ruled, requires

to be made, either from written history or from tradition. 2. Regula-

tions of old and down to the present time, with the dates or periods of

their authors required: also their countries, towns and eras are wanted.

3. Eight thousand Munis were killed at Madura. In what particular

places, and at what times did this event occur? 4. As the Jaina system

is asserted to be the original one, at what time and place did it begin ?

5. To what place in Ceylon were the Bauddhas first sent? 6. It is

said that the world was destroyed by a flood, and only Satyavrdata pre-

served: what do the Jaina books mention on that point? 7. What do ~

the Jainas say of showers of fire and of mud, destroying the earth ?

8. From what country did the Ladas and Lebbis come? 9. The Yethi-

dherma and Grihastha dherma. ............(the rest illegible).

Section 7.—Account of Damara-pikam in the Arcot district.

In the beginning of the era of Salivahana this country ( Téndaman-

dalam ) was governed by the Curwmbers, who built forts ; and KuLor-

TUNGA-CHOLA hearing that they were bad people, came and conquered

the land which he gave to his-posterity. After some time, in the days

of VIRA-JAMBU-RAYER, one named VIRA-VASANTA-RAYER acquired

authority in this mud fort and changed the name to Vera-vasanta-puram,

building temples, which after some time decayed, together with his

authority. In the time of AcuyuTa-RAYER (of Bisnagar) an investiga-

tion was made by him, who had a car made and a fane built to

Varada-raja, with other similar matters. In the time of ZuLFECAR

Qa 2

112 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

KHAN the country went to ruin. In the time of the nabob WaLLasau

this mud-fort was attended to: a Ailladar and a revenue court were

fixed there. In the great disturbance, many people from the vicinity took

refuge within it.. The fort is fifteen cawnies in extent. Here follows

a list of the fanes or temples, which are around it, together with sacred

pools and porches. ;

Section 8.— Account of ARZAKIYACHENAN and ANJATACANDAN, who

ruled in the old fort of Azilam in the Arcot district.

Anciently all this surrounding country was waste. The above-men-

tioned persons came from the north, and built forts on the hills named

Cuthirdi-tondi, and Vaiyali-téndi, with a town named Arzagu-chenai,

having a palace therein, with a surrounding wall and gates: they also

formed a lower fort, and an upper citadel. These chiefs extended their

authority to some distance around, strengthened by fortified posts ; and

being without fear of superiors they began to molest the common people.

Matters being thus, about three hundred years ago “ our forefathers”

came from the district of Srz-satlam in the north, to this country ; from

what cause is not known. By the permission of YommunaRr who built

the fort of Vellore, they resided under his authority, and constructed a

small military fort, becoming a check on the before-mentioned marauding

chieftains. They formed five villages into one district, and protected

the people. From that time, downwards, whether they held the

land by Sarveméntyam (independent right) or by Artamdnium (half

right) ee donot know. Subsequently from the time of SappuLia

Kuan, they were accustomed to pay a small and easy tribute. From

the time of Rayagi’s Subah that easy taxation ceased, and a regular tri-

bute to the full extent was paid. In the time of the nabob in conse-

quence of the molestation of one named Si1La-NAYAKEN (supposed to be

some predatory chief) we built a smali fort of brick for protection, and

gave a maintenance to the troops that kept it from the proceeds of

the land.

After the assumption of the country by the Honorable Company that

allowance was discontinued, and the fort now only remains. We conti-

nue to cultivate the ground, and pay tribute to the Company like others ;

sometimes by direct tax to Government, and sometimes by an interme-

diate lease to farmers. There are two old fanes, one Saiva, one

Vaishnava, in the neighbourhood. Some other unimportant details of

fanes, sacred pools, &c. at the close of the document.

Remark. Compared with other papers the opening portion of this

section may throw a ray of light additional on the state of the Carnatic

under the early Muhammadan, or else the Vijeyandgara government.

1§38.] Temple of Pundi in Arnee. 113

The narrative implies its having been written down from the oral com-

munication of villagers, apparently of the Ved/dla, or agricultural class :

claiming by tradition a descent from persons who emigrated hither

from Sri-sdilam in the north.

Section 9.—An account of Pundi, a Jaina fune in the Arnee

district.

This is a shrine of Arhat of the Jainas, of great consequence. The

paper. commences with a poetical description of the paradise in the

midst of which it was built. The occasion was the following :—Two

Védars, (of the tribe of wild-hunters,) one named IrumMBan, the other

PonpAN, came thither, in order to dig up an edible kind of root.

There was an ascetic who like VaLmica was doing penance in a white

ant-hill, when these hunters in digging struck him on the breast with

their implement. The hunters afraid shaded the spot with branches,

and daily brought to the ascetic, who was named TxKU-MANI-NATHAR,

offerings of honey, flour, fruits, and roots. After doing so for a long

time, another Muni came thither, named SaMaya-NATHAR, on seeing

whom the Vrepars became almost lifeless through dread; but on his

manifesting tokens of favor they recovered self-possession. The Vedars

said to him “ There is a god like to yourself in our quarter.” The Muni

being rejoiced bid them shew him where, which they speedily did with

great reverence. Under his instructions the foundations of a shrine to

Aruat were laid with the prescribed ceremonies. The two Védars

afterwards hastily ran away, taking with them their bows and arrows to

the Rayer to whom they reported that they brought good news which

would remove his troubles. On the Rayer inquiring what it was,

PunpAN reminded him of a promise from him~of giving even to the

extent of half his dominions, if an evil spirit which possessed his sister,

and which had destroyed all who attempted to exorcise it, could be cast

out. While the man was speaking, this spirit quitted the woman, who

came forth dressed, a plate of flowers in her hand, with which she set

out to visit the residence of the Muni whose power had cured her.

The Rayer and his family followed after, and on coming to the place,

they all paid homage to the sage. On the Rayer asking him what he

demanded, he required that the begun temple should be properly finish-

ed: which the Rayer accordingly directed to be accomplished. The

two Védars had villages given them which afterwards bore their respec-

tive names; and when one of the Munis died, the other continued to

reside in or near the shrine.

Note. This paper from the fading of the ink, caused great trouble in

restoring particular passages, with a few failures in making out some

114 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fxs.

words, and letters. The general sense is however, preserved. It is in

poetical Tamil, of the plainer sort, and merely the legend of a Jaina fane.

The Rayer’s name is not mentioned, nor any date. Accordingly the

only use of the document is to illustrate native manners, and the mode

of the introduction of the Jaina system at a remote period. The tribe

of Védars (a pure Tamil word having no connexion with the Sanskrit

word Véda) were not Hindus; but, according to indications in these

papers, they were the earliest inhabitants of the peninsula, giving way

before the Curumbars, even as these also were superseded by the pure

Hindus. In Hindu writings the term Védar is synonimous with every

thing low, vile and contemptible under a human form.

Section 10.—An account ofa hillock of white pebbles (fossil remains )

at Callipihyir in the district of Chettup at.

To the east of the above village there is a-hillock entirely of white.

stones. The hierophant of the fane in that village, gave the following

account of them. Two récshasas named VATHEN and VIL-VATHEN

lived here, and, were accustomed to feast foot-travellers in the following

manner: VIL-VATHEN first slew his younger brother VATuEN and then

cooked him in pots out of which he fed the traveller. The meal being

finished ViL-vaTHEN called on his brother by name, who came forth

alive, rending the bowels of the guest, who dying in consequence both

of the savages feasted on his body. On the occasion of the marriage of

Srvuand Parvati, at Cailasa, they dismissed AGastya, sending him

to the mountain Pothaiya in the south; who, on the road, came by the

residence of these rdcshasas, and was treated with great civility by

ViL-vATIEN, and the usual meal. On its being finished ViL-vATHEN

called his brother; and AGasTya, penetrating the state of the case,

took up the words and added a word or two of Sanskrit, in consequence

of which mantra the body of VATHEN dissolved, and passed away, with-

out doing AGAsTya any mischief. He denounced a woe on VIL-vATHEN

who died. The bones of these two rdcshasas having fallen to pieces,

and becoming petrified, are now termed white pebbles.

Remark. Setting aside the ridiculous fable, a tradition like this implies

that the Hindus designate savages by the term récshasas ; and that

possibly (as Dr. Lreypen has intimated) cannibalism was common in

India, among the tribes supplanted by Brakhmanism or Bauddhism. The

hillock itself if really a fossil petrifaction should be an object of attention

to the naturalist.

1838.] Account of Tiruvapadi and Chettupat. 115

Section 11.—Account of the fone of Tiruwvapadi and of the ancient

Sort of Adi-narrayen Sambhuva Rayer at Vayalar in the

Chettupat district. |

In the ancient times Parasara-risuI (father of VyAsa,) and MAr-

CANDAYA-RISHI, retired for penance to this mountain named Sridari-

sanam. VisHnu came thither to see them, and remained reposing on

ATHI-SESHA ; giving mécsham (or eternal happiness), to such as came

to worship him there: these visitors being not men, but the inferior

gods. They formed mountain-pools for bathing, which now make five

cascades. The tirthas (or pools), are designated by names. In one of

them the footsteps of Visunvu are visible by the marks left. A little to

the east of this hill Vira Narrayana SamBuuva RayeEn built a fort,

governed the country, and made some charitable grants. Fragments of

buildings in_ brick-work indicate the site of this fort. His palace was

on a hill at some distance westward ; where also vestiges appear. There

is also a Vaishnava fane. As only a few dwellings are in that place

it is now called Vayaliér (a hamlet in the open fields). At the foot of the

hill there was once a Saiva fane, of which now only the emblem of

Siva remains. Under the hill are other antique vestiges, among them

of a wide street with mantapas (or porches), and other similar things,

appendages to Hindu worship. In a former yuga (or age) the Vinara

(sylvans) paid homage to RAMa, the incarnation of Visunvu ; and when

the latter returned to Vdicontha, he called for them: some followed

him, and some remained, continuing to the present day, in Vaishnava

fanes, to attend on the god. The black-faced species of ape especially

abounds in this district.

This statement was written according to the account given by the

_ NaMuHIAN (brahman) of Tiruvayipadi, and of Vencatésa-muthdéliar.

Remark. From an account like this we can extract nothing more

than the certainty of some head town of a district, having existed under

a chief, whose name elsewhere appears, and who may have been among

the chiefs arising out of the ruins of the ancient Chola dynasty.

Section 12.—An inscription on a slab at the entrance of a Jaina fane

at Turakal in the district of Vandivasi.

The inscription commemorates the grant by TIRUMUCAPA SVASTA

sr1 GOVA-PERUN-SINGHEN, of a Pallichantam (alms-house), to the offi-

ciating hierophants and their assistants. It has no date except the

specification of Carteceya month (part of November). It is in Tamil

mingled with Prakrit in the usual Jaina manner ; and does not appear

to be complete, unless the sign at the end be intended to denote (&c.)

oe oe

116 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fus.

by the copyist, as not having transcribed the whole, which seems to be

not improbable.

A remark by Appavu (Col, Macxenzie’s Servant.)

In Turdkal there is a small hill, on which there is a curious Jaina

fane, and another one at the base. In one place there is an image of

fine workmanship, and in another place four well sculptured images.

In the latter there are three inscriptions, -respectively in the Canarese,

Tamil, and Sanskrit, of which the letters would require great pains to

copy, or decipher. There is the unfinished commencement of a sculp-

tured cave, like those at Mavalipuram, and several natural caves around

the hill; in three of which there are Jaima images, on seats (or pedes-

tals): they say that Jaina ascetics lived in these caves. There was most

probably a Jaina subah (or assembly) here in former times. The de-

scription and account were obtained from LoGa-NATHA-NAYANAR.

Section 13.—An account of Aragiri hill, near the village of Arun-

gunram in the Arcot district.

In the Scinda-purdna by Vepa-VyaSsa, an account is given of a

place three and a half yojanas (leagues of 10 miles each) west of Con-

_jeveram ; where there was a celebrated fane endowed by many rijus,

as KuLotruNGA CHOoLa, and others. Notice of festivals in the

neighbourhood. In the fanes of Zirtha-ndthar, and Cudapa-nathar,

are inscriptions of the year 1120 era of Salivdhana. On a large stone

there is an inscription of the time of KuLorrunca CuoLa commemo-

rating a treaty between JamBU-RayYEN who ruled in west country, the

conqueror of the Panprya king, and rdja Crsart Varma. There

are besides many other inscriptions, commemorating grants by other

persons. The Muhammadans broke up this fane, and used the materials

in building Arcot. In the shrine of one of the emblems of Stva, to the

north-east some offerings continue to be paid. There is a perpetual

spring (fountain) near the place. In the era of Salivéhana 1122, one,

named CuenGenrt VicraMa Rayer JAMBu-RayeEn, built a fane to

the (grdma devati) village tutelary goddess : an inscription on a pillar

of the porch is the attestation. Various benefactors built and endowed

particular places, and after their time a chieftain named ANJaTHI

Caupsn acquired authority and fixed boundary gates at a great dis-

tance around. At that time. Vellore, Arcot, and Arnee (forts) were

not built: when these were constructed that chieftain’s power had

passed away. ‘To the paper is appended a list of ten sacred pools, and

two larger reservoirs.

1838.] Account of the Vellore Chiefs. 117

Observation. The foregoing paper seems to afford some historical

indications ; and the neighbourhood therein referred to would seem to

abound in remains of some antiquity. Should the inscriptions not

prove to be found among those in the collection, from the Conjeveram

district, they would perhaps merit an attentive examination. We find

herein a confirmation of Section 11, and that JamBpu Rayer (or

-SamBuuva Rayzr) was probably the titular name of some series of

rajas, or important chieftains. P

Note. From Section 10 to 13 the handwriting differs, and with a

few exceptions, is legible, not causing much difficulty, these sections

have been satisfactorily restored, though in a very few years more the

ink would have entirely faded. |

(A paper not sectionized in the list at the head of the Book No. 12.)

Account of the Vellore Muhammadan Chiefs, composed by VELLI

CanpDalyaR.

In the course of the Cali-yuga, GHuLAM ALI KHAN ruled in Vel-

lore. He had four sons. The names of these are mentioned, and their

rule. AcBar MuHammaD ALI was the youngest, and most distinguished.

In his time one named Sita Nayaken made great disturbance in the

country. A force was sent against him of which the marchings and

halts are stated. On coming to the boundary of Sita Nayakugn, spies

were sent, who after having ascended the hill-fort of Stra Nayaken

returned, and reported that they had seen only women. As many of

these as should be taken were ordered to be sent to Arcot ; and one

named RanGapa CueETTI, advised to have their hands and feet cut off,

which it is implied was done. Mention is made of a lame Pandit, who

supplied SApat ULLa KHAN with ten lakhs of money. The cause of

the above hostile movement is stated to have originated in a disagree-

ment between Sita NayaKeEn, and one named VaRaDaIyAR ; who had

been accustomed mutually to accommodate each other with loans to the

extent of 30,000 pieces of money. But on one occasion the loan of

only 4,000 was refused to Sina Nayakrn. In resentment Sita Naya-

KeN waylaid the pregnant daughter of Varapatyar, and after seizing

her, had her bowels ripped open, the foetus taken out and its place

supplied with thorns ; the abdomen being afterwards sewed up. VaRa-

DAIYAR went to Arcot ; and, by Muhammadan aid, effected the destruc-

tion of his cruel neighbour.

Observation. Exclusive of the above, there is some absurd matter

as to the derivation of the name of the Paldr (or milk-river) and of

the Shadaranya; which will be found to be better given elsewhere

118 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

in these papers. There is also a very loose paragraph of no weight, as

to what the writer had heard of the Muhrattas, and Muhammadans, int

the Peninsula. It states that the Ztayer ruled 500 years before the

Muhammadans, the Vellulas for 700 years before the Rayer. Three

hundred years preceding are not filled up with any name ; and antece-

dently to that period the Séra, Chola, Pandiya kings, and the Chacra-

vertis ruled.

This is not a well written paper. Its only use seems to be to explain

who was Sita NayakeEn before referred to (Section 8); and to shew

how ruthless human nature can sometimes be, under particular circum-

stances.

— Section 14.—Account of Tirupanang Kadu in the district of

Trruvatur.

Reference to the marriage of Siva and Parvati, on Cailisa.. The

assembly of vishis, and others, among them AGasTya and PuLastaya;

at which time the earth was irregular in height, and AGasrya received

an order to go and make the earth equal, or level. A promise, that

Siva would appear to him by the way, was accomplished at this place,

called Tirupenang Kéddu, as being situated in the Douducdranya,

abounding with Pauwna (i.e. palmyra) trees. Ata subsequent period -

three celebrated poets named SuNTsRueR, APPAR, and SamMpauTaR

came to Tivruvatir, and sung the praises of that place. A little to the

south of Tiruvatir, at Tirupanang Kddu, the god appeared to them

in the guise of an old man—struck the ground with his sdélam, pro-

ducing water—and provided food. Subsequently a Chola king who

had incurred the guilt of killing a brahman came this way, and to re-

move that guilt, seeing the place without a fane, he built a double shrine

for the god and goddess, with the usual accompaniments and grants,

recorded by inscriptions. After the Chola kings had passed away, one

named TaMaLa-varzE built a large mantepa (porch) in front of the

shrine with a mud fort around. Subsequently some district chieftains

turned this fortification into a stronghold, and put troops therein. In-

the time of ANaverpHA KHAN, nabob of Arcot, 500 Mahrattas came

by treaty and treacherously took the fort, killing Mu’rt1-Nayaken its

commander, and rasing it to the ground. The families of people for

ten miles round, through fear of the Mahratta cavalry, had taken re-

fuge in the fort ; many of these the Mahrattas killed, while some

escaped wounded. The shrine was plundered, and its service ceased.

In the time of Fdyaji the ruler of Arcot, a wealthy man from Madras

made some endowments. In the great Muhammadan troubles worship

1838. } Account of Tondaman Chakravarti. 419

ceased. The brahmans did not succeed in obtaining the patronage of

the Hon’ble Company. A brahman made some repairs, with alms

collected by him; and the Ciimbhdbishégum (or transfer of the inhe-

rent divinity of the image, into a pot of water), was performed during

the process of the repairs.

Section 15.—Account of the tribe of Nohkurs in the Tiruvatir

district.

This class of mountebanks arose about the year 214 era of Saliva-

hina. They acquired skill by the assistance of Devi (or Durga).

On one occasion they especially exerted themselves at Trinomali, fix-

ing their pole on the top of one of the loftiest turrets of that fane ; and

going through their feats as though the pole was fixed on the ground.

They then, as a body, begged of the spectators to affiliate them into

their tribes ; which request was refused. At length the tribe of wea-

vers consented to receive and incorporate them into that tribe. Hence

they are considered to be the weavers adopted children.

Note. ‘These people have not the appearance of Hindus. Perhaps

they came to India about the abovementioned period ; and they would

desire to be naturalized. I have heard another account of their origin.

They may add a class to the number of those who, being in this coun-

try, are not aboriginally Hindus.

Il].—Manuscript Book, No. 15, countermark 769.

Section 1.—Account of the war of TonpaMan CHACRAVERTI and

VISVAVASU raja.

Aponpal the son of KuLottunGa Cuota having destroyed the

Curumbars, and cleared the waste-lands, ruled the country. Its four

boundaries are mentioned, and a hyperbolical description is given of its

splendor and power. A king from the north named Visvavasu came

with a great army and fought with him for a year, by which much of

the country was laid waste, and the whole conquered, .ADoNpaI fled

with some scattered remnants of his forces, and-lived for some time on

fruits and roots, the spontaneous productions of the earth. While

wandering about a temple of golden-colored turrets struck his view:

he entered and worshipped Isvara and Isvani’ therein; and deter-

mined to remain there. After some time he was favored with a vision

of the local nwmina, who assured him that his adoration was accepted,

and promised him a great army, with the entire recovery of his posses-

sions. As TonpamMan was afraid of his adversary, this fear was re-

proved ; and as a sign he was told, that on going to the encounter, he

R 2

<< - — =~

- See

120 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Fus.

should find at a certain place the figure of Nandi (the bullock vehicle

of Siva), which usually looks at the gate of a shrine, turned the other

way. A greatly exaggerated description is given of the battles ; which

resulted in favor of AponpAI, who at length, with his own hand, cut

down Visvavasa rdja. This last (in the Hindu poetical fashion) is

then represented as turning into a celestial form ; and addressing the

conquerer, he gives an account of the cause why he was banished from

Inpra’s presence, to bea king on earth, and to have his form restored

by the hand of a votary of S1va. After declaring the right of the

conqueror to rule over the land, he went to the invisible world. The

victorious ADONDAI appointed ministers to assist him, and returning to

Suriti-purt (the place of the former vision) he made great additions of

shrines and ornaments, and caused the public festivals to be conducted

with regularity. :

Remark. This is only another and more poetical version of an ac-

count otherwise mentioned in other papers of the collection. The

leading fact, that ADONDAI conquered and regulated the Zondaman-

- dalam is unquestionably historical. The means will be found to exist

in the collection of bringing out the connected circumstances in full

detail.

Section 2.—Account of Arcot ; derivation of the word ; first and se-

cond settlement ; and subsequent history. ;

The Brahmdnda-purdna is adduced as an authority that Mandi (the

vehicle of S1va) for some fault was sentenced to become a stone on

earth, and accordingly became a mountain, called Nandi-dirga (Nun-

didroog). Visunu interceded with Siva, on behalf of Nandi. Siva

ordered GANGa’ in his hair, to fall on the fountain, (the river Puldér

rises from Nundidroog) and to wash away the fault of Nandi. GANGA’

replied that if she descended on earth she wished Siva and Visunu to

be in their shrines on the banks of the river, and that she might run

between both te the sea. The request was conceded, and Siva came

to Canchipiram (Conjeveram) im the shape of abrahman. An account

of the images of Siva ; and of the six vishts who established them. The

waste country wherein these six ascetics dwelt was termed Shaduranya

(in Tamil Aru-Cdédw) “ six wildernesses ;’ whence came the word, popu-

larly written and pronounced, Arcot.

When Kotorrunea Cuo.a, and his illegitimate son Aponpat had

conquered the foresters of the country, they saw that this Shadadranya

had been the abode of sacred ascetics; and hence they built many fanes

with the usual accompaniments at Cdnchipuram and other places,

1838.] Bauddha Sovereigns of Arzipadai tdngi. 121

Subsequently the edifices built by them went to ruin; and the country

became a wilderness, as it had been before. Thus it remained for some

time till Nata BomMa-NAYaDu, and TimMa-NAyapu, being on a hunt-

ing excursion from Pennacondat, hearing there was a multitude of beasts

jn this forest, came hither. They saw an old hare chase a fierce tiger

and seize it by the throat, at which they were surprised: they consi-

dered this to be an auspicious place; and, having caused it to be colo-

nized, they cut down the forest termed Arcddu, and built there a stone

fort, with treasure discovered by Anjanam, (a kind of magic, ) and ruling

there the power descended to several generations. At length ZULFECAR

Kua’n, with a Muhammadan force, came into the country, and, after fight-

ing with the raja of Ginjee for twelve years, he took the hill-fort of

Ginjee, and placed Dau’D Kuan in this country as his subadar. Ginjee

and other places were included in the district of Arcot, and the subah

of Ascot thenceforward became famous. Davu’p Kuan after regulat-

ing all things went to the north. ZutFecar Kuan colonized the coun-

try with Muhammadans, and greatly improved it. He was superior to

the former Carndtaca raja, and he made some benefactions to Hindu

fanes. From the constant increase of inhabitants the town became very

large. During this Muhammadan rule, it was not allowed to the Hindus

to build large houses, or to travel in any conveyance. If any such

thing appeared the persons connected therewith were seized, fined, and

reduced to poverty. Such being the case with the settled residents, the

persons employed as servants, were six months on fatigue duty, with a

bundle of rice in their hands, and another six with their hands tied

together in fetters. At length when the English came into power, and

the disturbances had ceased, as Arcot was a large town it received much

attention ; and the inhabitants were happily released from their troubles.

Remark. The former part of this section is merely of etymological

consequence, but the latter portion, as to the founding of Arcot, is valu-

able, and is capable of being joined in its proper place, with the other

portions of real history to be gathered, here and there, from the materi-

als which form this collection.

Section 3.—Account of the Bauddha rdjas who ruled in the seven-

walled Fort of Arzipada tang.

Anciently the Bauddhas ruled over one-third of the country forming

the Déudaciranya. They built a large fort with seven walls, called as

above. There were Bauddhist fanes of celebrity at various places

among them at Conjeverum. ‘The last of their rulers was YEMASITHA-

Lan. Many persons came to them from a great distance in the north

122 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Fes.

teaching their doctrinal and polemical sastvas. They became very accom-

plished in their religious ways. They were united among themselves,

and sent their children to a great distance to receive instruction.

Two persons named AcaLancan and NIsHCALANGAN produced a

persecution by privately writing in a Lauddha book that the Jaina sys-

tem was the best one. A device was had recourse to in order to discover

the authors ; and, on being discovered, they were forced to flee for their

life, hotly pursued ; when NisucaLanean, by sacrificing his life, contriv-

ed to allow ACALANGAN to escape, charging him, on succeeding to spread

their system. The Bauddhas, in the heat of the moment had tied a

piece of flesh in all the Jaina fanes, with a sléca of contemptuous import.

AcaLANGAN after his escape put a vessel containing ordure in the Buud-

dha fanes, with another siéca in retaliation. Under these circumstances —

of discord, the vvja ordered an assembly of Bauddha, and Jaina, learned

men to dispute with each other, and to finish within a specified time,

when he would himself embrace the victorious system, and put all of the

opposite party to death by grinding them in oil-mills. The Bauddhas

concealed themselves behind a thin cloth enclosure, so as to see their

opponents without themselves being seen, and managed the discussion

by means of doing homage to an evil goddess: as the appointed term

approached the Jainas became anxious for their lives. In this extremity

ACALANGAN had recourse to a goddess named SvALa-Devi, who ap-

peared to him, and gave him a phrase to use, which would mean,

“‘what more?” or “ what is there behind?” bidding him kick with his

foot behind the veil or curtain. On the morrow AcaLaNnGaN inquired |

“what more?” or “what is there behind?” and at the same time

by kicking at the curtain, he broke a large jar in which the fer-

mented juice of the palm-tree had been kept, wherein from long

standing there were worms, and whence an offensive smell proceeded.

The king in consequence declared the Bauddhas to be conquered, to

which they were compelled to accede. ACALANGAN was afterwards

admitted to the raja’s presence, and became his instructor—There is a

reference to further matter on the subject contained in book No. 27.

Remark. Under restriction as to that reference, it may be observed

that from this section the Bauddhas and Juinas clearly appear to have

lived together as people of one religion under two modifications; the

Juinas gradually increasing by coming from the north, and that a casual

dispute only led to the violence of a schism. The account is an ea-parte

one from the Jainas, who seem to have supplanted the Bauddhas. The

statement that these last hada fane at Conjeveram is consistent with

vestiges found there, and elucidates a part of the Madura Sthalla-pu-

1838.] Foundation of the Chola kingdom. 123

réina, while it affords an idea as to the time; checking the extravagance

of that Purdna. Supposing the statement received from the Juinas to

be with them a matter of record, or correct tradition, we may conclude

with certairity that incidents inthe Madura Purana, carried up to a high

antiquity, were not more remote than the early part of the Christian

era. In this way, I conceive, documenis which seem to be trifling in

themselves may, by comparison with other documents, assist in eluci-

dating points of actual history. The Brahmans and the Fauddhas

or Jainas, ate the best possible checks on each other. The pu-

nishment by grinding to death in oil-mills, is one well known to Indian

History ; and in the progress of development of these papers it will be

seen that Bauddhas and Jainas were subjected to it, at a later period, by

Aindu kings, under Brahmanical influence. |

Section 4.—Account of the destruction of Eight Thousand Jainas by

the famous SAUMPAUTAR-MURTI, at Punat-takai-matam.

This is an account considerably ornamented ; and much resembling

the accounts which we otherwise have of the destruction of the Samunat

at Madura ; herein also referred to. The site of the transaction is how-

ever different, the name of the king who is concerned is not mentioned

nor yet the name of his kingdom. I am doubtful whether the transac-

tion be not the same with that which occurred at Madura. At all

events the paper is worth translating, as a note, or illustration, to any

leading view of the whole subject. The general fact that SAMPAUTAR

was the inciter of an extensive and cruel persecution of the Bauddhas

or Jainas, by the Saivas, is historical.

Section 5.—Account of the first founder of the Chola kingdom, named

TAYAMAN-NALLI.

Anciently the Piundiya; Chola, and Ténda countries were one vast

forest, called after Daupaca a rdcshasa that dwelt in it. RAma brought

several people from the north, and one person, named TAYAMAN-NALLI

settled at T'richinopoly ; then surrounded by a vast wilderness. He

built a fane and placed an emblem of Siva, called after his own name,

on the rock: he also paid great attention to cultivation. He had a son

called Vun-cuotan, from connecting the Cawery river with the Ven-

nar, and thereby fertilizing an enlarged extent of country. His son

was CaRI-CauDA-CHOLA so called from having embanked the Cauwvery

river.

Remark. Of the accuracy of this paper I have some doubts, chiefly

because the name of the fane on the top of the rock of Trichinopoly is

said to be an epithet of Stva of the same import, in Tamil, with Mdétri-

124 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes,

bhuvesvara in Sanskrit; that is “ Srva who became a mother,” from a

fable that Stva gave suck to an orphan ; being no doubt some historical

circumstance, veiled under an emblem, or hieroglyphic. The name was

also borne by a famous adwita poet at Trichinopoly. Whether it belong-

ed to a colonist from the north, as stated in this paper, I would leave

others to determine.

General Note to Manuscript Book, No. 15.

The paper on which this book is written remains in good preserva-

tion, unattacked by insects. But the writing being very pale, and liable

to early illegibility, pointed it out for restoration. The contents of the

book are of average interest, and a few passages are rather special.

IV.—Carnataca rdéjakal Savistara Charitra, or a General history of

the Peninsula.

(Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 214, countermark 75.)

This work, which is of no ordinary interest or importance, professes to

be ageneral history of Peninsula India, Muhammadan as well as Hindu,

and to include the period from the commencement of the Cali-yuga,

corresponding with the installation of PartcsHira son of ABIMANYA,

-and grandson of ArJunas, down to Cali-yuga 4908, being Acheya year

of the Hindu cycle, era of Vicramaditya 1864. Salivéhana saca 1729,

(A. D. 1807-8.) It is a great pity that there is a small chasm in one

place, and a much larger one in another, though not in the most valua-

able portions. The general nature of the work may best appear from

the following abstract, often little more than a mere index to the con-

tents.

Introduction. Theusualinvocation. The author’sname NaRARyYA-

NEN of the Anantakoén race of Ginjee. The book was composed while

Lord W. Bentinck was Governor of Madras, at the special request

of Colonel Wit~trAm Macteop then Commissioner at Arcot; who

desired NARRAYANEN to write down a narrative of events in India from

the earliest times, as such an account would be very acceptable to EKuro-

peans. In consequence of this request NarrayaNneEN felt great anxiety

that his work should be complete and authentic ; and, after six months

preparatory study, during which he specially procured the aid of learned

Muhammadans, and acquired from them all the details of their books and

records, he wrote down this compendium of results. He offers the

customary apology to authors and critics for any deficiency that may be

found in his production.

The Narrative.

The first Cdnda or section, on primeval matters. A reference to the

creation of elementary principles ; the Brahmdndam or mundane egg}

eS ee

— a.

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 125

the formation therein of the different orders of beings and things. The

greater and lesser periods, or ages, periodical deluge ; formation of infe-

rior gods, aswras, and men; Avatdras of VisHNu; eclipses, how ac-

counted for; fasting at that time peculiar to India; Hindu notions of

geography, mention of Nipal, Moghulistén, Tirkistén and Hindustan

proper. The birth of CrisHna about one hundred years before the

end of the Dwdpara-yuga, and his building the tewn of Dwdraca, on

the sea-coast, and reigning there. ‘His actions are stated in plain lan-

guage, divested of the marvellous.

The second Cdnda, er section, relating to the royal line of Hastind-

pur.

~ The genealogy of the race deduced from Sdéma. Accounts of the

Pandavas, and other persons, similar to matters in the Mahabharata,

but reduced to simple narrative, by the rejection of hyperbolical meta-

phors. <A long lapse of time given to the later descendants subsequent

to JANAMEJEYA. VICRAMADITYA conquered and ended that race

References to SALIVAHANA and Buo’sa raja, with their successors (of

great value if authentic), down to year of the Cal-yuga 3700, about

which time is fixed the commencement of the Hegira ; Hindu kings

ruled 591 years after that period. ‘The conquest of Dedhi placed in

the reign of Parrnu. Rise of the Muhammadan ascendency.

The third Canda or section. Account of the Willaet, or original

country of the Muhammadans.

Geographical details and definition of the country north-west of the

Indus, adapted to aid in fixing the reference of names in Pauranic geo-

graphy ; mention of ALEXANDER’S victory over Darius ; extended notice

of ancient ran and Turan ; rise of MunAmmMap in year of Vicramdditya

621, era of Salivahana 486; notices of the CALIPHS his successors ;

a somewhat full account of Hassan and Hoéssen; various subordinate

matters ; Cersian invasion of Multan and Lahore, (by way of Candahér

and Cébul) against Rama Deva king of that part of the country,

( Hegira 431,) who routed the invaders and drove them back across the

Indus at Attock. Reference to Firpavsi author of the Shah Nameh,

the insufficient reward given to him, which he bestowed in charity, and

satirised the promise-breaking patron. Invasion of Delhi from Persia

taking tribute ; extension of the eruption in the Deccan ; plunder of the

Carndtaca country extending as far as Seringapatam. Images of gods

taken thence, and carried to the Pddshéh at Delhi; RAMaNUJA was

then at Seringapatam, and went to the Padshdh at Delhi ; by making

interest through the medium of the Pddshdh’s daughter he recovered

126 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

the sacred images and brought them back; the Pddshah after making

a treaty ‘with the De//i monarch returned to Irdx. Another invasion

in the year of the Hegira 622, with subordinate matters.

The 4th Section on Delhi affairs.

In Hegira 625, Sulton Caras pin Pédshéh invaded Multén and was

defeated. There are many following details of battle and negociations,

not well admitting of an abstract. At a later period there is special men-

tion of Mirza ALA UDDIN GorG, as having conquered BAHARAM SHAH

and being seated on the throne of Delii. He sent to demand tribute

from the southern kings in India, which was not given, and the refusal

led to various hostilities. Affairs of Gujerat are introduced. Firoz Suan

is said to have acquired extensive power in Hindustan. Other details

of more or less importance are given. ;

The 5th Section. Account of ‘Timur.

A shepherd boy named TAYAMU’R, was in the habit of leading out

a few sheep belonging to his mother to the forest, wherein one day he

met a holy man; who, in a manner minutely detailed, prophetically

announced his future sovereignty, and that he should be the head of a

dynasty of twenty-one kings. At 18 years of age Tavamu’r discovered

treasure in a well : relinquishing the care of sheep, he assembled troops

and made successful incursions on Jrdén. He overcame various chief-

tains, and conquered the troops sent against him by the Pddshdh, de-

feated the Pddshah himself and took him prisoner. In Hegira 773,

Tayamu’R imposed tribute on Irdn. He subsequently attacked the

kingdom of Turdn. Tayamu’r gave to four of his sons, four kingdoms.

He invaded Afghdnistdén and overthrew its ruler. Subsequently Taya-

wu’Rr invaded Hindustan. He sat down on the Delhi throne Hegira 801.

Minor details. Transactions with the Shah of Roum. Intending to invade

the empire of China, he fell sick and died on the. way H. 807 : various

details of the Delhi empire follow. Ata later period some notices of

Oudipore and Jeypore are given. .

(A small chasm occurs, the realities me. 51, being wanting ; it may

be recovered, and space is left for it in the restored copy.)

Some details respecting Humaiun SHAH, his recovery of courage

after the loss of his kingdom ascribed to a singular reproof unconscious-

ly given to him by a woman, who charitably bestowed a meal on him

when he was a fugitive in disguise. AcBar; his inquiries into Hindu

literature, part of it transfused into Persian, at an expense to him of

three crores of rupees. He died H. 1014. His son Jenancuir—in-

temperance ; other habits ; attachment and gifts to NouRMAHAL ; notice

of the Bengal soubah, held by the younger brother of NouRMAHAL,.

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 127

who abusing his trust was ordered to be beheaded, but escaped by her

contrivance. Anecdote of three lime-kilns kept ready by the Shah for the

death of himself, of NourMAHAL and her brother, in case of emergency.

AURUNGZEBE. The Mahrattas; various details ; foundation of Aurun-

gabad H.1060. Notices of Aprz Suan, and the ruler at Hyderabad.

Magnificent tomb ; details of tributaries). AuruNGzKBxr’s behaviour to-

wards his father and brothers. Affairs of the Panjab and of Gujerat.

Mention introduced of Anagundi Ginjce, and other Carndtaca countries.

Vellore, Ginjee, Arnee, Tanjore, governed by him. War with Sfuogtr,

chief of the Mahrattas. Death of S1rost raja ; crowning of SAHosr

who ruled in Sattard. The Pddshéh sent ZuLFEcar Ku&n to conquer

the Carnatic ; fought with the Mahrattas, took Ginjee. Mention of

Dav’pD SHan; made Killaddr of Ginjee. ZuLtFecaR Kuan returned.

The Mahrattas attacked him; details of the Mahratias. ARUNGZEBE

sent his son AsurpH Suan to Bengal. Arrangement for his sons pre-

vious to his death, which took place in H. 1119. Various details con-

cerning his successor. Details relative to some Amiérs of the palace.

Other matters down to H. 1131, when Munammap Suau became.

Piddshih. He sent out a firman to various kings as far as to Arcot.

- Various details inclusive of Carnatic afiairs down to NADIR Suan.

AHMED SHAH, subsequent matters.

Section 6th.— Concerning the Mahrattas and the Tuluva country.

The country referred to in this section lies between the Nerbudda

and Toomboodra rivers (the Mirmathi and Tiimbidra). That land

used to give tribute during the Dwapara-yuga to the kings of Has-

tindpurt, down to the time of JANAMEJEYA. SALIVAHANA was

born, an illegimate child of a brahman, at Mingwilpatnan at, or near

to Réma-giri (or Dowlutabad). He made extensive conquests even to

the Cauvery river. He overcame VicRAMADITYA, and placed the son

of the latter on his throne as a tributary, at Oujemn. Many other kings

ruled for 4000 years.

Transition to the land of Tuluva and the upper Carndtaca-désam. A

shepherd of the Curumba tribe did service to arisht, or ascetic, who dis-

covered to him hidden treasure, with which the shepherd quitting that

occupation raised troops, and laid the foundation of Anacdndai, and

afterwards of Bijayanagaram. He was named PRAVADA-DEVA-RAYER

No mention of intervening matters down to NARASINGA-DEVA-RAYER,

who introduced a new dynasty.

Section 7th.—On the Hassan dynasty of the Deccan kingdom.

This kingdom began with Hassan a contemporary with RAMA-DEVA

of the foregoing race. He was of humble origin. A brahman saw

s 2

a te ae eeu hm ,

—_—

128 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

him sleeping in the sun, his face shaded by the hood of a cobra-capella,

and thence prognosticated his future greatness. At a time when a

sovereign was wanted, and an elephant with a wreath of flowers on its

trunk was deputed to fix on the proper person, the animal selected

Hassan from a multitude of people, and deposited the wreath on his

head. He was in consequence chosen king......... ......

(In this place some palm leaves of the copy are wanting: how many

cannot be determined, as the Ne. of the page is uniformly reckoned

from the beginning of the section. Spare sheets will be left in the bind-

ing up of the restored copy, sufficient to allow of the filling in, should

the deficient matter be hereafter recovered. There is so close a coin-

cidence between the beginning of the section, and the account given by

FERISHTA of the commencement of the kingdom of the Deccan, that

possibly the whole section may only have been an abridgment of FERtsHTA

received by the author NarrdAyanen from Muhammadans at Arcot.

If so the loss is immaterial ; but if otherwise, it is much to be regretted

as a check on the mendacious FERIsaTa is very desirable.)

Section 8.—Concerning the lower Carndtaca country.

Definitive boundaries of the Carnatic. The Ténda-mandalam, capi-~

tal Conjeveram. The Canara country, capital Seringapatam. The

Chélo-mandalam, capital here said to be Chenjt, ( Ginjee.) Chola-desam

on the Cawery, its capital Tanjore. Tothe south Pdndiya-mandalam, -

capital Madura with Trichtnopoly. Sera-mandalam, capital Tiru-nagari.

Kerala desam, capital Ananta-sayanam. Telinga-desam, capital Kolo-

eondai ( Golconda).—Revennes of those different kmgdoms. The Kerala,

Péandiya, Chola, and other rajas were tributaries to the royal house of

Hastinapuri. Some notice of the incarnations of the emblems of Vishnu

(the Chank, Chacra, &c.) in the persons of Ma’ner, SADUGOPA’RVAR and

others. Notice of Manica, VAsacer and Sampnatar; their polemical

contests with the Samunar (Bauddhas or Jainas). Subsequent to that

time the Vaishnava sect experienced a depreciation, owing to the

ascendency gained by the Saivas. Notice of Tamil poets, ComBAN,

PucrrentTan, Orta-cuTan. CamBan composed his poetical version of

the Ramdyanan in Sal. Sac. 807. Notice of some Chola kings. The

Vaishnava teacher Ramanvsa flourished Sal. Sac. 939. TriBuuva-

NA CHACRAVERTI became Suntara Paundiya dever, Fusly 460, Vira

Panpiya CuoLan was his son. RAMANUJa lived in his time. (These

points and dates considered as the author's testimony are very important

as a check on accounts by the Saivas.) Notice of the first inroad made.

by the Muhammadans into the Carnatic. Many details concerning

1838.] Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. 129

Crinu-canda-cholan; of RAMANuUJA and the Muhammadans; Carr-

cARA CHOoLAN flourished 570 Fusly. ViLLipuTTuRaR, a poet in the

Conga desam, translated the Mahabharata into Tamil verse at the promis-

ed reward of five gold huns each stanza (of four lines). On his task being

finished, the king gave him only five fanams each stanza. Story of NanpI

aking of the Chola country, his hunt of a pig, which in the end became

metamorphosed into afigure of Vishnu inthe Vardha-avatara, a shrine

was built on the spot. Origin of Chenji (or Ginjee). A treasure was

discovered by one ANANTAKON a shepherd, who raised troops therewith,

and getting aid “from other chiefs, established himself as a raja, Gin-

jee being his capital ; this was Fusly year 600. He cut a canal for irri-

gation near Zinomali which in the course of time having become filled

up, was restored by the nabob Wartasan, F. 1184. ANANTAKON

gave to his tribe the name of Sammanamdnar. He was succeeded

by CrisHnakon, F. 650. Gonerrixon, F. 680, both of them built

sacred edifices. His son was Govinpakon, Fusly 700. VaLtiyakon, |

Fusly 720, he made roads, choultries, &c. The dynasty now gave way

before a Curumba tribe named Vaudaga Yediar (north country shep-

herds): the first king of this tribe was Kope-Linean, F. 740. He

built a brick fort at Chentamangalam. He formed some tanks, and

left others unfinished. In his time, his feudatories built several forts

with bricks in different places, as Asupir, Pelacupir, Cupam, Cohir,

&c. He formed channels to bring down streams for irrigation from

mountain springs; among which the one named Kobilingan Juvi re-

mains to this day. He ruled with great equity. Afterwards, F. 800,

‘Narasinca Upryar became viceroy, the Maharayer of Anacondai,

_Vijayanagaram, and Pennacondai sent an army against the aforesaid

KoBILinGAN, and having conquered the country he delivered it over to

NarAsinca Upiyar to be held as a fief sending tribute to the rayer.

A donation was made toa fane or temple, Sal. Sac. 1332 (A. D. 1410).

About thistime the raja of Vandiwash named Buupari rsyver Uptyar

ruled according to an inscription dated in Sal. Sac. 1341. Vira-visaya

RAYER was also ruler over that district. VALLALA RAYER ruled, F.750.

_ He made additions to the shrine at Trinomali. He paid tribute to the

yayer. After he fell the country being divided among petty chiefs

became subject to CrisHNa-DEVa-RA4YER. He sent a great army into

the Carnatic, said to have consisted of 100,000 men, under the command

of chiefs named VaiyapaA NAYAKER, TuBAKI, CRISHNAPA NAYAKER,

Visaya R&GHAVA NayakER, and VENKITAPA NAYAKuER. In F.

870 VANYAPA NAYAKER came and collected tribute extensively. He

encamped near Vellore. The chief at Chittoor, and other petty chiefs

130 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Fes.

of the Tondamandalam had an interview with him. He fixed their

rate of tribute. Mention is made among others of Bomma-reddi of

Calastri. The rdyer’s general afterwards went to Ginjee. The chiefs

of the Chola-mandalam had an interview with him, and their tribute was

also settled. VaryAPA NAYAKER continued at Ginjee with his army.

He gave it in charge to the subordinate generals to go and levy tribute

on the Pandya, Chola, and Chera kingdoms. In Tanjore, Trichinopoly,

Madura and Tiru-nagari, the kings respectfully answered to the demand.

Thus the eastern Carnataca (as distinguished from Mysore, &c.)

became subject to the rdyer. He derived three crores of rupees

from this country, and in consequence he divided the whole into three

parts, under three viceroys. CriSHNAPA NAYAKER at Ginjee, govern-

ed the country from Nellore to the river Coleroon; VisayA RAGHAVA

at Tanjore, governed the fertile country washed by the Cauvery river;

and to VENKITAPA NAYAKER, was assigned the country south of the

latter. Notices follow of the proceedings of these viceroys. A Muham-

madan coalition was formed against the rayer. The principal vice-

roy of the latter was recalled, with his troops; and TuBaxt NAYAKER

thenceforward assumed independency at Ginjee. His successors with

their dates and proceedings are mentioned. ‘The last of them Appa

NAYAKER is described as weak and vicious to an extreme. He came

to the throne, F. 1030, and in his time a Muhammadan confederacy,

the formation of which is ascribed to the treachery of Bomma raja of

Chingleput, brought down a deluge of Muhammadan troops into the low-

er Carnatic. The siege of Ginjee, and its capture, after great resistance

are described with considerable force and spirit, and at much length as

the author is writing about his native place. The proceedings of VisAva

Racuava at Tanjore are also alluded to: he purchasedpeace. Tirvu-

MALA NAYAKER of Madura, by the assistance of the Collaries routed

and repelled the Muhammadans, who returned discomfited to Gunjee.

Irruption of the Mahrattas into the country. Seizure of Tanjore.

Tribute imposed by them on other places. Proceedings of Sevaji in the

lower Carnatic. Arrival of the English at Chennapatnam (Madras ).

Notice of other Europeans. From this time forwards, there is a minute

and generally correct detail of the proceedings of the English and French

in connexion with the nabob on the one part, and CuunDaA saheb, &c-

on the other part. The French capture of Ginjee is circumstantially

stated. The whole of the connected and subsequent transactions are

interwoven with details as to motives on the part of native princes,

such as perhaps our English historians, who have gone over the same

ground, may not have so fully known. Hyper Axi and Tippo’s pro-

_—

1838. Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. - 131

ceedings: are fully described; and the commanding interest of the nar-

rative may be considered to close with the final capture of Seringapa-

tam, and its celebration at. Madras. The author, however, conti-

nues his narrative onwards a few years later ; and closes with a reference

to the regulation of the Arcot country, and its management. by his

patron, Colonel W. Mac eon, as Commissioner.

Remark.—In a general retrospect of the contents of this large

manuscript, it appears that the suggestion of an English gentleman,

produced. that rare result a native Hindu historian, writing under the

influence of good sense, and in conformity to a prevailing degree, with

European notions of history. In an abstract I have not felt myself

obliged to verify or compare his dates and facts with other authorities.

_ There are probably some anachronisms and errors; but the value of the

whole seems to me considerable, and the eighth section, down to the

arrival of the English, invaluable. To me that matter is new, and with

the incidential coincidences derivable from other papers in this col-

lection a narrative may now be carried upwards, with some degree of

certainty, to the era of CRISHNA RAYER; above which there is only

a short interval of anarchy till we reach the regular Chola government.

The whole manuscript, but especially the first half of the eighth Section,

ought, I am of opinion, to be carefully translated and edited.

Prof. Witson’s notice of this MS. (Des. Cat. Vol. I. p. 199,) is as

- follows :—

“XJ. Keméta-rdjakal, a Palm leaves, 6 ditto, ¢ ditto, d ditto. An

account of the sovereigns of the Carnatic. After a short notice of

YupuisnTira, and his brethren, and of some Hindu princes of the

lunar family, the MS. gives an account of the Mogul sovereigns of

Hindustan, and the family of Nizam Axi. MS. 0 is an abridgment.” _

On reading this notice I went to the college, and searched for a second

copy without succeeding in finding one. This copy is much injured by

insects. I shall be gratified if eventually I may succeed in effecting one

completely restored copy.

[ To be continued. }

Note. Since the above was set up in type we have received information,

that Mr. Taylor’s analysis will be printed in the Madras Journal. This does

not deter us from publication inasmuch as our readers are for the greater part

distinct. On the other hand if is most remote from our wishes to be thought

guilty of forestalling our brother editor. We have both a claim to the materials,

-~—he from his connection with the place of their deposit—-we from having re-—

commended their being entrusted to Mr. Taylor for examination ; and we should

be thankful to him for the opportunity afforded of making widely known the re-

sult of his successful labours.—Ep.

132 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. [Frs.

III].—Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam made at the request of

Captain JENKINS, Agent to the Governor General. By WiLL1AM

GRIFFITH, Assistant Surgeon on deputation with the Bhotan Mission.

[Communicated by the Government. ]

Agreeable to your instructions I proceeded to Ferozepoor, and

thence, accompanied by Lieut. Vercu and Mr. Browntow, to the

forests in which the tree yielding the caoutchouc is found.

The forests alluded to, form what is evidently the Zardi, and they

probably extend almost without intermission, from the western to the

eastern extremity of the valley, at least on its northern boundary.

The breadth of the forest tracts is variable ; in the parts we traversed

it was computed to be between 7 and 8 miles. The forests are of a

decidedly tropical character ; exceptions, however, to this occur towards

the basis of the hills, near which some trees indicative of a temperate

climate are found, such as horse and spanish chesnuts, an alder,

Hovenia dulcis. No particularly fine timber trees occurred with the

exception of a solitary chaum tree, the Artocarpus chaplasha of Dr.

RoxsurcH. The caoutchouc tree itself occurs very generally as a

solitary tree*, occasionally however two or three may be found grouped

together. In size they are far superior to all the other trees, and espe-

cially in the extent of surface covered by their branches. They cer-

tainly deserve to be ranked amongst the largest known trees, being pro-

bably inferior in size to the banian only, which may be said to be ca-

pable of indefinite extension ; such is the size indeed of the caoutchouc

tree, that it may be distinguished from a distance of several miles by

its dense, immense, and lofty crown. ‘The dimensions of one of the

largest were as follows: circumference of main trunk 74 feet; ditto

of main trunk and the supports 120 feet; ditto of area covered by

the branches, 610 feet; estimated height 100 feet. The trees appear

to be, so far at least as I have had opportunities of judging, confined to

the Tard, the drier parts of which they seem to affect, and they be-

come more abundant towards the foot of the hills. They are said,

however, to occur about some of the villages in this direction ; if so, they

have probably been planted there, at any rate it is quite certain that on

the southern side of the valley, along which considerable spaces occur

totally devoid of forests, they are comparatively uncommon.

In the tracts of forests traversed by us and which I have said was

estimated to be between 7 and 8 miles in length, 80 trees were seen:

of these by far the greater number were of large size.

* This tree is known to the Assamese by the name Borgach, to the Khasiyas

by that of Ka-gi-7vi,

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1838. ] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. 133

As we have reason for supposing that they are equally abundant

throughout the districts of Chdérdwar, some approximation to their real

number may be formed. ‘Thus taking the length of the belt of forests

in this district to be 30 miles, and its average breadth 8, we may form

so many sections, each of the diameter of 100 yards, 50 yards being

the utmost extent to which one is able to see on either side owing to the

extreme thickness of the jangal. In the above thirty miles 528 sections

will be formed, and the total number of trees, taking 80 as the average

of each section, will be 42,240, and however overestimated this may

subsequently prove to be, it is evident that the tree is very abundant,

since, even in the infancy of the scheme, 300 maunds of juice have been

collected in 30 days.

Nothing definitive can be stated of the probable number of trees in

the whole valley. It is known to exist about Godlpara and at Borhath,

on the south side of the valley, and I think that it will be found to exist

along both sides, wherever a belt of 7virac* exists. Ihave no doubt

but that 4ssam alone will, when the value of the juice becomes more

generally known to the natives, be able to meet all demands.

The tree likewise exists in plenty on the Khdsiya mountains, on

which it occasionally ascends as high as 4500 feet. Mr. Royer, in his

Illustrations, p. 336 says, that it does not extend beyond Pandua, Jainti-

pur and Chirra Punjt, but this statement is apparently made on no

other grounds than that of its not having been then found elsewhere.

The geographical range of the tree, as far as has been hitherto ascer-

tained, may be stated to be between 25° 10’ and 27° 20’ north latitude,

and between 90° 40’ and 95° 30’ east longitude. Throughout this space

it will be found in the densely-wooded tracts, so prevalent along the bases

of hills, and perhaps on their faces up to an average elevation of 22,500

feet.

The attention of the public was, it appears, first directed to this

tree by the celebrated Dr. RoxpurGu, aman worthy of the estimation

he was held in by government, both on account of his extensive strictly

botanical knowledge as well as of that of vegetable statistics.

The manner in which this discovery was made was given as follows :

“ Towards the close of 1810, Mr. Marruew Ricuarp Smirtu of Sylhet

sent me a vessel there called a turong filled with honey in the very state

in which it had been brought from the Pandua or Jaintipur mountains,

north of Sylhet. ‘The vessel was a common, or rather coarse basket in

the shape of a four-cornered, wide-mouthed bottle, made of split ratans,

* Lieut. Vetca has since ascertained that the tree is as abundant in the dis-

trict of Naudwdr, as in that of Chdrdwar.:

a EEE

134 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fes:

several species of which grow in abundance amongst the abovemen-

tioned mountains, and contained about two gallons. Mr. Suita observed

that the inside of the vessel, was smeared over with the juice of a tree

which grows on the mountains. I was therefore more anxious to examine

the nature of this lining than the quality of the honey. The turong

was therefore emptied and washed out, when to my gratification I found

it very perfectly lined with a thin coat of caoutchouc*.” Dr. RoxpurcH ~

then mentions one or two facts, which are consonant with the views of

modern vegetable physiology, viz. “that old trees afford a better and more

indecomposable juice than young ones, and that during the cold season

the juice is better but more scanty than in the hot. It is extracted by

incisions across the bark down to the wood, at a distance of about a foot

from one another, all round the trunk or branch up to the top of the

tree ; and the higher, the more abundant is the fluid said to be. After one

operation, the same tree requires about a fortnight’s rest, when it may

be again repeated+.” The only description hitherto given of the tree is

that of Dr. Roxpures ; it was drawn up from young specimens, but

it is quite sufficient to enable one to recognise the plant. I subjoin a

sketch of the only flowering branch I have hitherto met with. The roots

of this really noble tree spread out in every direction on reaching the

ground, and the larger ones are half uncovered: they occasionally assume

the appearance of buttresses, but never to such an extent as those of

some other trees. The nature of the trunk of this and some other spe-

cies of the same genus is so extraordinary that it may not be amiss to

make a few remarks on its structure. It differs in the first place from

the ordinary form of trunk by its sculptural appearance, and it is from

this that its extremely picturesque appearance arises.

The appearance arises entirely from the tendency of these trees to

throw out roots both from the main trunk as well as from the branches,

and from the extreme tendency these have to cohere with the trunk or

with each other. If the roots are thrown out from or very near the

main trunk, they ordinarily run down its surface, and cohere with it

firmly and hence the sculptured appearance ; if, as happens in some, they

are thrown out from the branches at such a distance from the trunk

that they do not come in contact with it, they pass down to the earth,

and form what I call supports. These attain their maximum of deve-

lopments in the banian and render the growth of the tree quite indefinite.

These supports appear never to produce leaf, bearing branches, so long,

at least, as they remain attached to the tree. They are generally per-

* Roxsuren’s Flora Indica, Vol. III. p. 543.

t+ Roxpuren’s Flora Indica, Vol. III. p. 544.

;

PAE SSS Li emai ernie tenis:

1838. ]} Report on the Caoutchoue Tree of Assam. 135

fectly straight at first, becoming conical only by divisions at the apex

when near the earth, and by the mutual adhesion of these divisions.

Very generally, it would appear, this species, as well as some others,

vegetates in other trees ; its first processes of growth being probably simi-

lar to those of other arboreous dicotyledons. The roots, however in

obeying the laws regulating their descent, soon come into contact, and

wherever they do so, a mutual and firm adhesion is the result.

A net work is soon formed round the tree ; the size of its reticulations

soon diminishes with the increase in the number of roots; and at last a

nearly solid and excessively firm cylinder is formed, which encloses, as it

were in a case, the tree which originally protected the young seedling :

to such an extent is this carried that the death of the tree is sure to oc-

cur sooner or later.

In such a case as this the fig-tree has, it may be said, no trunk at all

comparable to ordinary trunks, which result from growth in an ascend-

ing direction. In these they originate from the aggregation and cohe-

sion of roots, or from growth in a descending direction. One may

hence readily imagine how easily such trees may overtop all others, for,

if they vegetate on a tree 60 feet from its base, it is at once obvious that

this distance is an actual gain in height over all the others. Such

instances are perhaps the only ones in which epiphytes destroy the

plants on which they grow. They may indeed be denominated parasitical

epiphytes. As might be expected the seeds are indifferent as to the

species of tree on which they vegetate: it is not uncommon to find two

fig-trees entwined in a close embrace.

Dr. RoxspurGH was aware of this manner of growth, but he appears

to have only seen palmyra trees enclosed in the way I have endeavoured

to explain. The tendency to throw out roots is-so excessive in the Ficus

elastica, that any section through the back of the trunk or the supports

of sufficient depth to reach the wooded structure, is sure to occasion their

appearance. These roots or radicles are distinctly continuous with the

outer fibres of the last formed wood, and so many are thrown out that

the lower extremity of a transverse section of a support not unfrequent-

ly assumes the appearance of a very coarse tail. The union between the

root commences by abrasion, and although I have not yet examined sec-

tions with reference to the degree of intimacy of union, I have but little

doubt but that each union is an instance of true and spontaneous graft-

ing. .

The inflorescence of this tree remains to be explained, particularly as

it would at first sight appear to be totally different from that of any

other, and because such forms unless reduced to ordinary types, confuse

136 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fen.

the minds of beginners. By the old school, the only one yet known on

this side of India, and which even in England has too many advocates»

each instance, almost, of anomalous form is at once elevated into a dis-

tinct or swi generis formation, as if nature in her wonderful workings

had no distinct plan.

This was, and is, the great fault of the Linnean School of Botany,

and it is continually causing curious and really, at this period, quite in-

excusable mistakes. If we turn over the pages of RoxpurcGu’s Flora

Indica, which relate to this genus, we shall find that the fruit is describ-

ed before the flower—described in fact before it can possibly exist.

That which RoxgsurGu called the fruit is the inflorescence, and con-

sists of a hollow, more or less closed receptacle, on which minute flowers

of different sexes are arranged. A receptacle on which a number of flowers

is situated, is by no means uncommon, and I may point out familiar in-

stances in the thistle, artichoke, dandelion, &c. in which the receptacle

may be said to be almost at its maximum of development. Frequent

instances of such enlarged receptacles occur in the natural order to

which the fig belongs, particularly in Dorstenia.

In all these the receptacle is more or less flat; were we to take one of

these flat receptacles and so dispose of it, that it shall become closed

except at its apex, we shall have an inflorescence similar to that of a fig,

the scales found at the aperture of which are analogous to the scales

visible outside the heads of the beforementioned instances, and which,

as is well known, form the edible heart of the artichoke. A fig may

therefore be compared with the head of a compound flower, however

different it may appear at first sight to be*.

The last point I have to notice with reference to these plants, is

that they are, more especially the peepul, frequently infested by some

parasites.

The juice is procured from transverse incisions made in the larger

root, which I have mentioned as being half exposed. The incision

reaches the wood, or even penetrates it, but the flow of the juice takes

place in these instances from the bark alone.

Under the incision a hole is scooped out in the earth, in which a leaf,

folded up into the shape of a rude cap, is placed; for this purpose the

leaves of Phrynium capitatum of Linnazus seem to be preferred.

* A fig might be proved almost to be an artichoke.

+ M. De CANDOLLE reasoning on the supposition that no parasites existed on

trees furnished with milky juice, constructed an ingenious theory, which I have

long known to be invalidated in the instance of the jack-tree.

1838.] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. 137

This plan is simple, and far superior to that of incising the trunk

as it ensures greater cleanliness. The larger roots are preferred in ad-

dition to their being half exposed, for yielding a richer juice.

The fluid on issuing is, when good, nearly of the consistence of

cream, and of a very pure white.

Its excellence is known by the degree of consistence, and the quantity

of caoutchouc, on which this would appear to depend, is readily ascer-

tained by rubbing up a few drops in the palm of the hand, when the

caoutchoue rapidly becomes separated. By kneading this up again, it

rapidly becomes elastic.

Many incisions are made in one tree. The juice flows rapidly at

first, but the rapidity diminishes after a few minutes.

It is said to flow fastest during the night: it continues during two

or three days, after which it ceases, owing to the formation of a layer

of caoutchouc over the wound.

The quantity obtainable by the above method from a single tree has

not yet been exactly ascertained. Some of the natives affirm that four or

even five maunds may be procured; others only give one ghurrah full

or ten seers as the amount procurable. From the slowness with which

it flows, I should consider half a maund to be a fair average produce

of each bleeding. The operation is repeated at the expiration of 18 or

20 days. Assuming the rate of half a maund to be nearly correct,

20,000 trees will give as the aggregate of four bleedings 12,000 maunds

of caoutchouc, that is if Dr. RoxBurcu’s proportion of this product to

aqueous matter, viz. 154 oz. to 50, be correct. |

I should however, observe that the proportion of caoutchouc in the

American juice is given by Dr. FArapay as 45 in 100*, or nearly one

in two. On the excellence of the Assamese products as compared with

that of America, it does not become me to pronounce. If strength, elasti-

city, clearness and freedom from viscidity as well as from foreign matter

be test of excellence, then this product may be considered superior to any

other hitherto manufactured. Nothing can in fact well exceed, at least

in these points, the best specimens manufactured by Mr. Scorr. It has

been pronounced by persons resident in Calcutta to be excellent, and the

only objection that has hitherto been raised against it on sufficient ea-

amination is that of Mr. BELL, who says it snaps. But if by this we

are to understand snapping from being allowed to return to its original

dimensions from the state of tension, the objection amounts to an excel-

* Mechanic’s Magazine, 24,440. Mr. Scorrt finds that the proportion varies

from four to six parts in 10, the variation depending probably on the part of the

tree from which the juice is extracted.

—— as

Ss =

138 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. (Fes.

lence. Mr. McCosu has indeed declared it to be inferior to the South

American article, but this decisive judgment has evidently been made

on casual examination of perhaps the worst possible specimens. Deci-

sions such as these are totally inadmissible in any work, much more so

in the one alluded to* which from the materials placed at the author’s

disposal, should at least have been correct.

On the points of comparative excellence of the two products we shall

soon, it is to be hoped, be set at rest. Lieut. Vercuy has submitted nu-

merous excellent specimens to the London Caoutchouc Company, and Mr.

Scott and Mr. Browniow are engaged on a series of experiments,

which promise complete success.

It is to be hoped that samples may be sent to the Society of Arts,

whose reports on all these subjects are so excellent and so readily and

obligingly furnished. I think, however, it is desirable that Dr. O SHAUGH-

NEsSy be requested to draw up an analysis both of the Assamese and

American products, as that analysis would at once set at rest the com-

parative amount of caoutchouc as well as of its solubility.

As this tree promises to become an important source of revenue, all

possible precautions should be taken, to ensure the present stock from

injury and to increase the number of trees so that the province may be

able to meet any demand. With reference to the first point it will be

quite sufficient to limit the bleedings to the cold months, so that during

the season of the greatest activity of vegetation, the trees may remain

unmolested, and this is more particularly necessary from our having

reasons for supposing that the juice will be during the period alluded to

much less rich in caoutchouc. I would thereforepropose the interval

between April Ist and November Ist as the season of rest. The size

of the tree being such as to preclude any possibility of great imjury

resulting from the abstraction of the juice, the bleedings if indeed it be

possible to limit them, may recur at intervals of one month.

The best check, however, to over-depletion will be the rigorous re-

jection of all over thin juice. The plan now adopted for the extraction

of the juice needs no modifications, for it is simple, effectual and cleanly,

For increasing the number of trees the formation of plantations will be

necessary. The sites chosen for these should be both in the forests

themselves as well as in and about those villages which, from being situ-

ated near the edge of the forests, may seem adapted to the end in view.

* Medical Topography of Assam.

+ It cannot be too well known, that it is owing to the exertions of this officer

that the existence of this valuable tree in abundance has been ascertained.

1838.] Report on the Caoutchoue Tree of Assam. 139

There is every reason for supposing that this tree presents every

facility for multiplication by division, and probably the plan pursued by

the natives with the peepul will be effectual for this purpose: a branch is

chosen of the thickness of a man’s thigh, and of a height of 15 or 20

feet ; all its branches with the exception of one or two at the apex are to

be lopped off clean, and the wounds to be plastered over with clay. The

cutting is to be planted out at the commencement of spring, that is in

March or April*.

The jangal must be cleared, but not so much so as to expose the cut-

tings to the full influence of the sun. It must be borne in mind that

the tree is one which requires an immense space, should rearing from

seed be resorted to, which however, can scarcely be necessary ; it must

be remembered also, that the most favorable situation for ensuring their

vegetation would appear to be on other trees, and they should be so

placed as not to be liable to be removed either by rain or wind. Some

manure should be placed with them so as to imitate as much as possible

that with which they are generally supplied by birds.

The substance, caoutchouc, is a widely disseminated constituent ae

vegetable fluids. It has hitherto, I believe, been found only in plants

with milky juice, although its presence in all plants yielding such fluid

remains to be proved. The presence of caoutchouc in silk has been,

I believe, attributed to the nature of the fluids of the plants on which

the caterpillars feed: but this, although applicable to the mulberry

plants, can scarcely hold good with the various species of Tetranthera on

which the Moonga feeds, or with the castor-oil plant the chief food of

the Eria, which in Assam does not appear to yield milk. Milky juice is

often characteristic of certain families, but often not: its presence is fre-

quently of importance, as it often affords valuable indications of affinity.

It is remarkable that it is almost unknown in the grand division of

Monocotyledonous plants. The families in which its presence may be

said to be universal are Apocquea, Asclepiadea, Campanulacea, Sobelia-

cea, and the great division of Compositz, Chichoracea, of which the let-

tuce is a familiar example. It is of common occurrence in Euphorbiacea,

and Tulicea, which orders may be looked on as the grand sources of

caoutchouc. Thus, in addition to our Indian plants, the American caout-

chouc is supposed to be produced by Cecropia peltata which belongs to

Urticea, and the Ule tree of Papantla, from which the caoutchouc of that

country is obtained, is supposed to belong to the same orders. I must,

however, observe that Baron HumBo.pT objects to the supposition of

* For this information I am indebted to Captain JENKINS.

I at a ee eT a ae

140 Report on the Caoutchouc Tree of Assam. {Fes.

Cecropia peltata yielding the American caoutchoue, as its juice is diffi-

cult to inspissate*.

The order Euphorbiacea would likewise appear to supply a large

quantity. Thus Dr. Linpiy informs us that the true caoutchouc is

furnished by Siphonia elastica, Hevia quiancusis of AUBLET, a Surinam

and Brazilian tree; and it is from a tree of this order that a substance

resembling caoutchouc is procured in Sierra Leone.

Some Apocquez are also reported to produce good caoutchouc+ ; thus

Aricola elastica produces the caoutchouc of Sumatra; and it is from

this plant that caoutchouc has been produced in Penang and exported

to Englandt{. Willughbeia edulis is likewise an Jndian plant from

which caoutchouc has been produced, but RoxBuRGH says it is of indif-

ferent quality ; unless I have been misled, good caoutchouc is obtained

from Nerium grandifloreum of RoxpurGH. .

It is probably equally abundant in Asclepiadea ; one plant of which

order Cynanchum albifloreum has been stated to yield it of excellent

quality in Penang. Mr. Royxe seems inclined to attribute the great

tenacity of the fibres of some plants of both these orders to its presence,

but this supposition seems to me of very doubtful accuracy§.

It is to these orders therefore, viz. Tritecia, Euphorbiacea, Apocquea,

and Asclepiadea that I would beg to direct particular attention. The.

relative values of the various caoutchoucs is still open to investigation.

The relative values of the milky juice as sources of caoutchouc depend

on their freedom from viscidity, and this is very readily ascertained by

rubbing up a few drops in the palm of the hand: in freedom from this

material nothing can well exceed the juice of the Ficus elastica.

Too much attention in fact can scarcely be paid to all plants afford-

ing milky juice ; as in the event of a diminution in quantity from the

present sources, chemists may possibly devise some means of extracting

it from those materials, which at present are disregarded. This of

course, only holds good provided the assumption that the juice of

all plants of a milky nature contains caoutchouc, proves correct. A

historical retrospect of caoutchouc may be found in the Mechanic’s Maga-

zine, vol. 24, page 434. In this the opinions of Dr. ANDERsown, ont he

probable future extensive utility of this substance are given at length;

the author however appears to consider these views as overdrawn, and

* Linp.y’s Introduction to Natural system of Botany, p. 176.

+ Linpxy’s Instructions, p. 300.

~ Royue’s Illustrations, p. 329, under Euphorbiacea, and p. 270, under

Apocquea.

§ Royue’s Illustrations, p. 274. | *

1838.] Report on the Caoutchouc Tree. 141

they are so certainly, if we look to the modus operandi proposed by

‘Dr. ANDERSON.

But if we look to the late improvements by which this substance is

rendered tolerably manageable, we can scarcely imagine any limit to its

sphere of usefulness. If it be limited, it will be owing to the fact that

the supplies cannot meet the demand. It is well known that the de-

mand for this article has called into existence the London Caoutchouc

Company, and their attention appears to have been directed towards India

by Mr. Royer (to whom this empire will very probably be under very

great obligations) and to Assam in particular by Professor SELDEN.

It is much to be wished that all communications regarding new products

of value should be very explicit, for it is but seldom that in this country

opinions of value are to be obtained. The plan recommended by the

caoutchouc committee, viz.; that of forming the caoutchouc into bottles

is perhaps the worst that could be recommended : it is bad from its great

tediousness and laboriousness, bad from its causing the blackening of

the caoutchouc, and bad from its not obviating the viscidity of this when

exposed to the sun. And it may reasonably be asked of what possible

use the form of bottles can be when the bottle is not meant to hold a

solution but to become one*.

It is much to be regretted that the handsome premium proposed by

this company should have been limited to caoutchouc prepared in the

South American manner: the premium should have been open to any

form of manufacture and limited only with reference to quality. The

same plan has of course been followed by the Agri-Horticultural Society

of Calcutta, with this difference that the reward is much smaller, indeed

ridiculously so, when compared to the extravagant rewards allotted to

other products of comparatively no value and in many cases of rather

Visionary attainment. In all such cases, Societies would do well -to

proportion the amount of rewards to the amount of value. I am not

aware whether the juice itself is in demand : this is certain however, that

with slight precautions it will keep for a very long time.

_ The presence of petroleum in abundance along the southern boundary

of the valley may possibly suggest another mode of exportation, but

there are it appears to me considerable objections to the exportation of

this valuable substance in any other form than that now practised. In

conclusion I would beg to apologize for the very imperfect nature of this

report, but my means of observation have been limited, and the stock of

-™ The uselessness of the plan alluded to at once struck both Lieutenant

Vetcu and Mr. Scort, who were led to pay attention to the caoutchouc from

the caoutchouc company’s circular.

142 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, [Fxs.

-information hitherto laid before the public is certainly sufficiently scanty.

Mr. Scorr having very obligingly furnished me with a series of spe-

-cimens illustrating the relative advantages of his various modes of pre-

paration. I have the honor of submitting them for inspection.

The numbers refer to Mr. Scort’s extensive series of experiments,

-which throw much light on these important articles, and which are addi-

tionally valuable, from the readiness with which this gentleman has ren-

dered them available to all in Assam.

No. 10 Juice formed into a mass without any care.

6 Juice dried upon a non-absorbing surface.

3 Juice dried upon an absorbing surface.

9 Juice worked up in the hand, bleached in water, and subjected

to a pressure of about 4 maunds to the square foot.

8 Juice worked up with the hand and not bleached.

7 Juice boiled with an equal quantity of water and subjected

toa similar pressure; this has been ‘exposed to the sun

without deterioration. |

5 Juice boiled in a smaller quantity of water, and subjected to

the same pressure.

11 Prepared from equal parts (% iv.) of juice and water, with $

oz. of diluted sulphuric acid of the Edinburgh Pharmaco-

pia: less acid, however, will destroy the coloring matter.

12 Juice prepared with concentrated sulphuric acid.

IV.—Notices on the different systems of Buddhism, extracted from the

Tibetan authorities. By ALEXANDER CsoMa KO6ros1.

Sdngyé (aN SN: Sangs-r,gyas), is the generic name for express-

ing the Supreme Being or intelligence in the Buddhistic system. This

term corresponds to the Sanskrit Buddha. In Tibetan it denotes the

most perfect being, that is pure (or clean) from all imperfections and

abounds in all good qualities.

' There are three distinctions with respect to the essence, the substance

or body of BuppHA ; as

1. Dharma kéya (KX aN 9 ¥—chhos-kyi-sku) ; 2. Sambhogkéya

(quay yn" paN" a9 H—longs- spyod-rdsogs-pahi’-sku), and 3. Mir-

mankaya (qx ue —sprul-pahi-sku). The first as the primary essence

of all things, is denominated by several names ; as, A'di Buddha —

(ara aay SN) :—Samanta Buddha yay Qaa" Swab hdun

LuG'gG’, self-produced, or self-existing ; Dharmadhdatu aN’ ASOGNe

1838.] extracted from the Tibetan books. 143

the root of all things; Sqrq. fay’ 5" HYD the Jina of Jinas ; MSM IC)

the basis of all things; sa aya sas existing without the three

times, or without beginning and end.

To the Sambhogkiuya belong the Dhyani Buddhas of five kinds, the

chief of whom is Vatvochana (or Berotsana, as the Tibetians pronounce

it, called by them, Ray y Ga 4y\—rnam-per-snang-mdsad : the

illuminator. These are the attendants of A’di-Buddha.

- To the third or Mrmankaya belong the several incarnations of

Buddha. Immense is the number of such Buddhas that have appeared

in former ages in the several parts of the universe. In this age (styled

the happy age) the number of incarnations of Buddhas is one thousand,

four of whom have appeared hitherto, and the rest are to come hereafter.

Though there are mentioned many Buddhas as having appeared and

having taught their doctrines, yet in the modern Buddhistic system every

thing is attributed sor referred to Sudxya, who is supposed (by the

Tibetans) to have lived about one thousand years befure Jesus Christ.

' The different systems of Buddhism derived from India, and known

now to the Tibetians are the following four.

1. Vaibhdshika, (3* 4a)" y—byé-brag-pa.)

2. Sautrantika, (ajnH~yj—mdo-sdé-pa.) |

8. Vogéchérya (§2°Q9. Wyyy or aA’ Ss a’ xy—rnal-hbyor-

spyod-pa, or sems-tsam-pa).

4, Madhyamika (4q"a"~7—dvu-ma-pa),

The first consists of four principal classes with its subdivisions. They

origmated with Sua’kyA’s four disciples; who are called in Sanskrit,

Ra/Huta, Ka’suyapa, Upa’Li, and Ka/TYA/YANA.

1. Ra’nura (Tib. y'5)34' Qe 4—sgra-ychan-hdsin), the son of

Sua’kya. His followers were divided in four sects. They recited the

Sutra on emancipation, in Sanskrit ; they affirmed the existence of all

things ; they wore on their religious garb from twenty-five to nine narrow

pieces of cloth. The distinctive mark of this class was an ufpala padma,

(water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf put together in the form of a nosegay*.

2. Ka’sHYAPA (Any c—Hod-srung), of the brahman caste. His

followers were divided into six sects. They were called the “ great

community.” They recited the Sutra of emancipation in a corrupt dialect.

They wore on their religious garb from twenty-three to three pieces of

nartéw cloth ; and they carried a shell or conch as a distinctive mark of

their school.

* May not these notes explain the marks on our Buddhist coins ?—-Ep.

u 2

144 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, (Fun, :

3. Upa’Lr (Tib. $°>Q1°Q~x1L—Nyé-var-hkhor), of the Stidra tribe.

His followers were divided into three sects. | They recited the emanci-.

pation Stitra in the language of the flesh-eaters, Pishachika. They

wore on their religious garb from twenty-one to five pieces of narrow

cloth. They carried a sortstka flower as a mark of their school. They.

were styled, ‘“ the class which is honored by many.”

4. Kdrysyana (Tib. 753% —Katyahi-bu), of the Vaisya tribe.

His followers were divided Sh three sects; they recited the emancipa-

tion Sitra in the vulgar dialect. They wore the same number of

narrow pieces of cloth, as the former class, and they had on their garb

the figure of a wheel, as the distinctive mark of their school. They

were styled : “ the class that have a fixed habitation,” maa qQba'y-

The followers of the Vaibhdshika system, in general, stand on the

lowest degree of speculation. They take every thing in the scriptures —

in their most vulgar acceptations; they believe every thing, and will |

not dispute. Secondly, of the

2. Sautratika school (an N'y—zmdo-sdé-pa), a follower of the

Sitras. There are two classes, the one will prove every thing by

authorities contained in the scriptures, the other by arguments.

3. The third division is that of the Yogdcharya, (% WAIL Ya y—

nal-hbyor-spyod-pa, or Na" Sa” Y—sems-tsam-pa. ) There are count-

ed nine subdivisions of this school. The Ne works on this system -

are referredto A’RYA SANGA (QEBITE FIS|N aS ) in the 7th century,

about of our era. There are in the Kah-gyur several works of his, and

of his followers, explanatory of the Yogdcharya system. Lastly, the

4. Madhydmika school, (,q'ay'y—Dvu-ma-pa, they that keep a

middle way.) This is properly the philosophical system. It originated

with NAGARJUNA (q "SU ak ee 400 years after the death of

SHAKYA. His principal disciples have been A’ryA Deva and BuppHa

PALITA. ‘There are in the Stan-gyur several works of them on the-

Madhydmika system. Some learned pandits in India have united this

system with that of the Yogdchérya,as BopuisaTwa (or SHANTA RAK-

suiTA has done) in the 8th century, and afterwards ATisHa in the 11th.

CuanDRA Kvrti A ays'y, wrote a commentary on the original

work of NAGa’RgunA ; as also several other works introductory to, and

explanatory of, the Madhydmika theory. In all the higher schools

in ‘Tibet these works are now the chief authorities in all controversies. «

relating to the Madhydémika system.

1838.] extracted from the Tibetan books. 145

From among the four theories above specified, only the two last are

philosophical, the two first being rather dogmatical, or following implicitly

scriptural authorities. According to the views of some writers, there is

little difference between the Yogdchdrya andthe Madhydmika theories

also, as some have united them; except that the former is more prac-

tical and the latter more theoretical or speculative (dealing with too

many abstract terms, and minute discriminations). In the Do class of

the Stan-gyur, there are many volumes containing works explanatory of

both these systems. But they can be understood only by the learned, the

generality of the religious persons (or the clergy) prefer to read Tan-

trika works, the Dulva, and some tracts of the Do class of the Kah-gyur.

The above mentioned systems are well known to many of the learned

in Tibet; but there are likewise many who are acquainted only with

their names. .

There is another distinction (with which the Tibetians are more fami-

liar, and which is taken from the scriptures) with respect to the prin-

ciples, on which the scriptural works are founded ; that of gay myay

Thég-pa-gsum ; S. Tri-yinam, the three vehicles. Accordingly all

Buddha scriptures are calculated for the lowest, the mean or middle,

and the highest capacities; for, they contain low or vulgar, middle, and

high principles to be known by such as aspire to any degree of perfection.

Some writers have used the name of “ Lam-rim,” degrees of way (to

perfection), considering men on three different degrees of intellectual

and moral capacity; as, men of little, middle, and highest capacities.

Under this title there are now in Tibet (among those of the Géluk-pa

sect) several manual works on the principles of the Buddhistic religion.

Among these “ Lam-rims” the most esteemed and the most compre-

hensive is that of TsonKu4-PA, a celebrated Lama, who flourished in the

beginning of the fifteenth century.

According to the Lam-rim, there are three degrees of principles with

respect to the theory of the Buddha faith.

1. Men of vulgar capacity must believe that there is a God, there is

a future life, and that they shall therein have the fruits of their works in

this life.

2. Those that are on a middle degree of intellectual and moral

eapacity, besides admitting the former positions, must know, that every

compound thing is perishable, that there is no reality in things; that

every imperfection is pain, and that deliverance from pain or bodily exis-

tence, is final happiness or beatitude.

3. Those of the highest capacities, besides the above enumerated

articles, know that from the body or last object to the supreme soul,

= —

146 Notice of the different systems of Buddhism, &c. (Fes.

nothing is existing by itself, neither can be said that it will continue

always, or cease absolutely ; but that every thing exists by a dependent

or causal connection or concatenation.

_ With respect to practice, those of vulgar pera are content with the

exercise of the ten virtues. Those of a middle degree, besides the

fulfilling of the ten virtues, endeavour to excel in morality, meditation,

and ingenuity or wisdom. Those of the highest capacities besides the

former will perfectly exercise the six transcendal virtues.

With respect to their summum bonum. !

The first seeing the miseries of those suffering in the bad places of

transmigration ; as, in hell, Yiddks, and beasts, wish to be born among

men, the asurs and the gods.

Those of the second class, not contented with the happiness of the

former, wish for themselves only to be delivered entirely from pain and

bodily existence. Lastly; these regarding as pain, every bodily exis-

tence, in whatever region of the world it be, aspire to final emancipation,

and wish to arrive at the supreme perfection, that they may become able

to help others in their miseries.

Such distinction. in speculative Buddhism, as that of the Swabhdvika,

Aishwarika, Karmika, and Ydtnika does not exist in Tibetan books

(except, perhaps, among the Nyigmda-pa sect, who are said to possess yet

several volumes that have not been printed in the Kah-gyur and Stan-gyur

collections, but which may be found in Tibet both written and printed,

among the people of that sect), although there are many works in the

Stan-gyur containing materials on the several doctrines or tenets of those

* philosophical schools.

The ancient philosophical sects in India mentioned frequently, and

partly described in the Tibetan books, especially in the Stan-gyur volumes

are as follows :

1. Grangs-chen-pa (qaayr x4 yY—Sdnkhya in Sanskrit). The Bud-

dhists have adopted much of this school. Inthe % and volumes of the

Do class in the Stan-gyur, there is an account of the six schools (and

of others also) in ancient India.

2. Ché-prag-pa (gqayy—S. Vaisheshilea).

3. Rig-chet-pa (1a"54"q—S. Védantika).

4. Shot-pa-pa (naarxyny7—S. Mimdnsaka).

5. Jigten-gyéng-phen-p4 (QEay’ $4" 85" Qu4'y—S. Lokayata).

6. Those that take Vang-chuk (,qQa" y, 5\—S. Ishwara) for the first

principle.

1838.] Historical works of Tibet. 147

7, They that take Tshangs-pa (Sna'y Brahmd), for the first

principle.

8. They that take Khydb-juk (gq Qgyj—S. Vishnu), for ditto.

9. They that take Skyes-bu ( gv" q—S. Parusha), for ditto.

10. They that take gTsovo (a, x47—S. Pradhina) for ditto.

11. They that take time (<ay—S. Kala), for ditto.

12. The atomists or they that take rdul-phran (& Q7q 4) the atoms

for the first principle of the existence of the world. There are yet some

others also.

The general principles of practical Buddhism with a follower of this

faith in Tibet, are such as follow.

1. To take refuge only with Buddha.

2. To form in his mind the resolution of endeavouring to arrive at

the highest degree of perfection, to be united with the supreme intelligence.

3. To prostrate himself before (the image of) Buddha; to adore him.

4. To bring offerings before him, such as are pleasing to any of the

six senses ; as, light, flowers, garlands, incenses, perfumes ; all sorts of

edible and drinkable things, (whether raw or prepared, ) stuffs, cloths, &c.

for garments and hanging ornaments.

5. To make musick, sing hymns, and utter praises on Buddha,

respecting his person, doctrine, love or mercy, his perfections or attri-

butes ; his acts or performances for the benefit of all animal beings.

6. To confess one’s sins with a contrite heart; to ask forgiveness of

them, and to declare sincerely not to commit such afterwards.

_ 7. To rejoice in the moral merits of all animal beings, and to wish

that they may contribute them to obtain ware final emancipation or

beatitude.

8. To pray and exhort all the Buddhas that are now in the world

to turn the wheel of religion (or to teach their doctrines) and not. to

leave soon the world, but to remain here for many ages, (Kalpas,)

V.—Enumeration of Historical and Grammatical Works to be met with

in Tibet. By the same.

Works, containing historical matter, may be found, in Tibet, under

the following names :

1. Lo-yyus (XS 5 wa /o-rgyus), meaning annals, chronicle, history.

2. Tam-gyut (a Aa" 3 6 gtam-rgyud), tradition, oral account,

traditional history. (S. A’khyénam.)

148 Historical works of Tibet. ¢ (Fes.

3. Ch’hos-jung (AW'Q95" Ch’hos-hbyung), origin and progress

(of the elements) of the (Buddhistic) religion.

4. Tokzhot (%1 S|\N'QES rtogs-brjod), properly a judicious saying ;

memoir, reflections, critique, biography.

5. Nam-thdar (§a*aQx rnam-thar), properly emancipation, liberation,

biography, legend.

6. Grung (¢ yoy Grungs), a fable, fiction, fabulous history.

7. Stan-cis (Qy% 3% Bstan-rtsis), chronology, or calculation of

Some events or epochs occurring in the sacred volumes.

To the first class or “o-gyus” may be referred the following works,

on account of their contents being of a historical character.

1. Mani-kdbum (a6 QQ’ QQH md-ni-bkah-hbum), an historical

work, composed by SRONG-TSAN-GAMPO ( ¥u'qQ Sa" gary SRonc-

BTsan-SGAM-PO), a celebrated king in Tibet, in the seventh century of

the christian era.

2. Pddma- thing-yik (y= Maly wm Padma-thang-yig) another his-

torical work, written in the eieslith or ninth century, in thetime of Kurt-

SRONG DE’-TSAN (8 yo" BQ "21. 84,) by an Indian guru, called in Tibe-

tan PADMA JUNG-NE, (H%2g GAA), in Sanskrit Padma Sambhava,

3. Ka-thangdé-na (AMZ qa'n’ a); by the before mentioned guru,

and by some Tibetan translators or lotsavas, in five parts, containin

biographical notices of princes, queens, chief officers, pandits and lotsa-

vas or Tibetan translators.

4. Vik-nying (wmyAaq"), ancient writ or chronicle, compiled by the

ancient Tibetan translators. 3}

5. Vik-zhung-ch’hen-mo, (gay Qu aa a ), containing Indian his-

tory from Asoka ( SMT Wd mya-nan-med, in Tibetan) a king, (who

lived one hundred and ten years after the death of Suakya, and had his

residence at Pdtaliputra and Dehli) till the time of PRatTiTa SE‘Na (in

the beginning of the fourteenth century of our era).

Other historical works are known under the following titles >

6. Ka-tstk-cl’hen-mo (qm San’ RAH):

7. Ké-ch’hem-ké-k hol-ma (Qyyeann’ AN QQ as):

8. Gyel-rab-pag-sam-jon-shing (AWLAN AQ QVNY ray a's"),

9. She-cha-rap-sal (Qy'g* LA SN).

7 aom oN

10. Gyel rap-salvai-mélong ( AMLAN ANA AQ YB’),

ll. Bod-kyi-yik-ts'ang (aR N'UYs\"HG"), Tibetan records.

1838. ] Historical works of Tibet. | 149

12. Dep-ter-pon-po (5a LS rt)> ancient records.

13. Sa-s,kya-yik-tsing (a y'tm'dc"), records made in the Sa-

skya monastery.

14. Gyahi-yik-ts'ang (83° way ao" ), Chinese Heduadi, translated by

BLAMA RIN-CH HEN-GRAGS-PA.

There are in Tibet some historical fragments under this title, Gtam

gyut (sina St ), traditional history, also.

Under this title, ch’hos-jung (aay" Qa &*), Elements of religion, or the

origin and progress of the Buddhistic religion, there are several works

in Tibet, according to the different authors. As by Ne’L-pa, by Bu-

s,TON ; the Ch’os’jung of the Bkah-gdams-pa sect, that originated in

the eleventh century ; ditto of the Bruk-pa sect, by PADMA KARPo.

Under this name: “ Tokzhot” (& mA OES S. Avadana), there are

many historical fragments both in the Kah-gyur and Stan-gyur (especially

in the w or thirtieth volume of the Mdo class of the Kah-gyur, mostly of

a legendary character. But besides these there are also true narrations.

The following work is of a mixed character of this kind: FYAQ 5‘. |

Qs '"so'Qgagywy "S's Ry" OES “ sham-bha-lahi rnam bshat-dang

p hak-yul-gyi-rtokzhod”—Description of Shambhala (a fabulous country

and city in the north of Asia). And a memoir on p’haks-yul (S. A’rya

désa or India, in general), written by PAN-cH’HEN PALDAN YE-SHES, the

great Lama at Tashi lunpo (Qy aay arty) in 1775.

Under this name: “nam thar” Sara 1, thereare many historical

works in Tibet, containing narratives of the life of any great personage,

as the life of Su&xkya, in a mdo or sutra, called 5’ HU LAY (gya-cher-

rol-pa) or “ Lalita vistara” in Sanskrit. As also in the Mdo styled

Ho ary L'QIG'Q non-par-jung-va, his appearance in the world (in a

religious character).

To this class belong the following works, as: Dpag-bsam-k hri-shing

(RYAN RG"), by Dee-vant-Dvane-Po (S. Shubhendra), trans-

lated from Sanskrit. The “ rnam-t’har” or legendary narrative (contained

in the bstan-gyur) of eighty-four persons, in ancient India. How they

were emancipated, or acquired preternatural faculties.

The Say'qx vnam-thar, of the sixteen principal disciples (maa as 4

nétan) of SHAkya.

The hundred acts of SHakya compiled by TArAnatua, a Tibetan

Lama, in the seventeenth century.

—_

150 Mistorical works of Tibet. [ Fes.

The twelve acts of Suakya, by SRONG-TSAN-GAMBO, in the Mani-

kabum.

The “skyés-rabs-brgya-pa” or one hundred new births or regenera-

tions, by a Lama of the Karmapa sect.

There are in the Dulva biographical notices of several princes wealthy

citizens, and other illustrious persons, in ancient India.

Amongst the Grungs (y may) or fabulous narratives, the “ Kesar

Grungs” (&" NL" y GA) or fabulous history of Kesar a warlike ancient

king in central Asia, i is much celebrated in Tibet.

On Stan-gis (Br aya 3) or astronomical calculations of some events

or epochs, occurring in the sacred’volumes or Shastras, there are like-

wise several works, in Tibet. Of this kind are the commentaries on

the “ Kala chakra or dus-kyi-hk’hor-lo,” in Tibetan, made by several

learned men,—as ; by “Bu-ston” (qy4) in the fourteenth century, by

« Jo-nang-pa” by “ Mk’has-grub” in the fifteenth century ; by “‘ Panch’-

hen-blo-bzang-ch’hos-kyi-rgyel-mts’han,” by “ Padma karpo”’—(a cele-

brated Lama of the Bruk-pa sect, in the sixteenth century.

Also a commentary on the K4la chakra, and the history of the Bud-

dhistic religion, written in Tibetan by a Mongol Lama (Sum-bha-zhabs-

trung) in the last century.

The “ rtsis-kyi-hbyung-k hungs” (Bay 3 Q3a Ba) elements of

calculations by “ Mx’HAS-GRUB-rGYA-mTS HO” and ‘ Nor-B-zANG-

7TGYA-mTs Ho. The substance of these works have been embodied in

the “ Baidurya, PTeaRpO an astronomical, &c. work, written by

«“ SANG-RGYAS-YGYA-MTS HO,” a regent at Lassa, in the last half of

the seventeenth century.

List of such Indian (or Sanskrit) grammatical works, as have been

known to the ancient Tibetan learned men, and partly have been trans-

lated into Tibetan, or have been only quoted by them.

The names of these works have been collected in the last volumes of

the B,stan-gyur compilation. They are as follows: Pdni-vyadkarana, in

two thousand slokas; Maha-bhdna, a commentary of the former in

one hundred thousand slokas, by kLU-NoR-rGYAS-KHI-Bu’—not trans-

lated. An abridgment of the two former by RAMa CHANDRA.

A grammar, in twenty-four chapters, by CHANDRA GoMI.

A commentary on the twenty prepositive particles, by do.

A Sutra on the letters, by do.

A commentary on the letters, by Cu’Hos-sxyone (S. Dhermapala).

The several cases of nouns, by Caanpra Gomi, in explanatory

verses.

1838. ] Historical works of Tibet. 151

Another grammatical work, by ZLA-vA-GRAGS-PA. (S. Chandra kirtti.)

A commentary on the Chandrapé by Pandita Ratna MALI, in

twelve thousand slokas.

A commentary on the former by Pandita Purna CHANDRA, in

thirty thousand slokas.

Duyings-mdohi-hgrel-pa, a Andee) on the verbal roots, by

“ Byins-xyI-DPUNG-GRYEN.

Ting-mthahi-bshad-pa: explication of the “ ting” termination.

The milch-cow of desire.

The eight compositions.

The Kaldpa in fifteen chapters, by DvANG-PHYUG-GO-CH’HA.

Sde-spyod byda-karana, in five hundred slokas, a commentary on the

Kaldpa, by brahman Ucra Buv’tt.

The “ Si,” &c. &c. of the Kalapa, nates by Hyam-dpa.-

GRaGs-PAa (S. Manjukirtti).

A grammatical work, introductory to every speech or language.

A commentary on the same, by a teacher: SuBHASHA KIRTTI.

A commentary on the twenty preponilive particles, by Dvanc-po-

BYIN (S. Indradatta. )

Dyangs-chan-bydkarana (of Saraswati) in thirty-one chapters.

Six great commentaries of the former, and several smaller ones.

we (un) and other terminations explained in a Sutra, by Dur-Sine.

A Sutra on the ye(un) termination, by “ CuanpRra”—with a com-

mentary by the author himself.

A Sutra of roots in the Kal¢pa and in the Chandrapa, by “ Gang-

vahi-zla-va” (S. Purnna Chandra ).

% (ti) and other terminations of actions, &c. peed by dGah-

vahi-grags-pa.

Collection of words having the same sound but different significa-

tion. H,jam-Dvyangs (S. Manju-ghosha) byakaranahi-r,tsta-va, by

SaADHU-KIRTTI.

A commentary on Panini’s grammar, by Rama Cuanpra.

Panini-byings-mdo (the roots Sutra, of Panini), by Pandita hjigs- |

med-e,dé.

On the above enumerated Indian grammatical works, there are some

commentaries made by the Tibetans. As; by “ Bu-ston-rin-ch’hen-

grub” and “ Zhalu-lo-tsa-va ch’hos-sk’yong-bzang-po.”

There are, likewise, in Tibet, several works teaching how to read the

Sanskrit text, especially the mantras. The most common are those

(both the text and the commentary on) written by “ Sancua SKRI”

at Snar-thang. But there are others also, made by TARANATHA, by

Kunue’es, by Dox’-Le’cs, and by Srrupa.

x 2

ae -*

ee iad OEE. CO ey SO er ea = —

152 Section of a Hill in Cuttack. (Fes.

The most ancient grammatical work extant for the Tibetan language

is that made by “SamBora” in the seventh century. Its Tibetan name

is: “ Lung-du- ston-pa-sum-chu-pa” and “ , Tags-kyi-P,jug-pa” or

grammatical introduction in thirty slokas, and the adding of the cha-

racteristic letters (for the formation of the several cases of nouns, &c.)

Both these treatises are very short, making not more than three or

four small leaves. They give little information, and are interesting only

on account of the grammatical terms. But there are now many com-

mentaries on this original text, composed by the authors, whose names

here follow, as: Dvu-pa-bLo-gsal, Lo-ch’hen-Nam-Mkhah-rgya-Mts‘ho,

s Nar-thang-lo-tsa-Sangha-Shri, Yar-hbrog-pa-rin-ch’hen-tog, dgé-yé-va-

ts’hul-k’hrims-Sengé, Pan-ch’hen-gser-mdog-chan-pa, dpah-vo-gtsug-

lag H,p’hreng-va, Zur-Mk’har-va-bLo-gros-rgyal-po, Rab-hbyams-smra-

va-ch’hos-rgyal, Hol-ra-rab-hbyams, Sman-lung-pa-bLo-moh hogrdo-rje,

Zha-lu-lo-tsa-va-ch hos-skyong-Bzang-po, Yha-lu-pa-ch’hos-legs, Byams-

gLing-Bsod-nams-rnam-r,gyal, Kun-mk’-hyen-go-ram-pa. (These two

last have commented only the “ Sum-Stchu-pa.” ) Zag-lung-ch’hos-7jé,

Rab-Abyans-pa-jam-gral, K’ha-rag-sprul-sku, Drung-yig-hjam-Dvyangs,

(these have written answers to some proposed questions respecting

grammar). Pan-ch’hen-dkon-Mch’hog-ch,hos-grags, (he wrote in the

seventeenth century, under this title; “ Légs-Bshad-snang byed-

norbu’” on sixty-four leaves.)

S1rv, or Lvom-su-pa of Derghé in Kham-yul, wrote in the last

century, on eighty-six leaves. The title of his grammar is: “ mk’has-

pahi-mgul-rgyan-mu-tig-phreng-mdses” (a beautiful necklace of pearls

for a neck ornament of the learned).

There are yet several other grammatical works on the language of

Tibet.

A. Cs.

VI.—Section of a Hill in Cuttack supposed to be likely to contain

Coal. By M. Kirror, Esq.

[In a letter addressed to J. McCiexLxanp, Esq. Secretary Coal Committee.]

I have the pleasure to forward a sketch (section) of a hill called

“ Newrdj,” where I had expected to find coal, but have been unsuccess-

ful ; the hill, however, presents such striking features, that I deem it

worthy the notice of a geologist, and address you accordingly. 1 have

forwarded specimens [a list of which is hereto annexed] to the Secre-

tary of the Asiatic Society, who will deliver them to you for examina-

tion, after which I request the favour of your informing me whether or

not coal is likely to be found beneath the very black slate, (marked K) ?

1838. } Section of a Hill in Cuttack. 153

Also, whether it is likely to occur beneath the brown slate (J), in sam-

ples of which (obtained fourteen or fifteen feet below the surface at a

village in a valley two miles inland south from Newrii7,) I have found

delicate veins of coal? Again, I should feel greatly obliged by your

giving me instructions as to the nature of the rocks, beneath (or near

to) which coal beds usually occur in this country ? If there are any

specimens available in the museum, I beg you will oblige me by for-

warding some samples to me, labelled, and at the same time you will

favour me with the names, &c. of the different specimens now forwarded,

lettered as they are, my duplicates having the same labels.

A reply to the above at your earliest convenience will much oblige

your most obedient servant.

Cuttack, Nov. 8, 1837.

(No. 1.) A. Laterite of Stirling, vide pp. 177-178, As. Res. volume, headed,

on Orissa proper or Cuttack.

(2.) B. (3.) C. Upper courses of the rock just below the lower part of the

rock next the water degenerating into clay.

(4.) E. (5.) F. Earth mixed with others of a yellowish hue like fuller’s earth

in taste and appearance, and resting between the black slate and the hard rock.

(6.) G. Vertical dyke between the rock and the slate imbedded in the fuller’s

earth.

A vein fusing through the hard rock at a right angle averaging 19 feet thick.

(7.) H. Yellow clay slate above the brown slate.

(8.). J. Brown slate, continuation of the black.

(9.) J. Pink slate, continuation of the brown.

(10.) K. Black slate of three kinds, the soft being the lowest.

(11.) Z. Specimens of the vein which runs the whole length of the slate rocks,

varying in color and thickness ; average thickness 9 inches.

i ee

154 Section of a Hill in Cuttack. [Frs.

(12.) M. Piece found in the black slate.

(13.) NW. Specimen of dyke (vertical) through the slate.

The other specimens forwarded are from Mahdnadi and Kutjooree.

(1) Laterite, (2) speckled rock apparently volcanic, (3) ditto softer, (4) earth

between the slate and rock, (5) dike of calcareous substance, (6) lava? (7) yellow

clay slate, (8) brown slate, (9) pink slate, (10) black-slate, (11) vein of various

colors principally red, (13) dike through the slate, (14) marl between the rocks

and the laterite, varying in thickness, (15) upper stratum of soil, (16) sandstone

rock which continues for 50 or 60 miles towards Ganjam. |

The above is merely a rough sketch to exhibit the different forma-

tions as exposed to view: the whole is without measurement. The

extreme height of the hill is about 120 feet from the water level. Should

it be required I shall be happy to make a more correct plan by actual

measurement.

Newraj is about seven miles in a direct line (due west) from Cuttack ;

It is at this spot that the Mahdénadi throwing off its branch called ©

the Kutjooree, finally quits the hilly country and the great valley

hence to Burmool. The natives look on this curious rock as the work

of “ Siva” under the denomination of “ Siddhéswar” to whom a temple

(of great antiquity.) is dedicated, and situated at the top of the rock, the

lower story of it, as well as the enclosure or terraces are hewn out of

the solid laterite rock, in which there are (besides) several caves, for-

merly inhabited by rishis (ascetics). The black rock is exported to Poo-

ree for the purpose of making the “ t//ak,” or frontal mark of the

Hindus; the red, yellow, pink, &c. &c. are used to paint the houses in

the vicinity. The sandstone does not come down to the water’s edge

but rests on the other rock at a short distance inland; indeed the rock

washed by the river extends but a very short distance, when it joins on

the range of coarse sandstone hillocks, which extend to the south to-

wards the Chilea lake, including Kandgirri, Kurdd, &c. and across

the Mahanadi from Undharkot on the bank, towards Dakhanncl in

a northerly direction; westerly, they extend as far as Dhompdragarh

on the right bank, and Barramba on the left. The rock dipping and

passing under the bed of the Mahdnadi. Many valleys or basins are

formed by these hills on both sides of the river ; in some places the hil-

locks are but 30 or 40 feet high, the beds of sandstone being com-

paratively thin, of a coarse grain, resembling gritstone ; it has numerous

quartz pebbles of all sizes imbedded in it: it usually rests on shingle,

and has a superstratum of the same kind ; which again appears to rest

on indurated clay slate.

1838. ] Section of a Hill in Cuttack. 155

Note—By Dr. Mc Clelland.

The hill of Mewraj described by Mr. Kirror in the accompanying

letter, is situated seven miles in a direct line due west of Cuttack near

the confluence of the Autjooree with the Mahdnadi at the exit of the

latter from the hills; and appears from an examination of the small but

interesting collection of specimens procured by Mr. Kirroe to be, as he

has accurately described it, volcanic.

The centre of the hill is formed of a massive dyke (2,) thrown up

from below, and consisting of a dark green trachyte of a somewhat

coarse glossy character with minute vesicles containing a soft earthy

matter, which is removed by exposure (6.) The lower portion of this

rock (3), where it is exposed to the action of air and moisture, decays

like green-stone, yielding a similar clay.

On one side of the dyke there is an abrupt abutment of sandstone

(16), which forms an extensive undulating country on the west, south

and north of Newrdj; and on the other side a bed of drawing slate

changing into yellow (7,) brown (8,) red (9,) and black chalks (10, 10,

10,) which might be used with advantage in the manufacture of paints

and pencils. Mr. Kirrok indeed states, that the black drawing slate is

exported to Pooree for the purpose of making the ¢llak, or frontal

mark of the Hindus, and that the other kinds are used in the neigh-

bourhood by the natives for painting their houses. I do not think that

these chalks are at all inferior (especially the black) to the best kinds

imported to England.

The annexed copy of Mr. Kitror’s sketch of the section of Mewrdj

hill, Ihave made by using one of his rough geological specimens of

black chalk instead of a pencil.

Between this last bed and the dyke, there is a true vein filled up ap-

parently from above by scaly fragments of drawing slate and calcare-

ous matter (5); this rent has evidently been formed in the centre of the

hill by the elevation of the dyke from below, and some distance from

this the slate is divided by a vein of a different nature (13) from the

last, occasioned by the separation of the lower convex surface of the

disturbed mass ; this vein is composed of fragments of primary clay slate

mechanically intermixed with plates of silvery mica, ingredients which

must have been derived from below.

Another interesting peculiarity, and one for which it is more difficult

to account in this section, is a vein of black glossy trachyte, extended

obliquely from the drawing slate at the water’s edge across the great dyke,

dividing it nearly in a horizontal direction.

Fes 2 2S

156 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [Fes.

VII.— Discovery of the name of Antiocnus the Great, in two of the

edicts of Asoxa, king of India. By James Prinsep, See. §c.

[Read at the Meeting of the 7th March.] ,

As long as the study of Indian antiquities confines itself to the illus-

tration of Indian history it must be confessed that it possesses little attrac-

tion for the general student, who is apt to regard the labour expended on

the disentanglement of perplexing and contradictory mazes of fiction,

as leading only to the substitution of vague and dry probabilities for

poetical, albeit extravagant, fable. But the moment any name or event

turns up in the course of such speculations offering a plausible point of

connection between the legends of India and the rational histories of

Greece or Rome,—a collision between the fortunes of an eastern and a

western hero,—forthwith a speedy and spreading interest is excited which

cannot be satisfied until the subject is thoroughly sifted by the exami-

nation of all the ancient works, western and eastern, that can throw

concurrent light on the matter at issue. Such was the engrossing in-

terest which attended the identification of Sandracottus with Chandra-

gupta in the days of Sir Wm. Jones: such the ardour with which the

Sanskrit was studied, and is still studied, by philologists at home after

it was discovered to bear an intimate relation to the classical languages

of ancient Europe. Such more recently has been the curiosity excited,

on Mr. Turnour’s throwing open the hitherto sealed page of the Bud-

dhist historians to the development of Indian monuments and Pauranic

records.

The discovery I was myself so fortunate as to make, last year, of

the alphabet of the De/hi pillar inscription, led immediately to results of

hardly less consideration to the learned world. Dr. Mix regarded these

inscriptions as all but certainly demonstrated relics of the classical

periods of Indian literature. This slight remainder of doubt has been

since removed by the identification of Pryapast as ASOKA, which we

also owe to Mr. Turnour’s successful researches; and, dating from

an epoch thus happily achieved, we have since succeeded in tracing the

name of the grandson of the same king, DAsaraTHA, at Gaya in the

same old character; and the names of Nanpa and A1’LAs, and perhaps

Visaya in the Kalinga caves: while on Bactriam coins we have been

rewarded with finding the purely Greek names of AGATHOCLEs and

PANTALEON, faithfully rendered in the same ancient alphabet of the

Hindus.

I have now to bring to the notice of the Society another link of the

same chain of discovery, which will, if I do not deceive myself, create a

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 157

yet stronger degree of general interest in the labours, and of confidence

in the deductions, of our antiquarian members than any that has

preceded it. I feel it so impossible to keep this highly singular disco-

very to myself that I risk the imputation (which has been not unjustly

cast upon me in the course of my late undigested disclosures) of bring-

ing it forward in a very immature shape, and perhaps of hereafter being

obliged to retract a portion of what I advance. Yet neither in this, nor

in any former communication to the Society, have I to fear any material

alteration in their general bearing, though improvements in reading and

translation must of course be expected as I become more familiar with

characters and dialects unknown for ages past even to the natives them-

selves, and entirely new to my own study.

A year ago, as the Society will remember, Mr. W. H. WaTuen,

of Bombay, kindly sent me a reduced copy of the facsimiles of the in-

scriptions on a rock at Girnar ( Girinagara) near Junagarh in Gu-

jerat, which had been taken on cloth by the Rev. Dr. Wixson, president

of the Bombay Literary Society. He also sent a copy te M. Jacquet

of Paris, which I dare say before this has been turned to good account.

After completing the reading of the pillar inscriptions, my attention

was naturally turned to these in the same character from the west of

India, but I soon found that the copy sent was not sufficiently well

done to be thoroughly made out; and I accordingly requested Mr.

Witson to favor me with the facsimile itself, which with the most

liberal frankness he immediately sent round under a careful hand by

sea. Meanwhile Lieut. Kirrox had, as you are also aware, made the

important discovery of a long series of inscriptions in the same charac-

ter at a place called Dhawli, in Cuttack. These were in so muti-

lated a state that I almost despaired of being able to sift their contents ;

and they were put aside, at any rate until the more promising portion of

my labour should be accomplished.

_Ihad just groped my way through the Girnar text, which proved

to be, like that of the pillars, a series of edicts promulgated by Asoka,

but essentially different both in language and in purport; when I took

up the Cuttack inscriptions of which Lieut. Kirroz had been engaged

in making a lithographic copy for my journal. To my surprise and joy

I discovered that the greater part of these inscriptions (all indeed save

the first and last paragraphs which were enclosed in distinguishing

frames), was identical with the inscription at Girnay / And thus as I

had had five copies of the pillar inscription to collate together for a cor-

rect text, a most extraordmary chance had now thrown before me two

copies of the rock edicts to aid me in a similar task! There was however

158 Dicovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, (Fes.

one great variance in the parallel,—for, while the pillars were almost

identical letter for letter, the Girnar and Cuttack texts turned out to

be only so in substance, the language and alphabet having both very

notable and characteristic differences.

Having premised thus much in explanation of the manner of my dis-

covery, I must now quit the general subject for a time, to single out the

particular passage in the inscriptions which is to form the theme of my

present communication.

The second tablet at Girnar is im very good preservation; every

letter is legible, and but two or three are im any way dubious. The

paragraph at Aswastwma which I found to correspond therewith, is far

from being in so good a state; nevertheless when the extant letters are

interlined with the more perfect Girnar text, as in the accompanying

copy, they will be seen to confirm the most important passage, while they

throw a corroborative evidence upon the remainder, and give a great deal

of instruction on the respective idioms in which the two are couched.

The edict relates to the establishment of a system of medical admi-

nistration throughout the dominions of the supreme sovereign of India,

one at which we may smile in the present day, for it includes both man

and beast; but this we know to be in accordance with the fastidious

humanity of the Buddhist creed, and we must therefore make due al-

lowance for a state of society and of opinions altogether different from

| our own.

I here present the whole paragraph in the old character as it stands

at Girnar, followmg it up with an interlined transcript in the roman

character, so as to place under one view the parallel texts from opposite

sides of India.

Second Tablet at Girndr.

oA GEAR SSL Udy, Uden Foto ae

b Ad LO- FFF VALUA FADOT HAUT HAL

q FLLTELSO AAW hdth OBK TEL ASA POL

Fite Sta ¥iJld bvld LALA we

A T

Bdid b-On hubs fede sigue

1838.] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 159

The same in Roman character, with the Dhault copy interlined*.

Savata vijitemhi devanampiyasa Piyadasino rano, evama-

Savata vimitamsi devinampiyasa Piyadasine..........cccesees

papavantesu, yatha Choda, Pida, fe gaeisie Ketalepato,

eat eereere 8Oeee s@e eo @0@+@e @8 FFF CHF Cet Oe FER PHF HHH FOS es -eee e@eec ce6

PPambapansi, ANTIYAKO YONA ve vip (tasa

Veseescsccecteceeeese ANTIYOKE nama yona lajaya vapi (...sa@

ANTIYAKASA samino rajano), savata devanampiyasa Piya-

Antiyakasa sadmanta lajéne) savata devanampiyasa Piya-

dasino rano dwe chikichha kata ;—manusa chikichha cha pasu

Mates! OE tee tiem ee adn ee BOUL UION 5 $A gcpagle ce

Poe cha : be hag yani manusopagani cha paso-

eS... cha...... dhani dni muniso.......ni pasu

ae cha. Yata yata ndasti, savata pdardpitani cha

opoganant cha ata—té mnathi, sa..... palapita

ropapitani cha; mulani cha phalani cha’; yata yata nésti,

NERA PETES) TEEN od. eecev an e.cisg sags 4p 18sie sind ojame da ala's csoeilble Gb lds

savata h4rapiténi cha Jopabitent cha. See we kupa

vata halopita cha, lopapita cha. ma (gesu) udapanani

cha khdndpita; vachha cha ropapita ; pari bhogaya

tha khanapitani, lukhani cha lopapitini pati bhogaya

pasu manusanam.

P....0+02-4NamM.

Translation.

__ Everywhere within the conquered provinces of raja Piyapast the

beloved of the gods, as well as in the parts occupied by the faithful,

such as Chola, Pida, Satiyaputra, and Ketalaputra, even as far as

Tambapanni ( Ceylon )/—and moreover within the dominions of An-

TiocHus the Greek, (of which AnTIocuus’ generals are the rulers, )—

everywhere the heaven-beloved raja Pryapasi’s double system of me-

dical aid is established ;—both medical aid for men, and medical aid

for animals: together with medicaments of all sorts, which are suitable

for men, and suitable for animals. And wherever there is not (such

provision )—in all such places they are to be prepared, and to be planted:

both root-drugs, and herbs, wheresoever there is not (a provision of

them) in all such places shall they be deposited and planted.

And in the public highways wells are to be dug, and trees to be

planted, for the accommodation of men and animals.”

* I reserve the lithographed facsimile until next month.

x 2

160 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [ Fes.

Many things are deserving of comment in this short edict. To begin

in due order ;—

The opening words which are equally well preserved in both the

Girnay and the Dhauli inscriptions, will be remarked to differ, in the two

examples, only in a single letter (disregarding of course the variation of

the inflection, which we shall see by and by to be peculiar to the dialect

of each place, and constant throughout) ;—the former text reads Savata

vyitamhi equivalent to the Sanskrit savatra vijtte, ‘every where in the

‘conquered (country)’ whereas the latter has savata vimatamsi (S. vimate ) |

throughout the inimical (in religion) country*. This difference is incon-

siderable ; and both expressions will contrast equally well with apdpa-

vantesu (S.apdpavatsu ) ‘in the sinless-like,’ or ‘the provinces containing

the believers.’ Of the places enumerated as belonging to the latter divi-

sion, unfortunately one list only is preserved, and we are unable to identify

any of their names with certainty, except the last. Choda may indeed be

the Chola kingdom, and Pida the country named in the Brahmanda

Purana+, as Pidika in the same list with Chilica: but in what part of

India situated does not very clearly appear. Satyapito and Ketalaputo

are equally unknown ; unless the latter be Ketorapuri of WiLrorp—

hod. Tahneswar. The former seems rather an epithet of some ‘holy city’

of the time. Our only certain landmark then is Tambapanni, the ancient

name of Ceylon, spelt exactly in the same manner as in the Pali text of

the Mahdvunsa just published by Mr. Turnour. The Greek name of

this island, Taprobane, as Dr. Mix has elsewhere observed{, seems

rather to be taken from the Sanskrit Tamra-pani, which is also the

true Singhalese name for the same place.

But the principal fact which arrests attention in this very curious pro-

clamation, is its allusion to ANTIocuus the Yona, (Sanskrit Yavana) or

Greek, king. The name occurs four times over, with only one variation

in the spelling, where in lieu of Antiyako we have Antiyoko, a still

nearer approach to the Greek. The final o is the regular Pali conver-

sion of the Sanskrit nominative masculine termination as, or the Greek

os. In the pillar dialect the visarga of the Sanskrit is replaced by _

the vowel e, as we see in the interlined reading, Antiyake. Again the

interposition of the semivowel y between the two Greek vowels?

and o, is exactly what I had occasion to observe in the writing of the

words Agathuklayoj and Puntalawanta for AyaboxAews and mavradcovTos

on the coins. All this evidence would of itself bias my choice to-

" * While correcting the press, I received a revision of the Cuttack inscription,

by Mr. Kirrog, in which the word is plainly vijitamsi.

+ As. Res. VIII. 336. t Journal As. Soc. Vol- V. 830.

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 161

wards the reading adopted, even were it possible to propose any other;

but although I have placed the sentence, exactly transcribed in the

Devanagari character, in the pandit’s hand; he could not, without the al-

teration of very many letters, convert it to any other meaning, however

strained. And were there still any doubt at all in my mind, it would be

removed by the testimony of the Cuttack version which introduces be-

tween Antiyake and Yona the word néma,—making the precise sense

‘the Yona raja by name ANTIOCHUS.

Having then, I trust, established the existence of a genuine Greek

name in an authentic Indian edict, let us turn to the histories of the

period and ascertain who he may be, and how far the circumstance tallies

with the Grecian and Persian records of these ancient times.

The age of Asoka, as fixed by the Buddhist annals falls close after

the invasion of ALEXANDER the Great, but when adjusted by the esta-

blished epoch of CHANDRAGUPTA, it coalesces with the flourishing

period of Bactrian independence.

The name of AnTIocuus occurs solely in the Seleucidan dynasty

which enjoyed supremacy over the whole extent of the Macedonian

conquests, until the satraps of Persia and higher Asia threw off the

Syrian yoke, and assumed to themselves the regal title. It was to re-

establish his sway over the revolted provinces that AnT1ocHus the

Great in the third century before Christ, conducted an extended cam-

paign in Bactria, which ended in an accommodation with EutuypDEMus

whereby he was permitted to hold the regal title. The Bactrian king

consented probably to be tributary to ANT1ocHUus, for the treaty was

ratified by the surrender of all EurHypEemMus’ elephants to ANTIOCUuUs ;

who, on his side, cemented the alliance by granting his daughter in mar-

riage to the handsome Demerrius, KuTHyDEMUS’s son. This memo-

rable event is fixed by Bayer in the year 205 B. C.

“In the reign of ANTIocHus the Great,” says Maurice, “ the affairs

of India again become conspicuously prominent in the page of Asiatic

history.” Potyzius informs us that subsequently to the settlement

of Bactria, this monarch led his army over the Indian Caucasus, and

entered India, where he paid a visit to, and renewed his alliance*

with SopHaGAsEnes, king of that country, and received likewise his

elephants, which with those he had from EvrayDEMvus amounted now

* The treaty thus renewed, may have been that entered into between Setev-

cus and Sanpracottus. Alluding to the obscure origin of this prince Justi-

Nus says, ‘‘ By such a tenure of rule was it that SanpracotTrTus acquired In-

dia at the time SeLeucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness,

and the latter having concluded a league with him, and settled his affairs in the

east came down and joined the war against ANTIGONUS.’’ L. XV. C. 4.

162 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, [ Fes.

to a hundred and fifty*; he then recrossed the Jndus and returned

homeward through Avachosia, Drangiana, and Carmania, settling in

all those countries due order and discipline. ‘“ The boldness of his at-

tempts and the wisdom of his conduct during the whole course of this

long war, gained him the reputation of a wise and valiant prince, so

that his name became formidable to all Europe as well as Asia, and well

deserved the addition of ‘ Great’ which was given him+.”

In all, save the name of the Indian monarch, do these circumstances

agree with the terms of our inscription. We may readily imagine it to

have been a provision in the treaty, that the Buddhist king of India

should be allowed to establish his religious and humane regulations

among those of the same faith who resided under the rule of AnTIo-

cuus’ generals, that is, in Bactria and perhaps Simde. We see an ac-

knowledgment of fealty to him in the very wording of the sentence, and

it is curious that, while the Cutéack inscription calls the Greek princes,

Sdmanta his generals—the other edict names them Swdmuno f, ‘ lords.’

With regard to the name of Sophagasena I should not have much

hesitation in asserting that it was a palpable corruption of Asoka sinha or

sena, the first two syllables transposed§,—but that I am saved the trou-

ble by that more daring etymologist Col. WiLrorp, who long ago pro-

nounced Sophagasena to be nothing more than Sivaca-sena, a term

equivalent to Asoca-sena, ‘ one whose army is clement, —and which was

another name for AsoCA-VERDDHANA the third in descent from CHAN-

DRAGUPTA in the Pauranic lists ||.

Mr. Turnour fixes the date of Asoxa’s accession in B. C. 247, or

62 years subsequent to CHANDRAGUPTA, the cotemporary of SELEucus.

Many of his edicts are dated in his 28th year, that is in B. C. 219, or

six years after AnTiocuus the Great had mounted the throne. The

medical edict is not absolutely dated; we however perceive that there

can be no positive anachronism to oppose the conclusions to which other

powerful considerations would lead.

* The words of Potysrus are:—‘YrepBarovde tov Kadxacov, kat kardpas els

thy “lvdikhy, Thy Tov piAlay dvevewoaro Thy mpos Zopayachnvoy Tov BaciAéa Twy

Tydav, Kai AaBdy erA€payTas, Hse yeveoOat Tobs dravras ets Exardy Kal wevThKovTa,

ert Se oiTomeTphoas WaALy evTavoa THY Sivauly, avTdS mev avéCeveE META TNS SpaTtise

*Avdpoabévn be Tov KuSixnvoy em rhs avaxoudjs ameAure THs yotns, Ta Smodoyne

Gcions avT@ mapa Tov BactAews. Pol. Histor. lib. xi.

t+ Universal History, vol. VIII. p. 157.

t The last letter is however doubtful (more resembling pham) and 1 feel very

certain that re-examination will prove the reading to be Sdmanta.

. § Just as the natives persist in calling Ocutrertony, Loni-akter ;—many

such whimsical perversions might be quoted.

{| Asiatic Researches, V. 286.

1838.) in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 163

’ But the subject of elucidation is not exhausted here. The Persian

historians have yet to be examined; and their account of this eventful

period may be gathered, from FexisuTa’s words, to have been copied

not from the Greeks, but from native authorities now no longer extant.

“ SINSARCHAND* assumed the imperial dignity after the death of

Puoor, and in a short time regulated the discomposed concerns of the

empire. He neglected not in the mean time to remit the customary

tribute to the Grecian captains, who possessed Persia under and after

the death of ALEXANDER. SinsARcHAND and his son possessed the

empire of India seventy years. When the grandson of SinsarchanD

acceded to the throne, a prince named Jona, who is said to have been

a grand nephew of Puoor, though that circumstance is not well attest-

ed, aspiring to the throne, rose in arms against the reigning prince and

deposed him.”

* Maurice’s Modern Hindustan, vol. I. 65—Sinsdr-chand is just as much of

‘a Sanskrit name as CHANDRAGUPTA, and nearly of the same import; viz.

Saicaey Sansdra-chandra, ‘ moon of the world.’

+ The whole passage in Ferishta is not too long to be extracted, that it may

be consulted in the original. The Society’s copy however differs from that

translated in the above quotation from Maurice in the substitution of other

names for those of the Greek captains.

” S25] dL phan gdb Wo gk shi aps dia pandaw

“ihe \2.20 cy! SY) 9 wu &S }, win AD ales cs 3 deo Sail

ee Oe BI ged sddBLAe 9 9d pies? bo? wot ALS ye 5

ely lye as pee ae aye? S us), Py) eel } | pass rhaiss BS aw y 2

prt 5) J oliaa 863); 1 Saw 5 Stites J Sco MLEIS yy Nya) ceniel.

s ust Wrdau] 8,6 oe I~ Gs PAG) BS gam cs: SAH =

ey v8! ; al, x BS 9m aS is! 2 sar Biya Ly) oe

daily $ prs * 632 Asan eer sg 3 tO Jie!) el, J Lies? 9s w>

es ; coy»! 3 Broce 3 2858 st peas, ve) BILLS le LS ams Re yoy

wil» sawed sh P dy] =? we st eal ‘ ai te yg “pts laa!

DAD yas a \5 YS yes SG pad das Bis Pepsy Sys poole

haw y 2! 7> a 4 J 3 eens Nee ad a Ut ws? Mask yas Adam Aes)

tins x aes Ore 4 dase Sy ’ 30S Sead sa, (> 33) wtasy

ish oie, J o;? i SR! See i”) BASS eee hese aphawd Ba Me

Arpvesurer Bapeaa’n, began to reign A. D, 223. There is an anachronism

therefore of near 500 years inthis account! The name of KALIANCHAND is

164 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great, (Fes.

Now it is not by any means improbable that the Jona (or Yona) here

introduced as a rival to Asoka, may be the identical Yona raja, men-

tioned in the edict before us, or in other words, ANTIOCHUs himself ;

although it is certainly true that the Persian historian goes on to give a

circumstantial account of his reigning at Canouj for a long time, with

indefatigable attention to the police of the country and the peopling and

cultivation of the waste tracts of Hindustan! Yona is placed 260 years

before CurisT, and is stated to have made a present of elephants and a

vast quantity of gold and jewels to ARDEsuIR, who claimed tribute from

the empire of India. This seems to be, mutato nomine, a repetition of

the story given by Potysivs, for, independently of the anachronism, it is

hardly probable that the Arsacidz, themselves tributary to Syria, should

have yet mustered courage to exact the like respect from their powerful

neighbours.

I think the edict furnishes a satisfactory solution of the difficulty,

by enabling us to erase Yona from the Indian list, and to transfer him

either to Syria or to some principality of the Bactrian Greeks who are

acknowledged to have held sway in the upper part of India.

As for the Pauranic histories of the Hindus, all I need say is, that if

any thing can tend to persuade the brahmanical pandits of the erroneous

basis on which their chronology rests, and the necessity of seeking its

explanation (which I do not deem at all impossible) it will be this dis-

covery of a coincidence between our histories and these sculptured monu-

ments in their own language, which cannot have been tampered with,

and cannot be suspected of giving false testimony on such a matter.

The best accounts however of the early occurrences of Indian history

are to be sought in the Buddhist annals. Let us see what light they

throw on the term Yona.

In Mr. Turnovur’s introduction to the Mahdwanso (which I have

only this moment seen through the kindness of Dr. Buanp of the Wolf)

I find these words: “ In regard to the geographical identification of

the Yona country, I am of opinion that we shall have to abandon past

speculations on the similarity of the names “ Yona” and “ Yavana,”

and the consequent inference that the Yavanas were the Greeks of

Bactriana;—as yona is stated to be mentioned long anterior to ALEXAN-

DER’s invasion in the ancient Pali works. The term in that case can

have no connection with the Greeks.’ Now on turning to the only

two passages indicated in the glossary ; I find that the first relates to the

unknown in the Puranas :—neither are Koderz and Terasi, known as kings of

Persia of that period. The former resembles much the Kodes of our Bactrian

eoins : the latter may be Ziridates (B.C. 253).

1838. ] in two of the edicts of Asoka, king of India. 165

deputation by Asoka himself of a missionary named MaHa’RAKKHITO

to effect the conversion of the Yona country, while MassHantiKo

goes to Kasmira and G'andhdra, and others to various places.

The other passage cited (page 171) occurs in an elaborate and most

circumstantial account of the erection of the Mahdthupa, or great tope,

at Ruanwelli, by DurtHAGamint king of Ceylon, in the year 157 B. C.

Among the priests who resort to Ceylon to assist at its consecration

are the following from Upper India—for the passage is so interesting to

us Indians who ‘are nearly in the dark as to those periods, that I cannot

refrain from extracting it entire:

‘* Nénddesdpi aganchhun bahawé dhikkhawé idha:

Idhadipatthasanghassa kakathdwa idhdgame ?

Therdsiti sahassani bhikkhii dddya dgama

Rdjagahassa s4mantdé Indagutto mahdgani.

Sahassdn Isipatand Bhikkhunan dwadasddya

Dhummaseno mahdthéro chetiyatthanamdgamd.

Saithin bhikkhusahassini addya iddhamdgama

Piyadassi mahathéro Jetaramawiharato. ,

Wesdlimahawanato théroru Buddharakkhite

Atthdsasahassant bhikkhu ddaya agama.

Kosambighositdrdmo théroru dhammarakkhito

Tinsa bhikkhusahasséni dddya idhamagamda.

Addya Yujjeniyan théro Dakkhinagirito

Yati chattdrisahassdnt dgoru Dhammarakkhito

Bhikkhunan satasahassanan satthi-sahassani chadiya.

Pupphapure sékarama thero mittinnandmako.

Duwe satasahassdni sahassdni cha satthicha,

Bhikkhu Pallawabhogamhad mahadewo mahdmati.

Yoénanaggar dlasanna Yona mahddhammarakkhito

Théro satthisahassdni bhikkhu addy dgamd.

Winjhé tawiwataniyd senasanitu uttaro.

Thero salthi sahassdni bhikkhu dddya ¢gamd4.

Chittagutto mahdthéro Bodhimanda wihdrato

Tinsa bhikkhusahassdni ddiyitwa idhagama.

Chandagutto mahdthéro wanawdsapadesate,

A’gdsiti sahassani adiyetwd yati idha.

Suriyagutto mahathéro kéldsamahdwihdrato

Chhanawati sahassani bhikkhu ddaya agama.”

** From various foreign countries many priests repaired thither. Who will be able

to render an account of the priests of the island who assembled here? ‘The_pro-

found teacher INDAGUTTO, a sojourner in the vicinity of Rdjaguha, attended, ac-

companied by eight thousand théros. The mahé théro DHAMMASENO, bringing with

him twelve thousand from the fraternity of the Istpattana temple (near Bardnest),

repaired to the site of the ¢thv@po. The maha théro PryapDassi from the jeto wihdro

(near Sdwatthipura) attended, bringing with him sixty thousand priests. The

théro BUDDHARAKKHITO attended from the Mahdwanno wihdré of Wésali, bring-

ing eight thousand priests. The chief théro DHAMMARAKKHITO, attended from

the Ghositéd temple of Késambité, bringing thirty thousand priests with him. The

chief théro DHAMMARAKKHBITO, bringing forty thousand disciples from Dakkhind-

girt temple of Ujjéni, also attended. The théro named MITTINNO, bringing sixty

thousand priests from his fraternity of one hundred thousand at the Asdéko temple

at Pupphapura. The théro REeTTINNO, bringing from the Kdsmira country two

hundred and eighty thousand priests. The great sage MAHADEWO with fourteen

lacs and sixty thousand priests from Pallawabhdgo; and maha DHAMMARAK-

KHITO, théro of Yona, accompanied by thirty thousand priests from the vicinity of

A’lasadda, the capital of the Yéna country, attended. The théro UTTARO attended

accompanied by sixty. thousand priests from the Uttania temple in the wilderness of

Winjha. The maha théro Ca1ITTAGUTTO repaired hither, attended by thirty thousand

priests from the Boddhimando. The maha théro CHANDAGUTTO repaired hither,

attended by eighty thousand priests from the Wandwdsé country. The maha théro

aoe attended, accompanied by ninety-six thousand priests from the Kélase

wtharo,

166 Discovery of the name of Antiochus the Great. (Fes.

‘ The vicinity of A’lasaddé (in the text A‘lasannd, but corrected in

the errata) the capital of the Yona country’—follows, m this enumera-

tion, the mention of Kdsmir, while it precedes the wilderness of Vinjha

which is evidently Vindravan, the modern Bindrabund. In situation

then as well.as in date I see nothing here to oppose the understanding

of Yona as the Greek dominion of Bactria and the Panjab, and I dare

even further propose that the name of the capital near which the Bud-

dhist monastery was situated, and which Mr. Turnovr states in his

glossary to be unidentified, is merely a corruption of Alewandria, the -

right reading being perhaps A’lasanda, halfway between the authorities of

the Pali ‘ variorum.’ ‘Thus in lieu of finding any difficulty in regard to

the use of the term Yona by oriental authors, we perceive them all rather

to admit the interpretation which the sagacity of our antiquarians had

long since suggested, but which could only be thoroughly confirmed by

such an incontrovertible testimony as it has now fallen to my lot to

bring to notice. The particular Alexandria alluded to may probably be

that ad calcem Caucasi which is placed at Beghram by Mr. Masson in

the 5th volume of my Journal, and in the neighbourhood of which so

many stupendous stupas have been brought to light through his able

investigations.

The purport of the edict thus promulgated to the subjects of the

Indian monarch and of his Greek ally, now merits a few observations.

I have said that its object was to establish a system of medical admi-

nistration. The word chikichha is the regular Pali form ofthe Sanskrit

chikitsa (Fafarq), the administration of medicine, or healing. In fact a

medical service seems to have been instituted and supported at the ex-

pense of the state, with depots of the herbs and drugs then, and still

used as remedies by Indian practitioners. The term osudh4ni, (Sans,

aushadhanr areata) according to WiLson, may even comprehend

mineral as well as vegetable medicaments, and it may possibly be thus

used in contradistinction to muldni and phaldni.

In reading the particular allusion to a separate system of treatment

for animals, one is reminded of that remarkable institution at Surat

usually called the Banyan hospital, which has been so frequently de-

scribed by European visitors of the last century. If proper inquiry

were directed to this building, I dare say it would be discovered

to be a living example, (the only one that has braved twenty cen-

turies,)—of the humane acts of Asoxa, recorded at no great dis-

tance on a rock in Gwjerat.—“ This hospital consisted of a large

piece of ground enclosed by high walls and subdivided into several

courts or wards for the accommodation of animals. In sickness they

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 167

were attended with the greatest care, and here found a peaceful asylum

for the infirmities of old age. When an animal broke a limb or was

otherwise disabled, his owner brought him to this hospital, where he was

received without regard to the caste or nation of his master. In 1772,

it contained horses, mules, oxen, sheep, goats, monkeys, poultry, pige-

ons, and a variety of birds, also an aged tortoise which was known to

have been there 75 years. The most extraordinary ward was that

appropriated for rats, mice, bugs, and other noxious vermin, for whom

suitable food was provided.” (Ham. Hindostan, I. 718.)

The order for digging wells and planting trees along the sides of the

high roads in this edict, is of a similar nature with, but rather more la-

conic than that on the Feréz lath, which it may be remembered, specified

that the wells were to be half a coss apart, and the trees to be of the

mango species: besides which there were to be serais and villages—a

provision which seems pointed at in the passage quoted from Frrisura,

about SInsARCHAND’s successor “establishing towns and_ villages

along the Ganges and Jumna.”

The word used for wells at Girnar is kupd, pure Sanskrit :—at

Dhaolt it is udapandn as on the pillars,—and so for road, one uses

patha,—the other maga (S. marga) as on the pillars ;—and in the

same manner one dialect employs manusdnam the other munisdnam,

‘of men ;’ but of this and other idiomatical peculiarities I shall hereafter

have more to say when I shall have presented the remainder of these

most interesting relics of antiquity to the Society’s notice ; fearing that

1 have almost transgressed the bounds of their patience in the observa-

tions to which I have been led by the one selected for my theme on the

present occasion.

VIII.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

‘Wednesday evening, the 7th Feb. 1838.

The Hon’ble Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair. .

Cuarzes Fraser, Esq., M. C. Ommaney, Esq., Dr. W. H. Green, and

Lieut. A. Biaas, Asst. to the Gov. Genl.’s Agent in Assam, proposed at the

last meeting were ballotted for and duly elected members of the Society.

Dr. Henry Harpur Spry, was proposed by Col. McLeop, seconded by

the Secretary.

Read a letter from Capt. Ropert Saortrepe, Acting Secretary of the

Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, acknowledging the receipt

of the 3rd volume of the Muahdbhérata.

Also, a letter from Mansur Anmen, thanking the Society for the copy

of Khazunat ul Iim, presented to him for having edited that work

gratuitously to its completion, but declining the other copies offered him _

and requesting in lieu thereof, such volumes of the A/emgiri series as could

be spared. Resolved to present him with the 3rd, 4th, 5th and last volumes.

Ce es

gr er

—————

——

168 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Fes.

Library.

Read a letter from M. E. Doturus, President of Societé Industrielle of

Mulhausen in Alsace, forwarding for presentation the following books,

and soliciting an exchange of publications with the Society.

Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhausen, vol. X.

Exposition des produits de l’ Industrie Alsacienne organisée par la Société Indus-

trielle de Mulhausen—for May 1836.

Rapport Annuei for 1836-37.

The following books were also presented.

Wellesley Dispatches, vol. V—presented by the Hon’ ble Government of India.

An account of the manufacture of the black tea as now practised at Sadiya in

Upper Assam, by G. A. Bruci, Superintendent of tea culture—Ly the Tea Committee,

through Dr. N. Wallich.

The Pooraénic, Siddhantic and Copernican systems of the world compared; by

SooBAJEE Bapoo of Lehore near Bhopal, in Malwa, printed in Telinga at Madras—

presented by L. WILKINSON, Esq. ;

Indian Journal of Medical and Physical Science, for March 1838—by the Editor.

Resala Aruza Farsi, by Syep Keramut ALi—by the Author.

Tasfrul Osal, by MAuLAvi ABDUL Moj1p—by the Author.

Meteorological Register, for January 1638—by the Surveyor General.

Antiquities.

Capt. A. Cunnincuam forwarded impressions of inscriptions from the

neighbourhood of Juanpoor.

Capt. W. Brown, forwarded a notice, and drawings of the ancient

pillar, at Hissér.

{We shall hasten to insert this note, but the remains of letters on the lower part

of the shaft, do not appear sufficiently well defined to be pronounced of the Asoka

alphabet. | '

The Secretary submitted the following question addressed to himself by

a friend under the signature Vidyérthi, to the critical solution of the

native members of the Society.

SIR

I shall feel obliged if you or any of your readers will enlighten me on a point

regarding which I am in doubt. I have observed, that in MooRk’s Hindu Pantheon

and in several papers in the Asiatic Researches treating of Hindu Mythology, the

bull, which is the vehicle of Suiva, is styled ‘‘ Nandi ;’’ and the correctness of this

appellation seems to be maintained by you in your No. 67, for July last, in a paper

(No. VI.) on certain ancient inscriptions (vide page 590. Note 4.) Now I have

searched in vain in both editions of ‘‘ WILSON’s Sanskrit Dictionary,’’ in RADHA

Kant Des’s Encyclopedian Sanskrit Dictionary, the ‘‘ Shabda Kalpadruma,’’ in

CaREyY’s Bengallee Dictionary, and in ‘‘ WArpD’s Hindoos,’’ for proofs that the bull

of SHIVA is called ‘‘ Nandi.’’ I wish therefore to know what authority there is for

such an application of this term ?

Calcutta, March 3rd, 1838.

The Secretary read a paper on the discovery of a notice of Antiochus

the Great in two of the edicts of Asoxa.

{This paper is printed in the present Journal.]

Physical.

Two fresh fragments of fossil testudo from the fort boring were pre-

sented by Col. McLeon, brought up from a depth of 450 feet.

A description of Balwa Kund, Chittagaon, was forwarded by Lieut. G.

Sippons, Engineers.

A report on Caoutchouc, by Dr. W. GrirritH, was communicated by

Government through the Gen. Dept.

[Printed in the present number. ]

Various minerals and coal fossils were presented on the part of L.

Priayrair, Esq. through Mr. Bieneut.

A third despatch consisting of 163 specimens of birds, and 7 animals

was received from Capt. Pemsrrron, for deposit in the Society’s charge.

Mr. J. P. Grant presented for the museum eight birds and one animal

in the name of Mr. Cuarues Grant, C. S. at the Cape of Good Hope.

Mr. D. Ross, a bird (otis deiiciosa) mounted by M. Boucuez.

Also a black-headed gull, was presanted by M. X. Nicouas.

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 169

The following announcement of two new sites of coal in Assam was

communicated by Dr. MoCuetxann, Secretary of the Coal Committee.

To CapraIn HENDERSON,

Member of Coal and Iron Committee, Calcutta.

SIR

1 beg to acquaint you for the information of the Committee that in a recent visit

to the south-east frontier of the valley, I inspected beds of coal in two places, first

at Borhath and then near Jeypore.

2. The first bed at the former place that I met with, was in the channel of

the Disang river about a mile above the little village of Borhath and at the com-

mencement of the rising ground of the first low range of the Naga hills. The bed

was visible for about a hundred yards in length and about eicht feet in thickness

above the level of the water and gravel of the stream ; it was immediately covered

by a stratum of loose rubble four or five feet deep, over which was the superficial layer

of soil of about the same depth that forms the surface of the surrounding place.

The bed was apparently horizontal, for a part of it was visible in the opposite bank

of the river at the same level.

3. Ascending the bank and proceeding up a gentle rise about a quarter of a

mile, at an elevation of probably 50 or 60 feet, I came again upon a vein of coal in

the banks of a iittle watercourse and traced it for about 200 yards. It was not

here visible in extensive continuance, masses being overlaid here and there with the

fallen rubbish of the acclivity above, but it cropped out at intervals and always seem-

ed to bear a thickness of several feet. From beneath this bed several small springs

of petroletm fiow into the pools in the watercourse, and four or five seers (10 lbs.) of

this oil were collected by my servants from their surfaces in a few minutes.

4. The coal in both these strata appeared to be of the first quality, and nothing

could well be more favorable than the position for facilitating the working, nor for

the transport of the coal as far as the waters of the Disang admit, but this stream

is barely navigable for laden canoes of small size in the dry weather, although in

the rains it hasa depth of water sufficient for large boats, and its stream is no where

impetuous.

5. The other bed of coal was similarly situated at the foot of the eastern side

of the same hills, about 12 miles from Bhorath, about 3 miles inland from the

Pehing river, and the village of Jeypore. This coal is also accompanied by petroleum

springs and appears to be of exactly the same quality as that first mentioned.

6. Captain HANNAY is now engaged in quarrying some of this coal, agreeably

to instructions from the Right Honorable the Governor General, aud I hope soon

to be able to send a small quantity of it to the Presidency. He was not aware of

the existence of the Borhath coal, the superior facilities of transport offered by

which would otherwise have induced him probably to have worked it in preference,

but he could not so well have superintended the labourers, the road between Jeypore

and Borhath being in an extremely bad state and scarcely passable after rain.

7. Although no other traces of coal have as yet been discovered in the imme-

diate vicinity of either Jeypore or Borhath than the beds now noticed, it is impossible

not to come tothe conclusion, from what has been brought to light by previous

‘discoveries above and below, and from the general conformity of the geology of the

whole tract, that a most extensive bed of coal underlies all the small range of Naga

hills on this frontier for an extent of perhaps upwards of 100 miles.

8. Along this great extent we may hereafter find beds extending far lower

down towards the great navigabie channel of the Brahmapiitra, and therefore

apparently offering some advantages in regard to transport, but as these advantages

will be counterbalanced by greater difficulty in drainage it seems to me that we are

not likely in ail Upper Assam to find any two points where coal could be worked to

more advantage than those now noticed, viz. Borhath and Jeypore, with reference

particularly to the nature of the streams which traverse this bank; for, these

receiving no tributaries of the least consequence after leaving the hills, they in

themselves are as fitted for navigation close to the hills as in any part of their

courses, whilst a little longer navigation is of little or no consequence, and the

Dehing and Disang are the largest streams on the south bank.

9. If therefore the sample of coal to be sent down should turn out favorable

in regard to cost, the committee need not I think hesitate working these seams,

looking to the discovery of further beds better situated. I greatly fear however the

present lamentable desolation of this part of the country and the inefficient manage-

ment to which it has been entrusted may oppose most formidable obstacles to

working the coal on any scale and with any economy. In the hills there is indeed

a sufficient population of Nagas for any works, and the tribes in this neighbourhood

are in great measure civilized and would willingly take employment under us, were

they free to choose; but they are all now engaged in the rdja’s salt works in the

vicinity, and I apprehend they are not at liberty to leave them.

Tot Goal Dien ated. lee atta

eit

_——_—

170 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [Fes.

10. In therefore the existing deserted state of the country and under the

mistaken policy of its ruler, I fear Captain HANNAy will not be successful in

showing that the coal can be worked to advantage, and the great mineral wealth of

Upper Assam will therefore not be for the present available to the state.

I have the honor to be, &c. &e,

Govr. Genl. Agent's Office, R. JENKINS,

Jorehath Ghat, 19th Feb. 1838. Agent to the Govr. Genl.

Specimens of coal and accompanying minerals from the neighbourhood

of Huzéribdgh, were also presented by the same gentlemen on the part

of Dr. A. Drummonp.

‘The following is extracted from Mr. Drummonn’s report to the Medi-

cal Board on the subject :

‘¢ Although I am fully impressed with the belief that Hazdribdgh is a coal dis-

trict, it yet seems obvious, that no confirmation of such an opinion is likely to be

obtained till the ground has been opened to an extent sufficient for ascertaining the

point by actual examination.

‘* It cannot therefore be certainly averred that coal exists at the places indicated

whence the minerals were taken, although such a supposition is highly probable.

‘“ It is moreover strongly corroborated by other evidence. Coal is found in large

quantity to the south-east of Hazdribdgh at several places. The principal of these

is called Lugupuhar about 24 miles distant, whence a considerable quantity was

brought last year aud sold at Hazaribagh, four maunds for the rupee. The approach

to itis however, highly dangerous, being situated in a jangal so extremely dense,

that tigers, hyenas, and other wild animals are in great abundance. Even at

Minkundgunge a hill about three miles south-east of Hazaribagh, where I was

searching for lead and antimony ores reported to exist there, 1 was informed by

the villagers, that they had killed a tiger only eight days previous. I need there-

fore hardly observe that a guard on such occasions is almost indispensable.

‘« The other places where coal is found are called Ruhana, Eeehauk, not Eeechauk,

and Luhio being also to the south-east and nearly equidistant with Lugupuhar.

*« T have not yet examined the strata in either of the above named places for the

reasons just assigned, but it is my intention to proceed thither by dak in a few

days, more particularly on account of fossils, of which 1 have not yet discovered

any remains, and no traces whatever of marine testacea or vegetables.

‘“The discoveries of coal-beds made by the-natives are more to be attributed to

chance, than to any ideas they entertain of coal being concealed under ground in

the vicinity of any particular strata. Those which have been discovered to the

south-east were laid bare by the gradual operation of mountain torrents and other

natural causes. Artificial means however, only can avail for the discovery of others,

which, from their situation are but little affected by fluctuations of weather and

might in the usual course require centuries even for their development. I now

proceed to the specimens forwarded, and begin with

Series 1st.

‘¢ These specimens were taken from an excavation in an elevated portion of

land about one anda half miles south from Hazdribdgh at the depth of about 80 or

°100 feet below the original surface. The soil has been extensively broken up by

successive rainy reasons, and being skirted by a small river or nullah, to which the

descent is sudden, currents and torrents probably have been principally instrumen-

tal in causing the disruption in the surface alluded to.

‘¢ The superior stratum of the original soil is about eight feet deep, of a red co-

lor, and consists of clay, sand, and gravel, with small fragments of mica intermix-

ed, much more abundant however in the ‘

‘* Supermedial stratum, just underlying the red soil, being occasionally of a black-

ish or blue aspect. This stratum consists of fragments of quartz and conglomerate,

siliceous and calcareous earths, variously disposed and alternating sometimes with

other earths. White sandstone is very abundant, being evidently decayed quartz,

with mica and lime combined, having a laminated texture, in some cases easily

crumbled according to its state of decay. This order appears to terminate in the

carboniferous group is my belief from specimen No. 1, which seems to be coal

imbedded in quartz. The coal however, is not only deprived of its bitumen, but

obviously contains an excess of earthy matter; and to the absence of the one,

and presence of the other is probably owing its uninflammability. Exposure to

the air may have contributed to its decomposition, and subsequent deprivation of

bitumen as in the first instance, while the presence of earthy matter, may be

assigned to the usual causes. The specimen was dug out as nearly as possible in

its present state, the dark side being uppermost.

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 171

‘¢ Specimen 2 contains fragnients found in great abundance in the vicinity of

No. 1, having also undergone a like decomposition.

‘‘ Specimens 3, 4, and 5, alternate in the same bed with the former: specimen

6 being a species of oolite, (?) also from the surrounding strata.

Series 2nd.

‘* These specimens were taken from a ravine about 2 miles north-east from Hazd-

ribdgh, my belief of the existence of coal, in which, has been chiefly-influenced by

the iron stone, (as in specimen No. 1,) which it contains in great abundance. It

alternates with the other specimens more or less near according to their numbers.

No. 10, however is a rare specimen. The ravine is situated near a granite hill,

and owes its formation to the same causes though acting in a less degree, which

have been already adduced as subsidiary in forming the others, or even, primeval.

‘‘ The packet lettered A is a specimen of coal from Lugupuhar, the specimen letter-

ed B isfrom Luhio; and was taken from the dried bed of a river, of which the distance

is about 20 miles south-east of Hazaribagh. There are three species of coal found at

the latter place, but B is the only one I have as yet procured. Having lately visited

Kueylee or Kuindree Ghat, about 14 miles north-west from Hazdribagh previously

unvisited by any European, | obtained some curious crystalline specimens of lime-

stone and silex, of which specimen C gives the prevailing character. Specimen D

ae taken from an immense block of the prevailing rock of which it is charac-

eristic,

'‘* The Ghat is situated in a jangal so dense that two paces in front, a man was

employed to part bushes and grass, to allow my palkee (above which the grass

reached several feet) to proceed : even this mode at length was unavailing. I shall

defer a more particular account however of this place, till 1 shall have ascertained

the result of my present communication.’’

The following extract of a letter from Dr. Hetrrr to Mr. BuunpvEn,

Tavoy, 15th February 1838, was communicated by that gentleman

through Mr. Secretary Maneues.’ The specimens of ore, &c. had not

reached Calcutta.

‘* Before I leave this place, I of course make a report up about all what has

been hitherto done. I have been very diligent since my last letter: J have made

one great excursion towards the east crossing over the Tenasserim river to the other

side of the ‘supposed’ boundary. My chief aim was the examination of the tin

mines, and I am greatly satisfied with them. They are very productive and very

extensive—only because the people do not understand to work them, and because

no European, who understands it, knows of them, they lie waste. But on a large

seale worked beginning with a capital of say twenty thousand rupees, one could be-

come soon a Millionaire.”

The whole country near the sea coast is abounding in capital iron ores, but the

best of all is one hour from Tavoy. You have probably heard that loadstone has

been found there ; well without knowing this when approaching Tavoy, I found close

to it or rather part of it a hill entirely composed of the very best specular iron

ore*. I visited since that time the place a second time to ascertain its quantity,

and found that it is unlimited.

T am of opinion, thut you may work this place not waiting for coal, nay I

think that charcoal isevencheaper. The place is only 25 minutes from the banks

of the Tavoy river, leading through paddy fields. If you get dug a canal by a

parcel of convicts through these fields on four feet broad, you have all done that is

required. Close tothe banks you set up your iron foundry. Wood carried down

from the banks of the upper Tavoy river, is converted in loco into charcoal, and if

eut down only on the banks and thrown into the water will be indeed cheaper than

any other fuel. Vessels of a hundred tons burthen can approach the same banks, and

carry the pig iron, to any part of the world you like. Respecting situation I think

there is no place in the world so admirably situated, and a better quality you will

find nowhere.

i send some boxes with collections. As I do not return before the monsoon, I

would very much beg to have every thing soldered up, except the stone, otherwise

all the great trouble of collecting would be useless.

x, start from here to-morrow towards Mergui,—I intend to visit at first Taun-

biauk and the Kiauktaun, afterwards Pali, from whence I wish to cross over to the

Tenasserim, to visit the sapan wood forests, and to go down that river to Mergut.

No coal yet, but I am promised to get it in Pali. I have some hopes to find some

gold in the lower parts. If I have coal and gold, then you are content I know.

_ ™ Lhave a fine specimen of a similar ore from an island south of Penang stated

to be entirely composed of it.—Ep.

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Comal

JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 75.—March, 1838.

i.—E amination and Anelysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts depo-

sited in the Madras College library. By the Reverend WiLLiam

TAyLor. ;

[Continued from page 131.]

Palm-leaves, No. 42, Countermark 308.

B :—TELUGU. j

L.—Crishna Rayer Vijayam, or the Triumph of CRISHNA Rayer.

This book isin Telugu verse of an ornamented kind. Its ob-

ject is chiefly to celebrate a victory obtained over the Muhammadans,

and a treaty cemented by marriage with the Gajaputi, or king of

Orissa. After the victory over the Muhammadans, it was judged ex-

pedient also to curb the Gajapati, who was in alliance with them.

At first war was commenced; but, difficulties arising by the counsel

and skill of Appasi, the rayer’s minister of state, proposals of peace

from the Gajapati were brought about, and the latter offered to give his

daughter in marriage to the rayer. In the native manner, a parrot

it is said was sent to narrate to the rayer the descent and superior

qualities of the other raja’s daughter. This office the parrot discharged

and the marriage was celebrated, with which the poem concludes.

This copy of the work is written on palm-leaves decayed at the edges

but otherwise complete, and in good preservation. _Its restoration does

not seem to be urgent or indeed important: the following is a fuller

abstract of the contents.

The author’s name is VENGAIYAm son of CALAI, who invokes his

gods, and the poets. of antiquity, such as Vaxtmica andothers. He

wrote by direction of Sar RAma given in a dream, Hari-HADI-CHENNA

VencaTa-Buu’pa’La was his patron, who instructed him to write the

history of CBisHNA rayer. He first celebrates Viyayanagaram and the

174 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Manrcn,

praise of NARAsINGA rayer (father of CrisHNa rayer). He states that

NarasinGA rayer demanded of him an account of the primitive state of

the Vidydranya (site of Vijzyanagaram ) and of the worship of Virupacshi,

(a form of Siva) and of the proceedings of Vidyaranahi (a sage) be-

fore the town was built. These are narrated to the following pur-

port.

IsVAREN assumed the form of VipyaranaLu, afterwards called San-

Cara CHA/RYA. He demanded and received from Lacsumr the privilege

of having a town built in that wilderness bearing his name, where she

( Lacshma, that is plenty) might always reside. She directed him to go

and choose some place. He went to the banks of the Tiimbddra river,

and there seeing the fane of Virupdcshi-isvarer, he inquired into the

origin of the place, which those versed in such matters narrated to him.

The legend was founded on a tale from the Ramdyanam. Sucriva.

ascended this hill, but Vaxr could not do so. There are five hills, called

Malvatam, Yémacutam, Busuva stringam, Madhanga-parvatom, Kish-

kindi. ‘They told him that this sacred land was suitable for his abode,

At the same time he perceived a hare chasing a lion, at which being

surprised, he remarked that this was a special place for the brave, and

here a town must be built to be called (after his name) Vidydnagaram.

A transition is then made by stating, that NarasinGa rayer, ‘after

hearing many things on the ancient history of the place, addressed his

minister Appasr stating his wish, that his son Crisuna rayer should be’

crowned, or installed, which was accordingly done. CrisHNaA rayer

sought advice and kingly prudence from AppaJ1, who instructed him.

He then desired to see all the forts and other strong places. He ac-

quired full information on all points. He also went out in disguise, the

better to know if the matters conveyed to his knowledge were true, He

thus lived some little time in a brahman’s house unknown; but being

found out by his harcarras the brahman asked why he so came? He

said it was for “ the destruction of the evil and protection of the good.”

The minister Satuva Trmma brought to him great treasure. The

harcarras in his hall of audience, reported to him matters concerning

Visiapuram, and the Nizam, that a negociation was being carried on

between the Nizam, the Gajapati prince, and the ruler of Vistapwram,

in consequence of a dread or dislike of CrisHNA rayer’s accession to

the throne of NarasinGa rayer. The minister represented that as the

Gajapati was a worshipper of Jagannatha, and a protector of the brah-

mans, it would be right to pardon him, and it was determined on to

proceed against Delhi (the Muhammadans) in preference. To this end

preparations were made, and Crisana rayer proceeded at the head of his _

1838. ] Crishna Rayer Vijayam. 175

army. Many favorable omens occurred, inferior chiefs of districts were

overcome, and their districts assumed. All who submitted were pro-

tected. At length, after many conquests, he directed his march against

Golconda. A great army amounting to a hundred thousand cavalry

came thence with precipitancy and halted on the other bank of the

Kistna river. A general assuring the rayer of his ability to disperse

the Muhammadans, received permission to do so, and he fell upon them

_ on the bank of the river ; when, after hard fighting, the Muhammadans

were defeated and fled. Some persons advised the rayer to assault the

town, but the advice of the minister was that the place was too strong ;

he rather advised to directt heir course eastward against the Gajapati,

who had harassed and impeded them on their march. The rayer con-

sented, and while on the way to attack the Gajapati, he was opposed

by scattered portions of different people, fighting without union or plan

who were one by one overcome, and at length they all came proffering

submission. The rayer received them favorably and confirmed them in

their possessions, (as tributaries understood.) Proceeding onwards the

rayer with his army invested Amidanagara (Ahmednagar). The

Muhammadans of the place made fierce resistance ; but were at length

defeated. CriIsHNA rayer took possession of that hill-fort, and erected

his flag on it. Still advancing against the Gajapati, his minister SaLUVA

TimMMA represented to him, that though he could unquestionably con-

quer the Gajapati, yet that as the road was difficult, opposition would-be

considerable ; and that it would be best to make a treaty of peace with

the Orissa prince. CRISHNA rayer paid no attention to him; but says

ing that the forest was no great thing, it could be cut down, and the

Gajapati no great matter, he proceeded in anger. On the way.Sipavu

khan opposed with sixty thousand bow-men. The fighting was obsti-

“nate; the khan having for his object to promote the glory of the Gaja-

pati. News came tothe Orissa prince that CRIsSHNA rayer was approach -

ing, and the ministers of that prince advised him to go to the re-in-

forcement of the Muhammadan chief. Sixteen other chiefs around the

Gajapati rose up, and asked leave to go against the invading army,

which leave was granted. Ckisana rayer hearing of their coming be-

came discouraged, and reflecting on his having before slighted the ad-

vice of AppaJi, he sent for him, admitted the error, and asked how it

was now suitable to act. Appagi said it would not be possible to con-

quer their opponents, but that division must be caused amongst them.

Receiving all needful treasure from the rayer he wrote deceptive let-

ters, addressed to the sixteen chiefs, and sent them in boxes in which

were presents of money, with honorary dresses and ornaments: these

2A 2

» |

176 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marca,

were given to messengers, who were sent on alone, and falling into the

hands of the Gajapati’s people, they were taken before him. The

Orissa prince read the letters with great astonishment. The purport

was to say that CrisHNna rayer consented to the terms proposed by the

ehiefs, and that if they would take and deliver up the person of the

Gajapati rdja, the villages, money and jewels, as stipulated, should be

made over to them. The Orissa prince, fearing for his personal safety

retreated to some distance privately; and the chiefs, not seeing the king

or knowing what was become of him, desisted from fighting. The

rayer, on his part, did not advance his troops, and made no assault.

AppaJi now proceeded to the Orissa prince, and told him that Crisuna

rayer desired his welfare. The Gajapati hesitated for a time; but at

length thinking the rayer might be trusted, he came to an audience,

bringing presents. Both parties exchanged salutations; the Gajapatt

offered his daughter in marriage; and AppaJi being greatly rejoiced

strongly recommended the union. At the desire of the ruler of Orissa

Appast followed him, being treated with great honors, and allowed to see

the king’s daughter. When about to return, the daughter named Tuca-

RAMANI sent a parrot to her father who transmitted it by Appagt to the

rayer. The bird after narrating its own divine origin, and the perfec-

tions of the person sending it, gave the rayer satisfaction. The mar.

riage was celebrated, and the rayetreturned to Vijayanagaram.

Note. This somewhat full abstract may perhaps supersede the

necessity of any translation, so far as historical objects are concerned,

FERISHTA admits that CrisHNa rayer severely defeated the Muhamma-

dans: the other matters are probably historical. The ornament at the

close may be oriental metaphor merely to designate a messenger who

was to repeat what was ordered, andno more. SALuva TIMMa seems

to have been the proper name of the minister; and Appaji a sort of

title of office: many tales are current of the skill and address of Appas1

the minister to CRISHNA rayer.

Professor WiLson’s notice of this manuscript may be found in Des,,

Cat. Vol. 1, p. 296.

Manuscript Book, No. 33, Countermark 787.

Section 5.—Brief narrative concerning the rule of the Setupatis, as

feudatory princes at Ramnad.

This paper mentions a traditionary guardianship of the Ramiseram

temple committed to seven persons, one among whom by hereditary

descent, was Sapdica, who in Sal. Sac. 1527 (A. D. 1606), was made

lord paramount of the Marawa principality by TirumaLaA NAYAKER>

1838. ] Carndtaca rulers of Madure. 177

ruler of Madura. The transmission of the authority downwar|s with

dates and names, and mention of connected events is continued to Sal.

Sac. 1716, (A. D. 1795.)

As this short paper was translated and printed at the end of the

appendix to Vol. 2 of Oriental Historical MSS. any more lengthened

notice than the above, is not required. The original text was not then

given ; and as the writing of the document was rapidly fading it appeared

suitable to have it restored, and available at any time for reference as a

record.

Manuscript Book, No. 31, Countermark 785.

Section 1.—Account of TirumaLa Nayanuv and of his descendants,

the Carnataca rulers of Madura.

This manuscript was also translated and printed in the second volume

Or. Hist. MSS. beginning at page 182. Hence there is need only to

observe in brief, that it commences with the accession of the son of

TirnuMALA Nayaker to the throne at Madura, and brings the account

downwards, with a somewhat minute specification of wars, negociations

and changes of power, to the period of the last feeble remains of the

race, who received a village for their maintenance. In some of the

details, where most obscure, this manuscript is confirmed and elucidated

by the large Tamil manuscript before mentioned, the Carndtaca rajakol,

At the time of making the above translation, this Telugu MS. was not

without difficulty legible ; a rough copy of it was then made for greater

convenience, and as the lapse of two years since has only added to the

difficulty of reading the original, a restored copy has been prepared from

the original aided by occasional reference to the rough copy, and the

text not having been printed a correct record for reference is thus pro-

vided.

Section 2.—An account of the rule of Cart CALA CHOLAN.

In consequence of war with the Pandya king, a woman of the Chola

royal race named Cuncaina GENT’HI escaped alone into the wilderness,

being pregnant ; and took up her abode in the house of a brahman a

schoolmaster, and also an astrologer. By his art he declared concerning

the child, after casting its nativity, that it would become a powerful and

independent prince. In the ceremony of naming the child it was called

Caxi Cuoxan. After the ceremony of investing with the sacred thread,

and while learning in the school, the boy was the object of much con-

tempt from the other boys, being treated as the son of a widow. He

retaliated on them ; but the brahman thought it best to keep him within

the house. He, became well instructed in knowledge and very powerful

at gt hee

178 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [(Marcen,

in bodily strength. The Pandiya king then ruled the Chola-mandalam;

but, wishing to place over it a viceroy, he made public proclamation in

order to meet with a suitable person. A great concourse of claimants

assembled. The Pdndiyan then put a golden pot containing water on

the head of an elephant, anda wreath of flowers in its trunk, announcing

that the person on whom the elephant should place the wreath, and

anoint by pouring on him the water would be regarded as chosen, and to

that person the king would give his own daughter in marriage. The

elephant being let loose, avoided all the people in the town, and going

direct to the aforesaid brahman’s house, there selected the youth by

depositing the wreath on his head, and pouring the water over him.

The young man was as strong as ten elephants, but in order to diminish

his strength the brahman rubbed the sole of one of his feet with char-

coal, and thereby took away the strength of nine elephants, leaving him |

only as strong as one elephant. He. was subsequently installed at

Combaconum ; and had the name of Cart CaLa CHOLAN given him to

commemorate the rubbing of charcoal (carz) on his foot. But the

king’s daughter was not given him. He strengthened and enlarged his

capital town. The young man learning from his mother that his father

was before him king of the Chéla country, that his father had feared

to encounter the Péndiya king, and had died during the disturbance

that had arisen; resolved on vindicating his own, and his father’s right :

and, assembling an army, set out to make war on the Pundvya king,

The army is stated at 250,000 cavalry, under commanders whose names

are given, who approached the Vaigai river. The Péndiyan alarmed,

brought to him treasure and jewels, and after much flattering homage,

embraced him, and conducting him to his palace seated him, on terms

of equality, on half of his throne, and married him to his daughter S1p’-

HE’SVARI, after which Carr CALA CHOLAN returned to Combaconum,

where there were great rejoicings. He allowed the cultivators three —

parts of the produce, and took one-fourth (the ordinary rate used to be

one-sixth), with which revenue he built and repaired many sacred

edifices, gave large donations to brahmans, heard many religious stories

recited, and was a firm votary of Siva. In order to see if his people

were firm in that way, and with a view to discover and rectify evils, he

was accustomed to go out in disguise, covered with a common dark-

coloured hair blanket, during the night. Out of this custom arose the

following circumstances. 3

There was an aged brahman who, as the result of long penance, had a

son born to him, who when grown up was married, and the old man

died, but not before having charged his son to carry his bones to Cési,

1838.] _ Rule of Cari Cala Cholan. 179

and bury them in the Ganges. The young man prepared to do so; but

on the eve of setting out slept in the porch of his house, and there gave

strict charge to his wife to keep within doors, while he should be absent

for a year and a half; the only exception being that, if in want, she

might ask alms of the charitable prince Cart C£ua CuHouan. The latter

was at the door ; and, admiring so great an act of confidence, determined

on being the watchful guardian of that house. While the brahman was

absent he watched it carefully; but the brahman returned within six

months, on the way to complete his pilgrimage at Ramiseram, and

wishing to assure himself of his wife’s discretion, approached the door

alone at night, and looked in through its apertures. The Chélan came

thither at the same time, and thinking the brahman was a thief cut him

‘down with a sword, and retired. His wife next day suffered great

reproach from her neighbours, but recognizing her husband, she burned

herself with his body ; and the king having unconsciously killed a brah-

man, had the visitation termed Brahma-hatti (a personification of the

erime, as if an evil spirit, always following him). He made many

attempts to get rid of it, but though the sprite quitted him at the door

of a temple, or entry on a sacred pool, yet it always returned afterwards.

He went on pilgrimage to the shrine of Minétchi at Madura, who, in a

vision, informed him that the visitation could not be so easily got quit

of, but directed him to bnild 108 Siva fanes, and then at Madhydranya

he would be relieved. He accordingly built a shrine every day, not

eating till each day’s work was done; but he did not know where

Madhyaranya was. At length he found an emblem of Siva under a

tree named Madhi; and Siva there appeared to him, directing him to

build a temple ; to enter at one gate, where the sprite would halt, and

would be imprisoned, and to go out at a gate on the opposite side: which

the king did, and was cured. He however died childless, and his queen

followed him. There was no Chola king after him, he reigned fifty-five

years. The above things concerning him were compiled by CHACRATAI-

YENGAR a Vaishnava brahman of Mélur from the Bakhti Vildasan and

some other books, inclusive of Sthala Mahdatmyas, or temple legends.

Remark. Fable and fact appear to be blended in the first portion of

this account, the latter portion explains and illustrates some parts of the

Madura Purdnam, and from the comparison of the two, a few histori-

cal facts may be gleaned with some measure of certainty. It is to be

noted that this last of the Chola race, made Combaconum (twenty miles

north of Tanjore) his capital. This is the first document I have as yet

met with stating that fact; though I always thought that Combaconum

must once have been a metropolis, from traces remaining.

= ee a La ee ll

a Oa Rn apne.

180 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marcu,

Section 8.—An account of the Yinédu jati, or wild people of Sri-

huri-cétta, received from an old man of that tribe.

' Of old one named R&cGuava brought with him sixty families from

Paca-natti district ; and located himself with them at Sri-hari-cétta, and

clearing the country formed Réghava-puram. The people by degrees

spread through a few adjoining districts. A risht who came from Be-

nares and was named AMBIKE’/SVARER resided in Madhyuranya (or the

central wilderness) ; and there, daily bathing in a river, paid homage to

Siva. These wild people of their own accord daily brought him fruits

and edibles, putting them before him. At length he inquired of them

the reason, they replied that their country was infested by a terrible

serpent, and they wished to be taught charms to destroy it, as well as

charms for other needful purposes. He taught them, and then vanished

away. “

These wild people, being skilful in magic, continued in the forest.

They are of four classes : |

1 Chenju-Vandlu, 3 Coya-vdandlu,

2 Vinddulu, - 4 Irdla-vindlu.

The Ydanddu people are skilful in medicine. The Coéya people

reside to the westward in the wilds at Gooty, Athavani, and other

circumjacent places. Within their forest boundaries, if any traveller

attempt to pluck fruit from any tree, his hand is fastened to the spot;

so that he cannot move; but if on seeing any one of the Coya people,

he call out to that person explaining his wishes and get permission, then

he can take the fruit, and move away; while the Céya forester, on the

receipt. of a small roll of tobacco leaf, is abundantly gratified. Besides

which the Céya people eat snakes. About forty years since a brahman

passing through the district saw a person cooking snakes for food,~and,

expressing great astonishment, was told by the forester that these were

mere worms ; that if he wished to see a serpent, one should be shewn

him, but that, as for themselves, secured by the potent charms taught

them by AmBIKn’/SVARER, they feared no serpents. As the brahman

desired to see this large serpent, a child was sent with a bundle of straw

and a winnowing-fan, who went accompanied by the brahman, into the

depths of the forest, and putting the straw on the mouth of a hole com-

menced winnowing, when smoke of continually varying colors arose,

followed by bright flame, in the midst of which a monstrous serpent,

having seven heads was seen. ‘The brahman was speechless with terror

at the sight; and, being conducted back by the child, was dismissed

with presents of fruits, and proceeded to the north. ‘This circumstance

occurred among the Céya people of the woods or wilds to the northward

1938.] Account of the Yanddu jati. isl

of Pdla-Vamchcha Whadrichalam in Sal. Sac. 1635, (A. D.

1712-13.)

The Chenju people live to the westward of Ahdbalam, Sri-Sailam

and other places, in the woods or wilds ; and go about constantly carry-

ing in their hands bows and arrows. They clothe themselves with leaves,

and live on the sago, or rice, of the bamboo. ‘They rob travellers,

killing them if they oppose. “ This people afflict every living creature :”

(kill for food is supposed to be meant.)

The Jrala people carry bows and arrows, and wander in the forests.

They are thieves. ‘The Yanddu class alone do not plunder. They

are employed as watchmen: they collect a kind of bark and roots, used

for dyeing red, bringing heavy loads, and receive whatever the sircar is

pleased to give in return. They chiefly live on a kind of white root and

wild-honey. The sircar employs them as watchmen. In the woods

near Sri-hdri-cotta there are forty of these Yanidu people (supposed

to be heads of families). The sircar gives to the head man of these

people twelve maracads of rice monthly : in return he delivers sometimes

ten bundles (each five hundred lbs.) of the dyeing bark. The others,

who do not carry on this intercourse, live in their own manner in the

forest on white roots and honey. This handful of Yaénidu people seem

to be comparatively separated; for if they attempt to hold intercourse

with others of that tribe at a distance, they are killed ; and their wives

are carried off: the others hold no intercourre with them. Such, as

far as could be obtained, is an account of these Ydnddu people obtained

from JA’RA’MARUDU, as far as he could give information.

Remarks. ‘This paper was read over by me a year or two since,

without any other remark than that there were people in the Peninsula

of whom Europeans had received little or no information. It now

attracted attention chiefly from its following the preceding papers and

from wishing to dispose of the entire book, No. 31, without need of

future reference. But reading it now after having had previously in

hand the paper on the Khot-j1ti mountaineers of Goomsoor, (Mad. Jour.

of L. and S. No. 16,) termed Cédalu, in the Telugu paper therein

translated, it appears to assume more importance than otherwise I should

have attributed to it. For it seems that the proper term is neither

Khoi, nor Codalu, but Céyu-jati (in the ordinary pronunciation to the

ear very similar to the enunciation of Ahot-juti), and that they are a sub-

division of a much larger body of people. I am confirmed in my suppo-

: sition that the so termed L’heels of the north in Gujerat, &c. are of the

same kind of people, though seemingly more closely analogous to the

Chenju, or TIrala, class. As regards the seeming absurdity of the

Qeg

182 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. , (Marcu,

bundle of straw and the large serpent, I am of opinion that this is an

enigma, and covers some more recondite meaning. Having in the

Mackenzie papers sometimes met with a fact plainly narrated, and in

others veiled by fable, metaphor, and symbols, I have learned not hastily

to dismiss such seemingly crude orientalisms, but to try to look through

them ; and in this instance, without pretending to solve, what I am tole-

rably sure is a symbolical statement, I would throw out the conjecture,

whether it do not allude to the Meria-pujai, or human sacrifice, which

may possibly be the charm on which these Céya people relied, and

which they may have practised, as well as the savage inhabitants of the

mountains of Goomsoor.

The locality of Svi-huri-cotta is about twenty miles northward of

Pulicat: the country about Gooty stretches thence northwestward ; but

Sri Sailam is farther to the north. These savages are found in the

Goomsoor wilds and mountains, and from personal information received

by me, there is a very similar kind of people dwelling in the woody

mountains of the Dindigul province, to the south. In the persons of

the B’heels they dwell on the Vindya (or Bhind) mountains ; and I

have, in the paper before alluded to, shewn it to be probable that they

inhabit the Baramahl hills to the north of Behar. ‘The account of this

people as carrying bows and arrows, living on roots, honey, or reptiles,

agrees with intimations throughout the more local papers of the Mackenzie

collection, and with current fables as to the Vedurs who seem to have

been wild savage people, aboriginal when the Hindus first began to

colonize it from the north. Thus we have a somewhat wide range of

data for inductive evidence, in favor of this particular kind of people,

under various subdivisions, having been. the primary dwellers in the

peninsula. The conclusion need not for the present be drawn ; but it is

clearly indicated: to be followed, possibly, by other equally plain steps

of historical deduction, arising out of the Mackenzie papers, by the aid

of patience and perseverance. ‘The point once established, that the

Hindus are not the aboriginal native inhabitants of the peninsula, does.

not seem to me of trifling magnitude-; and this point, I expect, will be

fully proved, in the process of the present investigation.

C:—MALAYALAM.

Manuscript Book, No. 8, Countermark 896.

Section 5.—Kérala Upatti. An account of the Kerala, or Mala-

yalam country.

This manuscript is stated to be copied from one then in the possession

of Dr. Leypen : the following is a brief abstract of the contents.

A 4

1838.] ~The Malayalam country. 183

Invocation. The incarnation of Parasu-RAMA and his destruction of

the cshetriyas. He formed the Kerala desam, which being infested

with serpents, he introduced the Arya brahmans, and located them in

sixty-four villages. Minor details of internal arrangements. PARasvu-

r4MA procured from Inpra the grant statedly of six months’ rain in the

year. Other details concerning the classes of brahmans, and their

offices. The brahmans at first conducted the government on the prin-

ciples of a republic; but not agreeing among themselves, and disputes

about property arising, PARASU-RAMA determined that it would be better

for the country to be governed by a king, and one was selected born by

a brahman father, by a cshefriya mother, thus combining brahmanical

and kingly descent. He was first settled in the Kerala division, whence

arose the name of Kerala desam, but the entire Malayalam country was

originally divided into four districts. Zviluva, Mushica, Keralam, Civa,

the latter on the extreme south: details of the villages. At a late period

in the Cali-yuga the bauddhas came to Keralu-desa; and the king Curru-

MAN PERUMAL learnt from them their mode of religious credence. Being

favorably inclined to them, and having adopted their system, he intimat-

ed to the brahmans that they must unite with the bauddhas, and follow

their system. The brahmans were greatly alarmed and incensed, and

consulting with a leading individual among them at 77i-Carir, he pro-

mised to remove their difficulties. Following his advice the brahmans

went to the king and remonstrated with him, calling for a public dispu-

tation, when if they, the brahmans were vanquished, their tongues

should be cut out, and the like done to the bauddhas if these should be

overcome. The dispute was held, terminating favorably to the brahmans

im consequence of a magical influence emanating from the head brah-

man at 77vi-Carir: the tongues of the bauddhas* were cut out and

they were banished the country. The king who had adopted their sys-

tem was dethroned, and some lands were set apart for his support. He is

not the CueruMAN Perumat who went to Mecca. His son was crowned

and an oath was taken from him, never to permit the bauddhas, or peo-

ple of any other religion to obtain public sanction. Other details of

some subsequent matters are given. At later periods, when the above

oath had fallen into desuetude, the bauddhas (Muhammadans) obtained

some footing in different places. The system of Bhattacharya obtained

in the Malayala country, and the vedantists, of that class, received some

* In Malayalam it seems that the Muhammadans are termed Bauddhas. The

Syrian Christians are called Marga-carer ‘‘ people of a way;’’- but are never

designated Bauddhas. Such a use of the last term as applied to Muhammadans is,

I believe, peculiar to the Malayala country.

2B 2

184 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marca,

endowments in lands. At an assembly of the brahmans of the sixty-

four villages, it was determined that only the brahmans of eleven: vil-

lages (or village-districts) should possess the right of offering a particu-’

lar species of yagam or sacrifice, and of performing some other special

ceremonies. In process of time the rule of kings had become extinct,

and some brahmans went to CRISHNA rayer inviting* him to take the

rule of the country. He sent two persons respectively named A the

raja PERUMAL and Pandeya raja PERUMAL, as his viceroys, each for a

period of twelve years. After them CHERUMAN PeRUMAL was sent, who

was welcomed by some distinguished persons, safely conducted, and duly

installed. He ruled thirty-six years, being three times the appointed:

period, on account of his good qualities. ‘The rayer however was not:

satisfied with this extension of the term, and determined on hostilities.

CHERUMAN PErRUMAL took counsel as to the best means of meeting the

invasion. In the first place two brahman ambassadors were sent to the

rayer to endeavour to pacify him; but he refused to listen to them. A

little fable is narrated of the manner in which the messengers acquired

a magical quill, by looking through which the real nature of any being

could be discerned. The Cherwman in connexion with the Calicut raja,

and other subordinates, assembled a great army, and, while the multi-

tudes were asleep, by looking at them through the quill, it was perceived

that 10,000 were men, 30,600 gods, and the rest aswras. To the ten:

thousand a distinctive mark was afiixed, and with them the rayer was’

encountered and defeated.

The birthof Sancara’cua/rya is then narrated with his proceedings’

as to the different castes of people and the regulations established by him

accounted for in rather a fanciful manner, but it is stated that his regu-

lations continued to be observed. CHERUMAN PERUMAL continued to

rule. A Nayar was killed, who after death is represented as instructing. -

the king to attend to the lessons of a Jonaca (Muhammadan) teacher,:

according to whose advice he might embark on board ship, and would

thereby attain a partial beatification. Het divided his whole dominions:

into eighteen portions, which he gave over to the charge of different:

chiefs. The two ambassadors by whose means the rayer had been con-.

quered each received portions of country. He specially gave a shield.

to the Calicut raja) CHERUMAN PzERUMAL then went away (by sea):

to the country termed Asu, (supposed to designate Arabia.) The Calicué.

raja afterwards waged war with the various petty chieftains, conquering

some of them, and acquiring superiority.

* He more probably conquered the country, without any special invitation.

+ This is the CoupRuMAN PrruMALwho is said to have adopted the Muhamma-

dan religion, and to have gone to Mecca.

1838. ] The Malayalam country. 185

The arrival of the Portuguese at Calicut is noticed, and the Calicut

raja is said to have fought with the captain. The raja ruled over

eighteen forts, and seventeen districts. He fought continually with his

neighbours ; the Travancore and Tellicherry rajas being excepted. He

subdued many countries, exaggeration appearing in the. enumeration of

them. He acquired pre-eminence above other kings. The customs of

the Calicut kingdom are then narrated; laws regulating interest and

profit. The commencement of the Collam era is thus accounted for.

The rule of the viceroys of Viyjayanagaram had been fixed at twelve

years corresponding with the revolution, in orbit, of the planet Jupiter.

But as CHERUMAN PERUMAL exceeded the prescribed time this mode of

reckoning fell into disuse. Ina period of great scarcity and drought,

when a large reservoir (Collam,) had become quite dry, the brahmans,

in a body, went to the Calicut raja and represented that the cause was

his withholding the customary largesses to the gods and the brahmans.

The raja acknowledged his fault and promised to repair it. As a com-

mencement a great number of brahmans were fed in the dry bed of the

tank, and before they had finished eating, the water rushed in with such

rapidity that they were obliged to make their escape without having

time to take away the leaves on which their food had been eaten. An

era was begun to commemorate this event, being the Collam era.

Matters relating to the cultivation of cocoa-nut trees, betel vines, &c.

customs in dealings, buying, selling, &c. Rules to regulate hunting.

Origin of the Nayars, also of a kind of divinity derived from the fable

in the Mahabharata of Siva’s appearing to ARJUNA during his penance

near the Himalaya mountains. The origin of the d4ywar born from

Siva and Mohini. The names of various local nwmna in the Malayala

country are given. Names of various fanes in that country. Besides

which the thirty-three crores of superior gods, and the sixty-six thou-

sand aswras, are all said to have beenin Malayalam, together with the

superior gods protecting the country.

Afterwards the names of the Calicut rajas and other inferior chiefs

are given. The story of a Jonaca (Muhammadan) who came to this —

country, the cause of which is narrated; the foreigner extended the

dominion of the Calicut raja; magnificent things are stated as to the

conquests of the Calicut raja, originating in his devotedness to Sri

Bhégavati, and her gifts to him. Notwithstanding the foreign Euro-

peans came and took possession of Calicut whom however, in the end,

the raja defeated. The Curumbas of the hilly district greatly helped,

and had districts given in consequence. Disputes between this Curumba

chief and the Cochin raja. Details of the number of Nayars belonging-

186 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Marcu,

to different parts of the country. Reference to the regulations made by

PaRasu-RAMA, and confirmed by SANCARACHA’RYA as to the distance:

which must be observed by different castes, in their approach one towards

another. The distance in feet being minutely stated. Brahmans and

cows are of good birth, other classes. of men and other animals not so.

With these regulations as to personal distinctions, and caste observances

the account concludes.

Remark. The writing of this document was in one place very much

faded. As it is one of the best of the few Malayalam MSS., it has

been restored; and its entire translation is recommended, notwithstand-

ing that it contains some things puerile, and some absurd. Still there

are real historical details, and these can always be best selected, after

that the whole evidence of any document, whether important or trifling,

has been fully and fairly brought into view.

D:—MAHRATTI.

Manuscript Book, No. 6, Countermark 918.

An account of kings of the four ages, and specially of the Mahratta

kings of Sattara.

An account is proposed to be given of the four ages, the kings of

Hastinapurt, the Muhammadans, the Maharashtiras and Bhosalas. The

narrative is professed to be received from VITALA svdémi, an incarnation

of a portion of the divine essence near Sattara. Mention of the incar-

nation of VisHNu in different ages. With a brief reference to other

kings, the lines of Yudishthira is given. ‘Then the ancient line of the

Bhosala vamsa, ruling for 1330 years. A further list of the line of

Yudishthira. JeyvuH Sinu from the Bengal country made great con-

quests. Various other kings. Narapa Sinu is said to have ruled at

the commencement of the era of Sdlwdadhana. ‘The race of NARADA

Sinu is given. In Sal. Sac. 500 the Padshah is said to have ruled

in Hastinapuri (Delhi.) The sultans of this race protected the

Mahardshtiras, and gave them lands to the southward of the Merbudda

river. Some little matter is given in the Balbund character. The

Padshah’s instructions to the Mahrattas as to tribute and duties. |The

instructions of the great Mahratta (i. e. the Bhosala) to his tribe and

dependants, as to the manner in which they were to govern so as

to fulfil the Padshah’s wishes, and not to oppress the accountants, or

people. A list of the Bhosala race. A request made by the Divan

(or Peshwa) to give hima grant of land. The Bhosala pointed out the

neighbourhood of Poona ; and gave him a grant of land there subject to

quit-rent, or tribute. Subsequently the Divén named Bayt Rao, did not.

1838. ] Mahratta kings of Sattara. 187

send tribute to the Bhosala, on which account the latter wrote two or

three letters. The reply was in substance, that as the Bhosalu derived

his possessions from the Padshah, so he, Bagi Rao, owed him, the Bho-

sala, nothing ; but that the tribute must be given to the Padshah. Both

parties appealed to the Padshah, in consequence of which appeal, an

order came to the Bhosala, directing him not to interfere with the

Divén, and that.tribute from the latter must be sent to the Padshah.

The Divan did send tribute for a short time and then discontinued doing

so. In consequence the Padshah sent a detachment of troops to demand

the stated revenue; but the officer was put off with various excuses,

Meantime the troops killed every day twenty or more cows, on which

the Divan remonstrated and wrote to the Padshah who replied, that it

proceeded from his refusing to pay his tribute, which if he did the an-

noyance would be withdrawn. The Divan requested a small portion of

land to be bestowed on him, in free gift, or fee simple, wherein he

might carry on the rites of his religion without molestation. The Pad-

shah consented, bestowing on him an nam grant; and restored all the

remainder of his former possessions to the Bhosala, as a tributary. The

Divdn within his small district strengthened himself by degrees, and

assembling troops at length ventured on making war on the Bhosala,

who being occupied chiefly in peaceable duties and depending on protec-

tion from the Padshah kept up no great standing army; as a consequenee

he was attacked by the Divan, taken prisoner and carried to Poona. As

the Divin obtained great plunder and wealth from the Bhosala so he

greatly increased his army therewith; and, when the Padshah assumed

hostile demonstrations, he sent word to say, that the country south of

the Nerbudda was fitting to be ruled by brahmans; that he, the Padshah,

need give himself no trouble, for whatsoever tribute was demanded

should be remitted. The Padshah relaxed on receiving this message;

and consented to receive tribute. The Diviin accordingly had account-

ants prepared in the different languages of the country, being Gujeratt,

Baibandi, Mahraiti and Canarese. Basi Rao now sent messages to the

Guicowar, to Scindiah, and the ruler of the Céngama country (the

Konkan) calling on them for allegiance and tribute in which case he

would protect them, seeing that he held his authority by sanction of the

Padshah. The consequence was a war with the Céngama country,

which he conquered; and next the conquest of the Gwicowar the ruler

of Gwerat.' The ruler of Visiapur hearing of these proceedings deter-

mined to make war on Basi Rao tohumble him and to assume his coun-

try. This he did and began to rule over that country in Sal. Sac. 1610,

(A. D. 1687, 8.) The name of his viceroy was SHanogi. Other changes

188 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Marcn,

‘and revolutions followed, one named Ram SinGu obtained a temporary

ascendancy; but the Vistapus Padshah sent an army and overthrew him

‘and subsequently re-instated the Bhosala as a tributary. His name

was StvaJ1: other wars followed. List of rajas of the Bhosala race, who

subsequently ruled; with the period of each one’s rule. The Colapur

raja meantime protected the posterity of the beforementioned Basi Rao.

A number of zemindars or persons who had received benefits from

‘Bast Rao, were assembled; and counsel was held as to the means of

raising an army to go against the Bhosala and re-instate the descendant

of Bast Rao. An application was made by him to Bombay for help from _

the English there in Sal. Sac. 1635 (A. D. 1712,18), stating his prior

claims to the country, now governed by the Bhosala. It would appear .

that they gave assistance. The descendant of Basi Rao then addressed

a memorial to the Padshah stating his claims, a copy of which, at length,

is given. It is verbose in details of preceding matters; assuming in

part, somewhat the air of a manifesto, demanding at least the restoration

of the small z2am grant, or independent territory, before given, to Bast

Rao or else with the aid of the Célapur raja, and other auxiliaries, the

memorialist would be prepared to make war for the recovery of his pa-

trimonial inheritance. This memorial was written in Sal. Sac. 1572

(A. D. 1659-10): on the despatch of the memorial, the writer of it set

out at the head of 25,000 men to attack the ruler of Visiapur ; halting

at the village named Visdéla-gadda; whence a few troops of the Padshah

retreated. The Visiapur Padshah went, it is stated, to Goa, giving in-

structions to his respective chiefs; especially to the commander at Aw-

rungabad. ‘The minister of the young man named Nana FArnis in-

terposed his counsel; to the effect that the Vistapur Padshah was too

strong for him; that the concentration of troops forming at Aurungabad

would render it inexpedient to go against Viscapur itself; and that it

would be better to proceed against the Bhosala raja of Sattara. This

counsel was followed. The army was made to retrograde; and was turned

towards the latter place. Din Att KHAN came to the assistance of the

Visiapur Padshah with 60,000 troops from the Padshah of Baganagur

(Bisnagur ?) The young man was greatly intimidated by the arrival of

this auxiliary force. He divided his army into two divisions proceeding

with 13,000 against Sattara, and sending 12,000 into the Congama

country (the Konkan), which latter was conquered and brought under

revenue management. ‘The Sattara Bhosala fearing to encounter the

invaders, relinquished the country and gave it upto them. The de-

scendant of Bast Rao in consequence gave to the Bhosala a small terri-

tory, to hold as a feudatory; on the condition of being ready to do mili-

1838.) Chatur Vimsati Purdnam. 189

_ tary service whenever summoned. His title was still to be Siwajt Bho-

sila Mahd-raja. The descendant of Bast Rao soon after died. He had

no child, but his wife was pregnant, and under the instructions and guid-

ance of Nana Farnis a regency was formed ad interim. A transition

is then made to the race of the aforesaid Bhosala; their names, dates,

and periods of rule being given. Details of their donations, and endow-

~ments of shrines. The before mentioned wife of Bas Rao’s descendant

was delivered of a son, who was named PanDA PRATANA Bag Rao,

great rejoicings were made, and the government was conducted by Nana

Farnis. A woman of the same race named Ganer Buat had a share

in the government. The young man on coming to 16 years of age was

installed, and named Simanpar Bast Rao. He had some English

auxiliaries in his pay, and made conquests in the neighbouring Congwma,

and Telinga countries. He established DowLut Rao Scinpiau, Hot-

KAR Rao the Guicowar, and also the Bhosala as subordinate chiefs;

the authority descending to their posterity. He himself maintained a

standing army, as stated of a crore, or ten millions, (that is to say a

large army.) |

The preceding account was written by Appast of Mysore in A. D.

1806, finished on the 12th April at Poona.

Remark. It will appear from the above abstract, that the document

to which it refers is of considerable relative importance towards illustrat-

ing the history of the Mahrattas, from the time of their origin. I

would defer stating any thing, with reference to full translation, until the

various documents in the Tamil language, some of them of great length

and much detail, bearing on the history of Mahrattas, have undergone a

more full examination by me. The present document can be referred

to at any subsequent period. The manuscript book containing it was

damaged and in rapid progress towards decay ; on which account, as well

as from the presumed value of the contents, the document has been

restored.

E:—SANSKRIT.

(Grantha character.)

Palm-leaf Book, No. 236, Countermark 1044.

Chatur Vimsati Purcénam.

Invocation. A brief indication of the contents, then a reference to the

author, and to his readers. The Purdéna is derived from the supreme

190 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (M ARCH,

lord PARAMESVARER, its virtues and beneficial tendencies are announced,

great virtues of its writer : great advantages will result to its readers.

The Purina opens with a reference to VrisHAB HA Svdmz, who lived in

the centre of the southern portion of the land of Sharata in Jumbu dwi-

pa, (central Hindustan, ) an early Chucraverti (or ruler) came to him, and

begged to know all customs, differences of times, and other matters from

the time of SusumAn. The svdmz favorably received his request and taught

him the Mdlatantra, or principal system, which was delivered by Gau-

TAMA to SRENICA, the great king, and consisted of 455,442,003,100,530

stanzas. This, the great Purdna, is taught from age to age. The

account is then conducted as if repeating what GAUTAMA stated to

SRENICA, a specification of the various yogus, that is, religious rites.

or modes of worship. A reference to SvayAMBHUVa Mawnu and the

matters which occurred in his time introducing the mention of the

Ulsarpani and Avasarpini periods; the former prosperous as following

the renovation of all things after the periodical deluge; the latter adverse,

as going before and preparing for the destroying and purifying deluge.

(See MS. book, No. 12, Section 1.) The peopling of the Bharata can-

dam, (or continent of India) with the Manus, Chacravertis, and people

is next adverted to. The prompt justice and equity of the Chacravertis

in the punishment of crime. The book then mentions various matters,

concerning the world, countries, towns, kingdoms, sacred rivers or pools,

donations, penance, in detail. In those times men believed in only one

creator, who created men good and evil, not according to his own pur-

pose of mind, but according to their good and evil deeds in a former

state of existence. Afterwards the bounds and.the nature of the Bhara-

ta candam (or upper India) are stated, its hills, peaks of mountains, &e.

The great city of Alacapurt, on the northern portion, its ruler was ATHI-

PASEN king of the Vidyddhanas, (a species of celestial): he considered

the luxury of kingly rule to be like smelling a poisonous flower, and

relinquished the kingdom,devolving it on his son; and, becoming a naked

ascetic, he was initiated into the Jamnasystem. Details are given of that

system. ManapaLen governed, he had four ministers, two of whose

names were MauaMaTHI and SvayaMpuTtTiI. One day Svayam-

PUTTI, being a distinguished person among the Jainas, asked the king

some questions of a religious character to which the king replied, and

they both agreed that the body dies, yet that the Jivan (life or soul)

does not die. A story is narrated in illustration; to the advantage of

the Jaina system. Various accounts are given of persons who by acts of

merit according to the Jaina belief, obtained beatification. Some ac-

1838.] Chatur Vimsati Purdnam. 191

count of persons who by evil actions incurred the pains of Ndaraca (or

hell.) Description of the various places of torment, and the punish-

ment inflicted: being instructed, or purified, thereby: the persons so

punished subsequently attain to happiness. Mention of persons who

obtained beatification in the Jsana-calpam. There follow details of

capital towns, each the metropolis of a state or kingdom. Prophetic de-

claration as to the future birth of VaisHAB’HA suiimi, his incarnation ;

Brauma and other gods did him homage. Many matters follow con-

cerning that incarnation and its praises. An account of the instruc-

tions given by VRISHAB'HA svdmi seated on a lofty seat, or throne;

Buarata and others received his lectures, an account of their panegy-

ric on the teacher. The glory of the Jaina system dwelt on. The

Chacraverti afterwards returned to Ayodhya, and received homage

from the Vidyddharas ; in a dream he had a vision of the god who

announced to him that persecutions and sufferings would arise from the

Pdshandis (a contemptuous epithet applied to the Saivas), and also

from the Mlechchas (outcasts or barbarians), detailed at length. The

Chacraverti in the morning performed the rite of ablution, in order to

remove the evil of the dream, or to avert its accomplishment. Details

of PraBAsAn, CuMB’HAM, and many others, are given, as coming

from the mouth of GauTAMaA, delivered to SRENICA, that is to say, of

what kind of birth or form of being, they before were, (on the system

of the metempsychosis,) what kind of actions they performed, afterwards

being instructed in the Juina system, they acquired beatification.

These various accounts in much detail occupy the rest of the work.

Note. This palm-leaf manuscript on examination was found to be

complete, and in good order; with the exception of about fifty leaves

at the beginning. These were restored on other palm-leaves, and added

to the book, for its more certain preservation.

The work it will be seen carries up the origin of the Jaina system

to the very birth of time; yet as the whole turns on the alleged incar-

nation of VrisHABHA svami (considered by some to be a subordinate

incarnation of VisHNU), and as VrisHABHA svdmt was posterior to

Gautama Buppua, the evidence for such high antiquity may receive

as much credence as any one may choose to bestow. In truth the

Jaina system, at its origin, was a modification of the Vaishnava one.

To me it seems that the Pali work (about to be published in Ceylon), en-

titled the Mahawanso (or great genealogy), clearly fixes the origin of

the Bauddha and Jaina systems at Magadha, three or four hundred

years antecedent to the Christian era. Nothing in this work, as it

So 2 |

192 On the Revolution of the Seasoas. [Mancit,

seems to me, contradicts such an origin; without being easily recon-

cileable thereto. The entire book might be worth translating, at some

future period; for though the Jaina legendary history is as much be-

clouded with metaphor, and fiction, as the Brahmanical ; yet, from a

comparison of the two, facts may be selected which could not be receiv-

ed on the evidence of either one of the parties.

Prof. Wiuson’s notice of this book (Des. Cat. vol. 1, p. 152) is

as follows : :

«VI, CuAtTURVINSATI PURANA.

“ Tamul Language and Character, Palm-leaves.

« An account of various sovereigns, peculiar to the legendary history

of the Jainas, who flourished contemporaneously with the twenty-four

Jainas, as Vidyddhara, Mahdbala, Vajrabahu, Vajragarbha, Nabhi,

Vrishabha, Bharata, Anukampana, Sripdla, Samudravijaya, Sri-

shena, &c. In three books, by Virasoma Suri.”

The statement of this book being in the Tamil language and charac-

ter must have been an oversight of Prof. WiLson’s assistant. It isa -

Prakrit (or unpolished Sanskrit) work of the kind sometimes denomi-

nated (by natives of other provincest han the Tamil district), the Ta-

mil Grant’ha; the term grant’ha not then denoting merely a book,

but a Prakrit work, both in letters and language.

Conclusion.

In this report I have not included all the works that have been the

subject of examination, collation and restoration during the brief period

of two months, to whieh it refers; but only so many as would suffice

to form a primary volume of restored documents; of which moreover,

I could get the abstracts written over from my rough notes in sufficient

time; and the preparation of an abstract, forms to me, not the least

laborious part of the duty. Such MSS. as for the present lie over, I

purpose to include within a following statement.

IIl.—On the Revolution of the Seasons. By the Rev. Ropert

EVEREST.

(Continued from vol, VI. p. 308.)

When my last paper upon this subject was in hand I was in hopes

of receiving additional lists of the prices of corn from different parts of

the country, which might enable me to trace the average line of varia-

tion throughout the last century with a considerable degree of regula-

1838.] On the Revolution of the Seasons. 193

rity. In this I have been so far disappointed, that the lists received

have been very few, and not above two of them extending more than

95 years back. That the data which they, together with those already

in my possession, afforded, should be insufficient to give results regular,

or nearly regular, was no more than experience with the most recent

period (from 1835 to 1806) led me to believe. But there are some

farther impediments to extending the investigation beyond 1806 which

must be particularly noticed. Ist. Many of the lists do not extend

beyond 1812; only 12 out of 50 reach to 1792, and only 5 to 1750.

Each of these lists has a particular mean dependent upon local circum-

stances, and the cessation of it affects the general average. The only

way to obviate this source of error, would be to reduce each list to a

common mean, the labour of which would be very great. 2ndly. No

registers of the prices of corn-for this period have been kept with a

view of ensuring accuracy; consequently the lists have been filled up

from the best information that could be procured, such as the private

memoranda of individuals, merchants, and others: of course the more

distant the time the more scanty and uncertain those data would become,

and we can hardly believe but that many of the results they furnish must

be, in a degree, erroneous. 3rdly. Previous to the year 1806 great part

of the country was still in its age of chivalry ; at one time subject to the

passage of numerous armies, sacking, plundering and devastating ; at

another to the forays of bands of knights-errant. Besides this, the

different governments often took the corn dealer under their paternal

care, and he was made to sell as the caprice of a tyrant, or the clamours

of an unthinking people, obliged him.

All this being premised we have now to state what the actual result

of an examination of the lists has been. ‘The lists which formed the

N. W. line in a previous paper were not increased in number, but sepa-

rated into two divisions, according as the places from which they came

were situated nearer, either to Dehli, or to Lodiana.—The average

was taken of each division, and, as in the former case, the difference

between the maximum and minimum from 1750 to 1835 was divided

in’ 1000 parts. The Benares line remained the same as before.—

The Bengal line was increased by a list from Calcutta taken from the

12th vol. of the Asiatic Researches. The last, or southern line (Jub-

bulpore, Indore, and Bhopal), was increased by the addition of a line

from Dundwala in the Panjéb. The average of the five lines was

then taken and the general line traced out in the manner described in the

former paper. I have before mentioned the notion that a complete revolu-

194 On the Revolution of the Seasons. [Marcn,

tion took place in 56 years, or three cycles. In pursuance of this idea

it was intended to described the first 56 years, beginning with 1835,

and then to place in a line above them the next 56 years beginning

with 1779—so that their parallelism, or the contrary, might be more

easily detected. This has been done (see below) for the first 21 years

of each period, viz. from 1835 to 1815 both inclusive, and from 1779

to 1759, both inclusive ; and it will, I think, hardly be denied that some

degree of parallelism does exist between them. In the 35 last years of

each period, from 1815 to 1780, and from 1759 to 1723 the irregula-

rities were too great to allow their being placed in a similar manner.—

But I have traced out the variations from 1815 to 1780 (see the thin

continuous line in the plate from 1815 to 1780), and it will be observed

that the principal maxima run thus, 1815, 1806, 1796, 1787.

Now we must consider that it is only by taking an average of differ-

ent cycles that we can get rid of the effect of such disturbing causes as

are only temporary—say, for instance, the inroad of an army, or the

decrease of the population. The average therefore of the four cycles

1815 to 1796, 1796 to 1779, 1759 to 1741, and 1741 to 1723, was

taken, and this average is represented by the dotted line from 1815 to

1796, and from 1796 to 1779. It appears to be nearly regular, and

probably succeeding observations may enable us to make it more cor-

rect. The dotted line from 1815 to 1835 represents the average of the

two periods, 1815 to 1835, and 1759 to 1779.

Since writing my last paper I have also received a list of corn prices

from the Cape of Good Hope from 1835 to 1812, and another from

Bickanir in the desert for the same period. These prices have been

added to those of Dundwala in the Panjab for the same years and from

the average a line has been traced similar to that of fig. 2, Plate,

(Journal, No. 64.)

This long and tedious investigation was entered into in the hope that

certain useful results might be obtained, and the results that have been

obtained do make it highly probable that there is a certain degree of

regularity in the revolution of the seasons. Ifthe number of rain-

gauges in different parts of the country should be greatly increased,

and the prices of corn accurately registered, may we not hope that

something more definite may be established, even so far as to enable us

to fix the variation which may be due to each particular locality. Nay

more, if certain combinations of light, heat, and moisture be conditions

essential to every kind of animal and vegetable existence, may we not

conjecture that other productions than corn are affected by peculiar

1838.) On the Revolution of the Seasons. 195

seasons, and that we only need numerous, and long-continued observa-

tions, to know when those peculiarities are likely to recur ?

P.S. Arguing from what has been to what will be, we might join

the two dotted lines in the plate for a conjectural line, the first year of

which would be 1836. It would, however, first be necessary to correct

the latter part. The two lines of which it is composed 1775, 1779,

and 1831, 1835, are both erroneous, as indications of the seasons ; the

first in a considerable degree, the latter less so. To illustrate this I have

added the line of the Calcutta rain-guage, 1823, 1835, which may be

compared with the lines in the plate, Journal, No. 64, and I have other

data, which I will arrange and bring forward at a future opportunity.

TaBLeE I.

Average price of Corn in Northern India, during 4 Lunar Cycles.

Year.

1815 448 362 340 361 364 354 298 253 360 365 355 278 428 455 429 459

Year, 1 23a 4 ° 56 6 7° 8 6810 Ne 12-13 14-:38016 17 38 19 ys.

1815 448 362 340 361 364 354 298 253 360 365 355 278 428 455 429 459 496 G14 591 1797

1796 764 639 529 449 409 404 424 423 445 485 427 230 193 300 233 221 311 345 .. 1779

1758 326 366 408 360 318 387 259 385 435 326 280 265 273 175 139 137 163 200 .. 1741

1740 194 161 170 232 210 216 201 224 226 208 179 205 154 174 235214 216... .. 1724

er 432 382 362 350 325 340 345 321 366 346 310 244 262 276 259 258 296 386

1Cy.

N. B. These numbers were taken from the average of the five principal liaes men-

tioned in the paper, the whole variation in each case having been previously divided

into 1000 parts.

Taste II.

Average price of Corn in Northern India.

Year. Year. Year, Year.

1835, 404 345 1779. 1824, 273 356 1768.

34, 306 334 78. pas, 98% 44g - 672

a3; 312 :397 273 22, 409 404 #66,

322 3i2 £382” «96. 21, 321 361 65.

Sig) 341, 2358 75. 1820, 188 306 64.

1830, 413 340 74. 19, 200 207 63.

29, 359 395 73. 18, 240 264 62.

28, 309 340 72. 17, 339 292 #61.

27, 267 306 ais 16, 355 306 60.

26, 259 267 70. 15, 448 303 1759.

25, 285 275 69.

These two lines are those which are traced on the diagram, and together make

up a period of 6 cycles or 112 years.

[Marcx,

ion of the Seasons.

On the Revolut

196

VARIATIONS FROM TEE MEAN.

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200 . Journal of a trip to Cuttack, - [Marcu,

IV.—Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. Manxuam Krrrox, sub-

mitted to the Asiatic Society at the meeting of the 6th Oct. 18386.—

Ruins and Pillar at Jajipur.

[Continued from p. 56.]

Wednesday, 30th November, 1836,—Camp Chutteea. This morn-

ing’s march, the distance was 14 miles, road good and no less than

twenty-two bridges.

Our camp is on an open space near the Chutteea, no shelter, the

ground so hard that it was with difficulty our tents were pitched, there

being a bed of laterite a few inches below the surface ; the village stands

on a granite rock, the laterite adheres to and mixes with the granite in

a curious manner, the strata of the rock incline at (about) an angle of

45° with the horizon (southward), the rock in such parts where the

laterite (which is hard and vitrified having the appearance of brick-

kiln slag) rests, is in like manner red and vitrified.

The country to the left of the road is very flat and swampy, the

isolated hills alluded to yesterday, have a very strange appearance: it

has often struck me as very remarkable, the abrupt manner in which

all the hills met with from hence to Aajmahal and onwards to the

Sewalik range, rise from the surrounding plains, in the soil of which at

a distance of a few yards only, not a pebble or fragment of rock is to be

found, even at very great depths*: it would seem that the whole plains

of Hindustan had been (previous to their present state) a vast ocean of

liquid mud and quicksands which had gradually settled and dried on the

receding of the waters that caused its existence.

About two miles from camp, we passed between two high hills, rising

abruptly as described: they are covered with dense jungle, there was

* The Sewalik range of hills east and west (in the immediate vicinity) of the

Sutlege, rise very abruptly, from Kidderabad near Rooper to the Jumna, and again

between that river and the Ganges, shingle and boulderstones are found to a very

great depth. The shingle is met with at increased depths from the surface (below

the common soil) in ratio as you recede from the foot of the hills towards the plains,

shewing I should think, the former existence of a beach, and of the ocean having

once washed the Sewalik range prior to the formation of the plains. During my

travels along the base of the Sewalik, and through the Dhoons (valleys), of Dhera,

Kyarda and Pinjore and to Nahun, Simla, Mussooree, &c. &c. in 1831, J could not

help observing the peculiar manner in which the strata of shingle and boulders in

some places rest, commencing at the base of the high ranges and passing under the

valleys over the Sewalik, there dippiog down on the southern face into the plains

(vide sketch A), The cavities in the higher mountains being likewise filled with debris

would lead one to suppose that at some remote period an ocean had shifted its posi-

tion from the northern regions beyond the Him4laya to the southern.

1838.) Ruins of Jajipur. : 201

indeed a great deal of jungle nearly the whole way, to the right of the

road, but low land and rice fields to the left.

To the northwest of the village is a very large tank and a high mound

around it, on which there are traces of there having been buildings in for-

mer years. The tank swarms with alligators and is overgrown with solah

and purene (water-lily). The mounds are now covered with jungle and

brambles. I remarked a figure of Buddh under a large banyan tree,

it was all besmeared with sendoor (red lead) and worshipped by the

villagers as the thakoor (Mahadeo) ; there were other picces of sculp-

ture scattered about in different directions.

Thursday, 1st December, 1836,—Camp Tanghee. Distance this

morning 54 miles, bridges 15, road good ; our camp was pitched a fur-

long to the right of the road, on an open space near the village, beside

a tank : there is not sufficient shelter here for a whole regiment, though

ample, for smaller detachments.

There are two remarkable mounds to the east of the village and left

of the road, they go by the name of Kenchuc Dhee and (by some)

Asurd-ka Dhee or Tangee both of which words, imply a “mound;” the

natives say that many centuries ago, in the time of the Devatas, a

demon (Asura) named Krencuuc constructed a fort here in which he

used to reside: such mounds as these are very common in Upper India

and are ascribed to like causes*.

I should observe that Jveechuc or Kenchuk of itself means a daemon,

_I saw several fragments of sculpture under the banyan and peepul

trees round the village, also some mutilated figures of Buddh.

A large tree as well as a mound, always attracts my attention and I

invariably ride up to every one I see, when I am able to do so, as it is

under such trees, that many curiosities are to be seen throughout India :

for it is ageneral custom when any sculptured stones, idols or else are

found in digging or by other accident, they are placed under the sacred

peepul or burr.

There is a very fine view to be had of the surrounding country from

the top of Keechue Dhee (where there is a small bungalow) ; the coun-

try to the right (facing Cuttack) is woody with continuous ranges of

high hills which have a grand appearance. To the left, are extensive

plains with a good proportion of trees on them, as far as the eye can

reach; the mangoe topes at Cuttack are clearly visible at about eight

miles in a direct line due south.

* I would call the attention of all antiquaries and collectors of ancient coins to

such mounds as these so common in the Doaband in the vicinity of Mathura and

Deihee, such as Paniput, Soonput, Baghput, or many other ‘* puts’’ or ‘‘ prastas,”’

202 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, [ Marcu,

There is a market held occasionally at Tanghee where brass utensils,

coarse cloth, and shoes are sold, chiefly brought from Cuttack; the

village is a tolerable sized one, there is a police thana: it is in the Mo-

gulbundee and in the pergunnah Kokakund.

* * * * * * * * *

Cuttack, Friday, the 2nd December, 1836.—We commenced our

march at 4 o'clock, and did not reach our camp (which was pitched.

under the east face of the fort on the river side) till ten o’clock, our hacke-

ries did not arrive till very late, owing to the very long and heavy drag

through the sand of the Mahanuddee, a distance of two miles.

Owing to the river not being fordable at the regular ghat, we were

obliged. to go more than three miles to the left off the direct road on

reaching Chaudwdr, and cross over at the ferry three miles below the

fort, nearly opposite Chowleea gunge. |

The road was very good as far as Chaudwdar where we turned off and

passed over the ruins of that ancient city, which extend for many miles.

There are very few ruins above ground, but the foundations of many

are visible, particularly of the walls and moat which was faced with

stone ; there are numerous reservoirs also, and the remains of tem-

ples ; the stone was removed in former years to build the fort of Cuttack

and the revetment ; it is chiefly mottled red iron clay called laterite by

mineralogists and mookura by the natives ; it is a curious substance and

has the appearance of vitrified clay and other earths of various colors,

red, black, yellow and brown, with fragments of every description of rock

imbedded in it, in greater quantities nearest the hills; it has much the

appearance of brick-kiln slag, and seems to have been caused by sudden

immersion into water while in its fused state, the beds of this mineral

are usually near the surface of the soil, and average in:thickness from

10 inches to 10 and 12 feet and even more in some localities. I have

observed frequently thin coats adhering to the rocks and bases of the

hills, either rising from, or bordering on, the plains; in such localities

it is much more vitrified and consequently harder than that which is

found resting on marl: it also contains (as I have before said) a greater

proportion of fragments of quartz, granite, sand-stone, &c. &c. But to re-

turn; Chaudwar, the southern face of this ancient city is, and ever has

been washed by a branch of the Mahanuddee called the Biroopd, the walls

along the river face are in many parts still in existence, the present

village of Chaudwar is close to them.

STIRLING makes but little mention of this curious place, he calls it

“ Chauwéar or city of four gates,” it should: be “ Chaudadwér or city

1838.] Ruins of Jéjipur. 208

of fourteen gates,” if I may rely on the local authorities; history

does not inform us when and why this once extensive city was

abandoned, but there is a legend told by the Ooriahs, that the place

was neve rfinished, that while it was being built, and near com-

pletion, the raja one day went out hawking and let his hawk at a

small white heron; they flew across the Mahanuddee, when both

alighting on the opposite bank, the heron killed the hawk; the raja

upon this consulted his learned men and astronomers, who pronounced

that it was a warning to abandon Chaudwér and to build his fort on

this more auspicious spot: he accordingly built the present fort of Cut-

tack upon it and called it Barahbattee: he then forsook Chaudwér

which was never after resorted to.

We remained at Cuttack several days, the fort (Barahbattee) being

the first object that attracted my notice. I shall first describe it, or

rather, what is left of it ; for it is fast disappearing, the stones being taken

for various public works; the greatest drain has been for the lighthouse

at False Point and for the macadamizing the cantonment roads.

The figure of the fort deviates little from a regular parallelogram

having its longest faces to the north and south, the river running paral-

lel with the former at a short distance from it.

The walls were originally defended by high square bastion towers,

projecting at different distances ; the place could never at any time have

offered much resistance, as the walls were barely five feet thick on the

three land faces, which a six Ib. shot could have perforated, except on the

river face, where they were not only of great height but of proportional

thickness with numerous square bastion towers; the broad and deep

moat faced with stone, was what the natives depended upon as their chief

defence, before the invention and introduction of artillery; there is only

one gateway and that in the centre of the eastern face; it is narrow and

between two square towers, like the others, wide at the base and decreas-

ing toward their summit ; the archway is of comparatively modern date,

and is the work of the Mogul governors of the province: there was an

inner gateway which has been lately taken down to build the lighthouse

with. This part of the structure, with several adjacent buildings, were

the work of a Mahratta governor in the 4th year of the reign of Ma-

HOMED SHAH, which I found thus recorded on a small stone neatly cut

which was let into one of the walls.

Dre tha gible Coe” aly» ead y dak y Nps chu

us je sigh ls doo] wolon

204 Journal of a trip to Cuttack, (Marcu,

In the year of the Higera one thousand, one hundred and sixty and

five, coeval with the 4th year of the reign of AHMuD Suau the victori-

ous king. |

Over the archway was another inscription which is in the possession

of the executive engineer: it was thus.

wstly? 338 {> oxi cle is td) Sa predic j

gy olde ydae GIy; yalye ASbuw yy AS gid Lig

cgcluda JI jeden yes ay dy ly OK aS ayAS _prihrodtye

Chel Slats Ryd parents ple! lad) jlo sal piraken ;

Lette Edeha dy) oy65 hor bxl5 Sy aly pty &45

jor B49 rage I yy) whys GAsd 5 yy ust! bls

void) a Lo) wsle cor 16 op ww Bey!0 dad why >

uelee Al Bled ais, aS had eye Syd eS LD ;

It is certainly not a very elegant composition, indeed native judges

pronounce it execrable and unintelligible: the following is as correct a

translation as I can make.

-« From the splendor and state of one named RuKHBEER ; may he ever

possess the revenues of foreign countries. What an excellent prince

was Monun Sincu Benapur*. His speech is a mine of desire and

beneficence. ,

‘‘ When in the time of need he takes up his sword, what are Rus-

TUM, ZAL or SAMEE before+ him. By his order the Killadar Imam

AFGHAN (KHAN), occupied himself night or day with the care of put-

ting fort Barahbattee wholly in excellent repair, with a gateway and

tower to it mountain high. This fort first of iron, next a ditch filled

with alligators, is at once a double trap for the destruction of its ene-

mies.

“ The experienced daroga ALLEE Ruza native of Kurrd as chrono-

logist, employing himself to find a date asked it of the hidden sound

(voice) which replied, May the Rughnath gateway ever remain perma-

nent.”

I cannot discover who were the individuals whose praises are thus

recorded, unless they were some of the officers of the Mahratta govern-

ment; I can neither find the name of Rukupzer nor of Mouun Sineu,

in STIRLING’s work.

* Perhaps MoHUN SINGH was son of RUKHBEER? the passage is obscure to me

as well as to Moonshees I have shewn the verses to.

t+ Opposed to.

1838.] ~ Ruins of Jéjipur. 205

In the year 1174, A. H. which the last line gives by the rules of the

abjid, the province of Cuttack was in the hands of the Mahrattas,

under BABAsI Naix. If the date, on the other hand refers to the

Amli year 1174, which answers to A. D. 1765, or thereabout, it was

during the administration of BHowany pandit, the Mahratta go-

vernor of plundering notoriety who succeeded SHEOBHAT in 1171

Amli*. The persons thus mentioned may have been the military go-

vernors, under either of these supreme rulers.

On our taking possession of the fort in 1803, the ditch was drained

and the numerous alligators destroyed or allowed to escape into the

river : there are but few to be seen at present and none of any size.

The walls and other masonry are of laterite and sandstone, most of

the towers are faced with the latter. The most striking object is the

cavalier, which is 1 suppose the “ mountain” alluded to in the inscription,

this has evidently had a subsequent facing of sandstone added to it and

forms a part of the original “ gurh or keep of the castle.”

There is an old mosque with no pretensions to elegance, the work of

the Mogul occupants.

The candelabra mentioned by Mr. Stixtinc has been removed to a

garden in Chowleegunge, it is a chiragddn about 15 feet high and

of mogunee or chlorite ; being an octagonal pillar 13 feet at its base and

about 10 inches at its summit on which is a vase the shape of a lotus,

but intended to hold a “tulsee” plant, it is not one shaft, but a number

of layers about 10 inches deep, each having four brackets projecting out

of four of the sides of the octagon, and every other layer having its

brackets on different faces so as to allow of one blank every way between

each bracket ; it is of modern workmanship and belonged to a temple

built by the Mahrattas which was pulled down many years ago, and

was used for illuminations at the Dewallee festival : there is another very

like it, before a temple, in the cantonment by the river side, also

built by the Mahrattas.

* * * * * # * * * *

The town of Cuttack is very straggling ; there are a number of very

good houses of hewn stone and brick, but mostly in very indifferent re-

pair from the poverty of their inmates.

The principal building is the “ Kuddwm Russool” in the suburbs;

over the gateway of which is the Pew inscription.

pt “ih NES) wenden bees) pv us? "> ” o> 8 yay

ul at ple sl yay usite 3 us] ile sig

* Vide STIRLING’S Orissa, Aw. Res.

————

——_— i

206 Journal of a trip to Cuttack. (Maren,

ww) | ad ot ust WE dy dae? 30 eae O55 ye

cgile dpate ais ole JSS asi eel isle jldge as

3} ghikth yw 1) 8S MB ge pS gp URSYY Se lm

Csi Cher gal WLS Cede! wns ans phy aw

; Usps” 1149 abou

The building in which are placed the sacred relics, has no pretentions

to elegance of design: the enclosure and the ground surrounding it is

chiefly used as the common burial place for the moslem inhabitants.

The Peer-zadas or priests, make a tolerable profit in sickly seasons as.

they charge from 1-4 to 2 and 3 rupees for each grave dug. The fore-

going inscription alludes simply to the gateway and music gallery over

the same; it appears to have been built in the year A. D. 1755, when

the province of Cuttack was in the hands of the Mahrattas. I cannot

ascertain who the individual “ Dezpar ALLEE” was, or what office he

held at Cuttack, it is however immaterial, the building is not worthy

of notice. The following is a translation of the verses.

«“ At the shrine of the Lord of both worlds, the asylum of human

beings and of the Jins, the music gallery of the faith was constructed,

in the reign of AtumcEER Sant, (ALumGEEr the 2nd.) If the off-

spring of the good in the faith of Munammap, know that his name is

DeErparR ALLEE, at the shrine of the Prophet he erected this palace,

may the Lord grant the wishes of his heart. When I asked the year

of its date, the hidden angel (voice) replied with condescension, ‘ When

the king broke the heads of infidels, read the year (in)’ ‘ of the music

gallery of the faith,’ (year of the Hegira 1169.)’

The Jumma Musjid in the principal street is also a very clumsy in-

elegant building : it is used as much as a school as for a place of prayer.

There is now scarce any thing remaining of the palaces of the Lall-bag.

The Hindu temples are all smail and inelegant and none of any anti-

quity ; there is however one temple of large dimensions which has never

been finished, it was commenced by one of the Mahratta governors who

did not live to complete it: it is about 70 feet high. The largest dwelling

houses are those of the former amils and governors, they are all fast

falling to the ground.

There appears to be very little trade carried on in Cuttack, the chief

manufactures are brass cooking utensils, and shoes for which the place

is famous.

The soil of Cuttack is sandy and very poor: rice is the only cultiva-

tion, the gardens are consequently very inferior.

a i ia ee ee

1838.] On the spontaneous heating of Brine. 207

V.—On a remarkable heat observed in masses of Brine kept for

some time in large reservoirs. By G. A. Prinsep, Esq.

In the course of my experiments of several years in the manufacture

of salt at Balya Ghat, on the salt-water lake east of Calcutta, I have

Sometimes observed a high degree of temperature at the bottom of the

brine reservoirs after they had been filled for some weeks with brine

of less than one fourth saturation. But as the greatest heat observed

did not exceed 104° Fahr. which was under the maximum heat of the

brine on the terraces, whence the reservoirs had been filled, 1 supposed

the high temperature to be merely that of a warm stream of water let in

at the hottest part of the day in May or June, and remaining below and

unmixed with the cooler surface water, of less specific gravity, after-

wards admitted. This opinion was strengthened by the gradual reduc-

tion of the temperature below to nearly that of the surface, before the end

of the rainy season. I have frequently bathed in one of the reservoirs

(about 550 feet long, 35 ft. wide at top and 7 or 8 feet deep), in Sep-

tember and October, and have found the temperature of the water then

pretty equal throughout. But on plunging into the same reservoir on

the 17th September last, I was surprised to find the temperature near

the bottom so warm as to be intolerable to the feet. Still however I

imagined that the heat was only that which the sun had imparted to the

terrace brine in the very sultry weather of June last, when I had 120°

registered (4th June, 4 p. M. ) for the brine of a terrace yielding salt:

and believing the hottest water to be therefore near the bottom I tried

the temperature there about a month afterwards by immersing an empty

bottle at the end of a bamboo, fixing the mouth so that it would be filled

about a foot from the ground. ‘The contents when poured out were at

the temperature of 120°. A similar experiment made on the same day

in a circular brine reservoir at Varainpore (120 feet diam. and about 16

feet deep) gave 104°. But on a subsequent visit to Narainpore on the

29th October, I was startled to observe that a pump fixed against the

wall of this reservoir, for the purpose of feeding the boilers, was actu-

ally bringing up water of the temperature of 130° from a depth of

about 12 feet. This very unexpected discovery determined me to con-

trive an instrument that should serve as a probe to ascertain both the

temperature and the specific gravity or saltness of the water at different

depths. Annexed is a drawing of the instrument employed: it con-

sisted of a split bamboo with bamboo buckets fixed between at distances

of one foot from centre to centre, the mouths of the buckets being

corked but the corks having small air-holes; and the mode of using the

machine was, to let it down with the mouths of the buckets downwards,

and then turn it round after which the air bubbles indicated the progress

282

208 On the spontaneous heating of Brine. [Marcw,

of filling and in ten minutes or a quarter of an hour, when these disap-

peared, the machine was quickly drawn up and the temperature of the

water in the buckets was tried rapidly in succession with a smal! ther-

mometer, leaving the specific gravity to be tried afterwards.

On the day of the first trial of this probe I was favored with the

company and assistance of Dr. HuFFNAGLE, who took a lively interest

in the experiment. The following particulars are the results of all the

trials I have yet made with it, the buckets being numbered from the

bottom of the machine. 2

First Experiment, 5ih November, 9 A.M. Fourth Experiment, 19th November, 2 P.M.

Open long reservoir at Balya Ghét, at Narainpore.

Probe immersed at an angle of 450r 50°, Open round brine reservoir southwest

No. Temp side. Probe at angle 60°.

1 106 only. ¥ full. No. Temp,

2 120 S.G. (appt.) 1077 at T. 117 1 104 (appt.) S. G. 1150 at T. 102

Ses ae sob on POTS B fya, 4 LIG® », 2h AOB od 55 cow falls

aie ke aaa ok Sper re ne) ser Ose © Star) eee. es

5 99 ” ” 1049s, 97 4 6114 ” ” 1148 »» 112

Ba R600. vs Bileatalake (> Maange tient ae ele oT aia Sa 6 = ARSE

a tes” 3 ” 1022, yg, = 78 6 132 ” ” 1151 yy 124

Bow ies vis ts DOD Iny 55. Wis >) Gee ieee a uh ie Hi4en) 109

9 78 OI a age Nene i, ee, oe

Second Experiment, 'sth November, 2 P.M. 9 127 ss i‘ 1095 y, 120

at Narainpore. 10 24 ‘9 ” 1070 95 ~ 110

Open round brine reservoir. Probe at 11 117 rr Fi 1061 yp ee

¥ angle about 60° southwest side. 12 99 ” ” 1057 » 96

o. Temp. 3 90 104

1 105 (appt.)S.G. 1163 atT. 100 a ef ods ‘ ray: a 3

2 104 not full. 15 «6815 os a 1045.6 _,, 83

3 106 (appt.)S.G. 1140 ,, 104 16 ay eee St ORR

4 113 is oD 1160 », 108 82 8 3045 i 83

ial a ain ies Ma 2 SO pane Fifth Experiment, same date and place.

6 123 4, ‘9 1157) yy «117 Covered reservoir. Probe at angle

7 130 ” ” 1159 1, 123 about Ate

8132 ” i 1153.5 ,. 124 No, Tem

9 137 + es 1145 Pim) 1 88 on S.G. 1147

10 (331 ” % 112] x «125 2 88 ” ” 1124.5

9p ROR, pxty LAOO Peper VOO% weg. (pOOw i oo rh lee

12, cia), oi’. SOQ SE rn dna, ag, aE ee oh 1OR

13 #114 9 9 1075 », 109 5 90 ” 9 1102.6

34%) 104.04 os sabe pM Ope Loto. ut 6 OO eg Yim .»lOQ4

157100, ce MOR oT MOTT ge Te ot ee aaa 25 |

PH 41856, lng 95 10400265. yiGderwuren EBBA «iy 9» 1078

17. 84 sg 1044.3 ,, 83 9 STs. us, < 1069

18 «662 -S », not full, 10 — empty.

19 82 deer bel OSB Mak Sic olden | i teen tn oe

Third Experiment, 5th November, 295 P.M. 12 80 t full

Same place and reservoir east side at 13 77 f DO'*B"s

gate. Probe at angle about 75°. 14 «76 1046

- Temp. 15 16 1046

102 (appt-) S. G. 1149 atT. 100 Sixth Experiment, same date and place.

105 ss ” 1145.3 4, 103 Large reservoir. Probe at angle

109 —s,,_-—s not full. about — Tried at 23 Pp. M.

114 190, oe Gate 2 » 111 No. Tem

119 ” ” 1165.5 5, 116 034 ‘(appt.) S.G. 1070

128 9 ” 1159 99 124 935 ” ” 1070

137 ” ” 1155 3, 130

133 99 ” 1139 9, 128

135 ”” a” 1125 a) 127 914 a” ” 1964

1p 327 ‘9 A 1097 3,5 120 90 a 5 1064.5

2 i

3 93 ais a 1069

11 114 de i 1075 sche qi. BT in 1057

ts}

92, 99 99 1067

COTA TRWOES

12 105 ” ” 1068 1», 101 35 ” ” 1056

13. 92 bb tb 1050 = ,, 90 84 b> ” 1050

14 86 ” i. 1040 ae |’ 84 2 » 1050.5

15 823 ,, a 1038 5» / 61 84 (not full).

16 815 a? a? 10375 o? 61 84 ” Led 1050

en orn Sas Raine OMe a eae As Re ee ei GS ee Yc ne ig

1838.] _ On the spontaneous heating of Brine. 209

Seventh Experiment, 3rd December, 2 Pp. M. at Narainpore.

Open round reservoir, tried in the centre, probe nearly perpendicular.

No. 1 T. 107 half full.

2, 110 apparent S. G. 1151 at T. 106

CES Te! ss 1150 we 140

4 118 o 1143.5 4, 118

5 125 half full.

6 124 wn 1114 eu BAG

wi “116 a 1095 4, «112

8 105 99 1078.5 ,, 103

9 96 i 1063.5 4, 93

10 92 ig 1059 “ht. OP

11 87 Bs 1054 4

12 86 OS 1053.7

13 84 half full,

14 ~—s 882 bi 1052

15 81 - 1053

16 82 Ae 1052

17 82 i 1051

In the first trial at Narainpore the greatest heat was found about half-

way from the bottom. The difference in that respect at Balya Ghat

where the greatest heat appeared at the second and third foot from the

bottom may be explained, by the small depth of the reservoir at the

latter place, the surface water being liable to be affected to the same

depth in both by the wind and rain and temperature of the atmosphere,

and the subsequent descent of the maximum heat at Narainpore is

attributable in part to the expenditure of the brine there being pumped

out from near the bottom for the supply of the boilers. The highest

temperature given by the probe at Narainpore was 137°, but this is 5° less

than the maximum given by the pumps, as will be seen by the following

statement.

29 Oct. N. pump T. 130 S. G. (corrected) 1180

12. Nov. ,, sap aoe ee ls * 1970

19 2”? 7 9 », 142 ” ” 1162

26 ” 9 ” 9 1403 oe) ” 1152

Ss Dee, ,; ag ae 2 -: 7 1133 S. Pump 134 8. G. 1172

10 ” ” 5) », 124 ” ” 1173 ” 124 ” 1158

17 ” ” ” ” 125 99 9 1153 ” 124 29 1175

24 9 ” ” ”? 119 29 ”? 1173 9 116 ” 1171

31 9 ”? ” 9 116 ” ” 1174 9 1}4 ” 1179

TBs, gy i Saar A i p 1133 ee nee ke ns 1128

13__—«s,.« (sunk 2 feet) 104 49 ‘ 1177 yesh BLDO ni se 1132

4 Feb. 905 4 ie 1100 my Be ay 1119

TEASE EDGE Ghale oi. tate ge cll e won) a CIO, bigale « SEVAGy 90: i, 1110

As the temperature of 90° was only about the mean of June, and also

that of the lower moiety of the brine in the covered reservoir on the

19th November, which was all nearly of an equable temperature, I con-

sider the influence of the heating course to have ceased in the first week

of February, if not before. The reservoirs have since been pumped dry

and therefore these experiments cannot be repeated, until they are reple-

nished with brine in April or May next.

210 On the spontaneous heating of Brine. [Marcr,

It is remarkable that the probe indicated no signs of a heating influ-

ence affecting the water in the large reservoir at Narainpore on the

19th November though the specific gravity of the brine near the

bottom was little less than that of the water in the long reservoir

at Balya Ghat on the 5th November, its mean spec. grav. being also

considerably higher than the mean of the latter. Moreover the heat-

ing influence was scarcely traceable in the covered brine reservoir at

Narainpore on the 19th November, which perhaps may be accounted

for by the large previous expenditure of brine, say about three-fourths

of its original contents, the consumption of which had been replaced to

within a foot of the general level by filtration from the ground and

leakage at the gate communicating with the adjoining terrace and brine

fields; whereas the expenditure of brine in the contiguous open round

reservoir otherwise similarly situated, was but half of the original con- —

tents up to the middle of January, its entire volume being about 170,000

cubic feet, while the covered reservoir contained only about 50,000. In

these two reservoirs all the brine when first let in was of a high degree

of saturation, ranging from 1170 to 1200 sp. gr. and consequently con-

taining little or no sulphate of lime, which ingredient in the composition

of sea water, I have observed at Balya Ghdt, is always deposited upon

the terraces there, considerably before the brine begins to deposit its

sulphate of soda. But this was not the case with respect to the brine

in the large reservoir at Narainpore, nor in that of a longer narrow

one at Balya Ghat, except perhaps a small proportion of the latter, both of

which were charged with brine of only 1070 to 1085 sp. gr., a much

higher degree however than that of the contents of the long reservoir

in any previous year; and in both of them the water had remained undis-

turbed, except by the action of the atmosphere ; yet in one of them a high

degree of heat was observed, and in the other where I should sooner

have expected to find it, no indication of heat was perceived beyond the

probable temperature at which it was filled in June.

In order to ascertain however whether any fermentation and disen-

gagement of heat takes place on the mixture of saturated brine with

brine of a weaker degree, I lately procured from Balya Ghdt some

bottles of brine of different degrees of saturation, with which the follow-

ing experiments were tried.

Ist Experiment.—Half a pint of saturated brine sp. gr. 1216, tempe-

rature 82.5 mixed with about the same quantity of brine of sp. gr. 1069,

temperature 81.2. Result, temperature 82.2 and no effervescence after

standing some minutes.

2nd Experiment.—Same quantities of brine sp. gr. 1216, tempera-

ee. en of

1838.] Laad and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. 211

ture 82.5, and of brine sp. gr. 1091, temperature 81°. Result, sp. gr.

1152.5, temperature 82.2 and no effervescence.

3rd Experiment.—Same quantities of brine sp. gr. 1216, tempera=

ture 82.5, and sp. gr. 1135, temperature 81.6. Result, sp. gr. 1174.3,

temperature 82.1 and no effervescence, nor.any increase of tempera-

ture after remaining some hours in the glass.

Being therefore quite unable to offer any explanation of the cause of

the remarkable heat observed in my brine reservoirs, I can only promise

to register the temperature from time to time when they are filled again

in the hope that materials may thus be furnished to some scientific friend

more capable of solving the interesting problem. If it should be disco-

vered that a slow fermentation arising from the mixture of brine of dif-

ferent densities in large masses is the cause of this heat, it would seem

to be accelerated by agitation, for the water raised by the pumps was

always warmer than that which the probe brought up from the same

depth ; and, except at the first trial at Narainpore, always hotter than

the maximum given by the probe.

VI.—On the Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Western Himélaya.

By Lieut. T. Hutton, 37th Regt. N. I. and W. H. Benson,

Esq. C. S.

The following catalogue chiefly refers to shells which I have lately

discovered, almost all inhabiting the western portion of the Himélaya in

the neighbourhood of Sila, and extending upwards from Monimajra

at the extreme verge of the hills, to the Burenda Pass on the Snowy

range. In the description of the various species, I have availed myself

of the valuable assistance of Mr. Bznson, C. S. whose extensive collec-

tion of terrestrial and fluviatile shells from all parts of the world, and

whose greater experience in this branch of natural history, have enabled

him to do more justice to the subject, than I could have done without

assistance. In order, however, that each may in some measure stand

responsible for his contributions, an initial letter will be found affixed.

Although most of the shells belong to the hills, a few were collected

on the route from Neemuch in the cold season of 1835-6.—“ The most

interesting of these acquisitions is an unique specimen of an ‘ Ancylus'

the first of this Patelliform genus yet discovered in India, if not in

Asia*.” It occurred adhering to a dead specimen of Paludina Benga-

lensis, in the Kali Nuddi at Bolund Shehr.

* Benson,

212 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. (Marcu,

It is interesting to observe the wide distribution of these tender

beings, and to trace the gradual and almost insensible yielding of one

species to another as the elevation or the climate varies. The shells

of our lowland provinces, for descriptions of which we are chiefly in-

debted to Mr. Benson, here give place, as the temperature becomes

cooler, to forms more nearly resembling those of Europe, some still ad-

vancing a short way into the hills, but impatient of the chills of our

mountain winters, confining themselves to the valleys of the lower ranges

around Subathu.

One species, however, the “ Nanina vesicula” described by me as

“ Heli# 29” in the third volume of the Asiatic Society’s Journal, as

occurring between Meemuch and Mhow, and since discovered by Mr.

Benson in the Rajmahi range, seems alike to defy the heats of the

provinces and the winter of the hills, ascending even beyond the height

of 10,000 feet above the sea. It ranges therefore over the central and

western tracts of this presidency, and occurring in profusion along the

verge of the hills at Mansir Debi, mounts to Subathu, Simla, and

Hattt mountain, preserving everywhere the same habits, creeping

over every plant and shrub during the rains, and concealing itself

beneath stones and at the roots of trees, with the aperture closed by an

unattached calcareous operculum, From its occurring on Hatti, it is

probable that it may be met with at inferior elevations throughout this

portion of the hills.

Another species, the “ wtrindides” of Desuayes, inhabiting the

Rajmahl range, and extending also to the western frontier, advances’

upwards only to Subathu, and its neighbouring valleys, passing at

Simla into a strong variety possessing the same form, and partaking of

the same habits and general economy.

“ Succinea crassiuscula,” (Benson, ) has ala: a wide range and is appa-

rently to be met with throughout the provinces, occurring abundantly,

according to Mr. Benson, in the compound of the Asiatic Society’s

Rooms in Calcutta, extending through Bahar and Allahabad to the

western frontier, and advancing to the hills as high as Subathu.

With the exception of “ Nanina vesicula” the shells we are about to -

describe, appear to be peculiar to these hills, differing in toto from those

of the Sylhet collection, yet with them forming that beautiful: connec-

tion, which is seen to pervade all nature.

In giving Subathw as the probable boundary beyond which the

speciés of the provinces do not occur, it must be borne in mind that

I would be understood to mean, not that they are never found more in

the interior of the hills, but simply that they do not rise to a greater

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. 213

elevation, for where the temperature assimilates to that of the plains,

there may we expect to find the plants and animals adapted to it. Such

an expectation is, at least, fulfilled, in the portion of the hills I have

been fortunate enough to visit; thus for instance at Ruri about 5000

feet above the sea, in the valley of the Pabbar, where the temperature

in the summer months is somewhat high, plants which flourish abun-

dantly around Neemuch, are intermingled with others peculiar to the

hills, and again around Subathi at an elevation rather beyond 3000

feet, that beautiful flower the “ Gloriosa Superba” and many species of

convolvulus, so common in the jungles of Meywar, are seen, as well as

the bhéla, bamboo, and other plants of the provinces, surrounded by

the vegetation of the mountains. Thus, then, at elevations where the

plants of the hills and plains are seen mingled together, it is natural to

look for a similar fact in the animal kingdom. And with regard to the

Mollusca we shall find it so.

Yet though we find some species common to the plains extending far

into the hills, there is nevertheless a well marked line of elevation be-

yond which the welfare of the general number forbids them to pass.

Thus, while “ Nanina vesicula” is found roaming throughout the hills,

apparently at all elevations up to 10,500 feet, other species which in

the plains of India are found in company with it and at the same sea-

sons, never mount beyond a third of that height, confining themselves

to the warmer valleys at about 3 to 4000 feet above the sea. Among

these are “ Nanina vitrindides” and “ Succinea crassiuscula” which

around Subathwu are found in company with species peculiar to the

hills, such as “ Helicarion cassida” and “ Pupa pulchella” which are

never found in the plains, while the former are not met with in the

higher and colder hills. To this region also, “ Pupa pulchella” would

seem more properly to belong.

Here then we have a well marked frontier line of elevation, rich in

the plants of hills and plains and producing a species peculiar to itself,

separating, as it were on either hand, the animals of the highlands and

the lowlands.

*¢ When temperature, says Lyr.t, forms the barrier which arrests the

progress of an animal or plant in a particular direction, the individuals

are fewer, and less vigorous as they approach the extreme confines of

the geographical range of the species.” —“ In almost every district, espe-

cially if it be mountainous, there are a variety of species the limits of

whose habitations are continuous, some being unable to proceed further

without encountering too much heat, others too much cold. Indivi-

duals, which are thus on the borders of the regions proper to their re-

bn TE :

214 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. [Marcw,

spective species are like the outposts of hostile armies, ready to profit

by every slight change of circumstances in their favour, and to advance

upon the ground occupied by their neighbours and opponents*.—T. H.

No. l. Helicarion cassida, Hutton.—Testa ovato-depressa, pallidé

cornea radiatim striolata, junioris epidermide sericea, etate nitore orba-

ta, anfractibus (penultima etiam intra aperturam} ventricosioribus ;

apertura patula, rotundato-ovata ; spird convexa, apice exsertiuscula,

minine obtusata, anfractibus 5 velociter crescentibus.—(B.)

Greatest breadth 1 inch 2 lines.

This shell has a more exserted spire than any other species known

to the writers. This character, notwithstanding the great size of the

aperture, coupled with the ventricose appearance of the penultimate

whorl within the aperture, gives the shell an Heliciform air. It is very

closely allied in habit to a species lately received from Almorah, but

differs from it in its greater size and paler color, and in the want of

the polish which is observable in the Kemaon shell. It equals in mag-

nitude the Sylhet “ Vitrina gigas,” from which singular Macrostoma-

tous species it altogether differs in form.—(B.)

At Simla it is not uncommon during the rains, or even after heavy

showers at other seasons, creeping out from the holes of stone walls

and the crevices of rocks with the grey colour of which its own hue

assimilates so much when concealed by its mantle, that it is not easily

discovered. It occurs from Bhar to Simla but most abundantly be-

tween the former place and Subathi.

Animal varying in colors, sometimes pale brownish, at others dark

grey. Two broad leaf-like processes running toa point, are spread

over the shell when the animal is in motion, so as entirely to conceal it, -

and presenting the appearance of a large grey slug with a hump-back ;

a fleshy anal horn, as in the genus Nanina ; foot very long; tentacula

4, the superior pair longest ,buttoned at the tips and bearing the eyes.

Orifice on the right side below the leaf-like process.

Shell large, of 5 whorls, ventricose, suddenly increasing, the body

whorl formiag nearly all the shell. Transversely wrinkled by the lines

of growth; aperture transverse, ovate, broader than long, discovering

the previous whorls ; margins acute, interrupted on the body whorl.

Epidermis varying in colors from yellowish to olive green. In young

specimens lustrous when placed on its spire, the aperture appears as if

the pillar lip had been obliquely sliced off. The animal carries the

shell horizontally on its back, the spire pointing upwards.—(H.)

* LYELL’s Geology, vol. II. page 172.

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaya., 215

No. 2. Nanina vitrindides, DisHayEes.—This species occurs in

the khads or valleys around Subathi ;—at Simla, there is found a

variety with a rib-like incrassation within the aperture like many of the

specimens of another variety found in Bengal. It attains a large size,

and the animal is of a dark-green color. It is scarce at Simla, and is

found only on very wet rocks in the kKAads, keeping up the character

which it bears in the plains of being essentially a moisture-loving snail.

—(H. and B.)

No. 3. Nanina monticola, Hutton.—* Testa subdiscoidea, pallidé

vel saturaté brunnea, epidermide radiatim et concentricé rugosula, spira

depresso-conoidea, apice obtusata; peripheria minimé angulata, suturis

leviter impressis, apertura transvers@, lunata, labre costa interni sub-

marginali albida munito.”—Diam. 1.75.—(B.)

*« Umbilicus as in the genus. The shell has a very moderate polish

and is sufficiently distinguished from ‘ vitrindides,’ on the one hand,

and from ‘decussata’ on the other by the radiating wrimkles inter-

rupted by concentrically disposed depressed lines, which give the sur-

face of the shell a rough aspect, very different from the finely decussa-

ted surface of ‘ decussata. Mr. Benson has specimens of a variety of

‘vitrindides' taken in Bengal, resembling ‘ NV. monticola’ in form

and in the internal rib of the aperture, but well distinguished by the

want of the rugose surface, which appears to have been as it were,

planed away to the base of the depressions. The larger specimens of

‘ N. monticola’ obtain a considerable thickness, and there are visible

three or four internal varices at various distances, occasioned by the

ribs at the apertures of former growths.

“Lieut. Hurron has observed the dark and light colored varieties in

coitu, and has remarked that the latter were those which were fecun-

dated. The eggs which were deposited in rotten wood, were oval and

greenish white, and about the size of a mustard-seed.

_ “The color of the animal is a dirty brown. The dark-colored

variety is the more frequent of the two, although both occur of

every size. They are abundant at Mahdssu% under fallen timber, and

in the rainy season they climb the stalks of plants, feeding upon the

leaves. The largest specimens occur at Hatt, among the ruins of

the old forts which crown that mountain. Young specimens were met

with among junipers at Ziti, at an elevation not much under 14,000

feet.” —(B.)

No. 4. Nanina splendens, HuTton,—* Testa discoided, purpureo-

brunneé, polita, leviter concentricé et radiatim striata, striis radiatis re-

motis, illis confertissimé dispositis; spird vix elevata; anfractibus sep-

2F2

216 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaga. ([Marcs,

tem, (apice omiss4) arcté convolutis; apertura lunata, labro striga in~-

crassataé interni distante munito.”—Diam. 0.65.—(B.)

Animal as in the genus; the color a dark verdigris green.

This beautiful species is found in great abundance in the forest of

Mahéssé, beneath fallen timber, and in the hollow trunks of decaying.

trees; it is also plentiful at Fugu and Ndgkunda, at 9,016 feet, and

has been met with at Hatté, at 10,656 feet. All these places have a

greater elevation than Simla, where it has not yet been diseovered—

(H.)

“ The closely packed whorls shewing a larger number in a smaller

diameter, at once distinguished this species from all the darker colored

and more depressed varieties of Nanina vitrindides.”—(B.)

No. 5. Nanina vesicula, Bunson.—Testa tenui depressiuscula, pal-

lidé cornea, translucente, polité, sipra conoidé ; apice acuminata ; infra

tumidiuscula ; aperture longitudine latitudinem zquante ; labro subrecto

ad axem spectante.—Diam. 0.6. Whorls six in number.

“ This shell has a wide geographical range, and is yet very local. Lieut.

Hutton first met with it between Neemuch and Mhow, and noticed

without naming it in the 3rd vol. of the Journal, p. 521. Mr. Benson

subsequently observed it at the effluence of the Bhagtrathi from the

Ganges, and at Rajmahl, and noticed it as a novelty in p. 357, vol. 5.

Lieut. Hutron again met with it abundantly at Simla, where it pre-

serves the habit as at Rajmahl of climbing on plants, a circumstance so

rare with respect to ‘ vetrinoides’ that it can only be looked upon as a

casual exception to its custom of creeping on the earth, on rocks or

mossy masonry. The animals first taken by Lieut. Hutton, were

doubtless observed in too dry an atmosphere, as he then failed to re-

mark the extensile tentacular processes of the mantle which preserve

the fine polish of the epidermis ; and the oval process poke ai the

mucous pore must have been in a contracted state.

“ The straightness and verticality of the left lip of the shell, the great

comparative length of the aperture, and the acuminated spire abundant-

ly serve to distinguish this species.”—(B.)

No. 6. Nanina fragilis, Hurron.—tTesta tenui, fragili, vitrea,

olivaced, conico-discoidea ; spira subexsertA, apice obtuso; anfractibus 5,

supra convexis, subtuis subplanatis ; apertura obliqua, rotundato-ovata;

peritremate acuto.”—Diam. 0.35 poll.—(H.)

This small and fragile species was found at Kirmalliah, about 5 miles

from Neemuch, crawling over the leaves of the Dhak bush or Pulas

tree (Butea frondosa), on which it appeared to feed. Itis a very thin

fragile species, and the smallest of any of the genus I have yet seen.

1838.] Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himdlaya. 217

No. 7. Helix humilis*, Huttron.—‘ Testa parvula, convexo-

depress4, cornea, lata et profundé umbilicata; anfractibus quinque

rotundatis, ultimo subangulato, penultimo aperturam circularem vix

interrumpente; peritremate acuto.”—Diam. 0.125.—(B.)

Animal Heliciform; dark-grey or blackish.

Occurs at Simla, on moist rocks, on wet dead leaves, and at the roots

of shrubs in the khads. It is very abundant during the rains, but is

so small and so like the earth in color that a very close search is

necessary to effect its detection. It is very nearly allied to the British

species “ H. umbilicata” (H. rupestris of DRAPARNaAUD), but is distin-

guishable by its somewhat larger size, and by its rather more open

umbilicus.—(H. and B.)

No. 8. Helix orbicula, Hurron.—< Testa orbiculato-convex4,

fuscescente, epidermide scabid; anfractibus sex convexinsculis ; peri-

pheria subangulata ; umbilico-profundo latiusculo ; peritremate subro-

tundato, acuto.”—Diam. 0.4.—(B.)

The animal is Heliciform with a short foot tapering posteriorly; co-

lor pale watery brown. It closes its shell witha false operculum and

is met with under dead leaves and moss, on damp rocks and at the roots

of trees at Simla and Mahdssa. Less common than the last describ-

ed species.—(H. )

« A specimen of this shell, the largest of the Simla examples of the

genus Helix as at present restricted, occurs in an interesting collection

made for Mr. Benson by Dr. Cuapman, at the Darjiling Sanatarium,

“ This collection includes forms peculiar to the Szccim mountain forests,

as well as others met with at both extremes of the Indian Himdlaya.

The new forms alluded to are Achatina belonging to the group Poly-

phemus, and a strong and handsome Cyclostoma approaching in habit

to, but somewhat larger than the European fossil species ‘ C. Mumia,’

abundantly distinguished from it however by the rounder and more re-

flected orange peristome, and by its central position at the base, as well

as by the delicate sculpture, and an embossed spiral cord which winds

from above the umbilicus to the base, whence the species has received

the trivial appellation of ‘ Funiculalum. It is the first known Indian

species belonging to the pupeform or subcylindric division of Cyclos-

toma.” —(B.)

No. 9. Helix fastigiata, Hurron.—“ Testa parvula, albidocor-

* A reversed variety of this shell occurs at Fagd, in decayed trees, differing

thus in habits from the dextral species which affects rocks and dead leaves

principally, The shell is of four whorls exclusive of apex, finely wrinkled by the

lines of growth; umbilicus discovering the previous volutionss—Diam. 14 lines.

Tn all respects resembling the dextral shell,

——

218 Land and Fresh-water Shells of the Himalaya. [Marca,

ned, minutissimé granulataé, pyramidata, subties plano-convexa, anfrac-

tibus septem convexiusculis, ultimo acuto angulato, suturis leviter im-

pressis, umbilico evanescente, apertura latiore quam longa ; apice obtuso.”

—Axis 0.16.

Animal Heliciform, greyish, darker on the tentacula. Found on

dead leaves at Simla, in the khads, and when in motion carries its

shell upright. It is not uncommon, but its smallness renders it difficult

to collect.—(H.)

«It is more lengthened proportionally than either ‘ H. turbenifor-

mis’ of Patargatha and Berhampore, alluded to in p. 357, vol. 5,

of this Journal, or the European species ‘ H. conica’ and ‘ convidea.’

In size it is much inferior to any of the three. It differs altogether

from the two latter in substance and coloring which approach to those

of ‘ H. turbiniformis, but the animal does not appear to exhibit the

beautiful dark patches on a light -ground which render that shell so

conspicuous, when the animal is alive, by the appearance of the tints

through the translucent shell ; and the sculpture is altogether different.”

—(B.)

No. 10. Helix bullula, Hutton.—“ Testa parvula, glabra, trans-

lucente, sub-trochiformi, conoidea; anfractibus quinque convexis, ultimo

rotundato ; suturis impressis; umbilico angustato; apertura latiore ;

labro simplici.”——Diam. 015.—(B.)

Found with the preceding species among dead leaves at Simla,

No. ll. Hehx nana, Hutroy.—“< Testa parvulé, convexo-co-

noidea, pallidé fuscescente; anfractibus sex aut septem arcté convolu-

tis, ultimo rotundato ; apertura latiore, labro’ simplici ; umbilico evani-

olo; apice valdé obtuso.”—Diam. 0.1,—(B.)

Animal Heliciform ; color dark-grey, Accompanies the last two

species and occurs in the greatest abundance, It is nearly allied to the

British species ‘ H, trochiformis,’ (fulva, DkraPARNAUD,) but the more

closely wound whorls sufficiently distinguish it —(B.)

No. 12. Helix planiuscula, Hurton.—“ Testa parvula, depres-

sa fusca, polita; anfractibus quinque, ultimi peripheria rotundata; aper-

turé transversa.”—Diam. 0.1.—(B.)

Found at Stemda on dead leaves.—(H.-)

“This shell is darker and smaller than ‘ H. crystallina’ of Britain,

which has likewise a more flattened apex than the Simla species.” —(B.)

[To be continued. |

[ The concluding part of the catalogue will contain species belonging

to the genera Clausiha, Pupa, Bulimus, Carychium, Vertigo, and

Cyclostoma, together with the fluviatile shells above alluded to. ]

Journ. As Soc. Vol. WI. PLXI |

Disposition and Dimensions of the Tablets af GIRNAR.

SURV TaN

Serine iesbenmeeaaan ie _

SOAS UNG LOY LCG >) OE

TbxO bd AYLOdr Gr VALURThD UAT KO oe

GEM ALFEFLLFELE VLA LX AL+GL See

FEL MEADGLELL LLP LEK Df+OtrAR

Bh Ldt G6 SFSILLESI Sivas PLAY

LLENLGDADKEE bok CEOKRLIVOGCA Cae

YJLd OSLdbKVALRLEATI CALA TOC RE

LOMERAMPLOAS SS TCC RULIPNVULYYL GL

Passage in the 1374 Tablet, regarding Péolemy:

Lore KIAb Kd busid hs Jf d Feb Ge

TAG Sond ALIREL EL Khe mage BA d

“DOG D SUdk BSL CL LDELA TALSAWAGCR

SEL b6Ohldse.h CAV BGLII CACO SEL

SEL I SSAY BV HLIAFLOSEUGKR d

“SFE d bt ott erg cae a

OUN bt bod +)) AG. einstp th

Ac it

ail

1838.] Continuation of the Girnar inscriptions. 219

VII.—On the Edicts of Ptryapasi, or Asoka, the Buddhist monarch

of India, preserved on the Girnar rock in the Gujerat peninsula,

and on the Dhauli rock in Cuttack ; with the discovery of Pro.E-

my’s name therein. By James PrinseEp, Secretary, As. Soc. &c.

[Read at the Meeting of the 4th April 1838.]

In continuation of the discovery I had the pleasure of bringing to the

notice of the Society at its last meeting, I am now enabled to announce

that the edicts in the ancient character from Guserat do not confine

their mention of Greek sovereigns to ANTIOCHUS the ally of Asoka,

but that they contain an allusion equally authentic and distinct, to one

of the Protemies of Egypt! The edict containing this highly

curious passage is in a mutilated condition and at the very end of the

inscription, which will account for its having hitherto escaped my atten-

tion. As I propose to lay before the Society a brief account of the

whole of the Girnar inscription I will do no more than mention the fact

at present, reserving the particulars until I come to the actual position

of the passage on the stone; for there will be found, I hope, quite

enough of interest in the subject matter of the inscription throughout,

to allow my hearers to accompany me through a short analysis of the

whole, without urging me to pass at once to the point which must ne-

cessarily be most attractive to all who have been nurtured in the school

of western classical associations.

I have already mentioned the fortunate discovery of a duplicate of

the Guerat inscription, at Dhault in Cuttack.

The divided sentences, or as I shall for the present venture to call

them, the edicts, which are common to Girnar and to Dhauli are

eleven in number. From the first to the tenth they keep pace together:

the only difference being that while at Girnar each is surrounded by an

engraved line as a frame, at Dhauli the beginning of each edict is

marked by a short dash as will be seen in the accompanying plate. The

regular succession is then interrupted by three interpolations at Girnar ;

after which, the fourteenth edict of that series is found to correspond

with the eleventh or concluding one of the same set at Dhauli.

The three missing edicts are more than compensated at Dhauli by

the introduction of two others not found at Girnar, one at the end

enclosed in a frame, and one on the left hand of the same rock on

a larger scale of sculpture: but both of these being of a totally differ-

ent purport and being quite unconnected with the rest, I shall postpone

for separate consideration.

220 Inscription in the old character on the [Manrcs;

That the edicts are of different dates is proved by the actual mention

of the year of Pryapasi’s reign in which several of them were pub-

lished. Two of them are dated in the tenth* and two in the twelfth

year after his abhisék or consecration, which we learn from the Hon’ble

Mr. Turnour’s Pali history did not take place until the fourth year

of his succession to the throne of his father, Binpusaro. Only one

of the pillar edicts is dated in the twelfth year; the remainder, gene-

rally, bearing the date of the twenty-seventh year,—and one contain-

ing both, as if contradicting at the later epoch what had been published

fifteen years before. From this evidence we must conclude that the

Gujerat and Cuttack inscriptions have slightly the advantage in anti-

quity over the lats of Delhi and Allahabad: but again in the order of

sequence we find edicts of the twelfth year preceding those of the tenth,

and we learn expressly from the fourteenth edict that the whole were

engraven at one time. ‘Their preservation on rocks and pillars there-

fore must be regarded as resulting from an after order, when some -

re-arrangement. was probably made according to the relative importance

of the subjects.

The copy that emanated from the palace must however have been

modified according to the vernacular idiom of the opposite parts of

India to which it was transmitted, for there is a marked and peculiar dif-

ference both in the grammar and in the alphabet of the two texts which

demands a more lengthened examination than I can afford to introduce

in this place. I shall however presently recur to this subject, and at

least give the explanation of those new characters which I have been

obliged to cut in order to print the Girnar text, and which in fact

render the alphabet as complete as that of the modern Pali, wanting

only the two additional sibilants of the Devanagari, and some of the

vowels. But before doing so it will be more regular to introduce the

documents themselves, with such a translation as I am capable of offer-

ing. A very few words of exordium will suffice to give us a general

comprehension of their purport.

Contents of the Edicts.

The first edict prohibits the sacrifice of animals both for food and

in religious assemblies, and enjoms more attention to the practice of

this first of Buddhistic virtues than seems to have been paid to it even

by the raja himself, at least prior to the sixteenth year of his reign.

* I use these terms as more consonant to our idiom, the correct translation

is ‘having been consecrated ten and twelve years,’’ so that the actual period

is one year latter in our mode of reckoning.

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 221

The second edict as we have already seen provides a system of medi-

eal aid for men and animals throughout Pryapasi’s dominions, and

orders trees to be planted and wells to be dug along the sides of the

principal public roads.

The third edict enjoins a quinquennial humiliation,—or if we read

the word, by the alteration of y to s, as anusdsanam, the republication

every five years of the great moral maxims inculcated in the Bud-

dhist ereed, viz:—-Honour to father and mother ; charity to kindred

and pepe and te! the ying (whether eminent or buddhis-

gee: from evil apeniing !” And these sinotiepes are to be preached

to the flock by their pastors with arguments and example. This edict

_ is dated after the twelfth year of Pryapast’s inauguration.

The fourth edict draws a comparison between the former state of -

things, perhaps lawless, and uncivilized, and the state of regeneration of

the country under the ordinances of the beloved king. The publica-

tion of the glad tidings seems to have been made with unexampled

pomp and circumstance, ‘and posterity is invoked to uphold the system.

This edict is also dated in the twelfth year of Prvapast.

The fifth edict after an exordium not very intelligible, proceeds to

record the appointment of ministers of religion, or more strictly mis-

sionaries ; and enumerates many of the countries to which they are to

be deputed for the conversion of the young and the old, the rich and

the poor, the native and the foreigner. Many highly curious points

especially as to geography call for notice in this edict, wherein for the

first time the name of the celebrated city of Pdtaliputa is made known

to ug in the ancient character.

The sixth edict appoints in like manner pativédakas, informers, or per-

haps more properly custodes morum, who are to take cognizance of the

conduct of the people in their meals, their domestic life, their families,

their conversation, their general deportment and their decease. It also

nominates magistrates or officers for punishment, if the word atiydyika

(S. qerya) may be so understood—so that in this edict we have a

glimpse of the excellent system of moral administration for which the

Greek and Persian historians give credit to our monarch, and we find

| it actually not very different from that followed twenty centuries later

by ourselves; for we too have our judges, and our magistrates ; and

further our missionaries are spread abroad among the people ‘ to

drown them with the overflowing truths of our dharma, to release

them from the fetters of sin and bring them unto the salvation which

passeth understanding !”

=. ==” = %

222 Inscription in the old character on the _ — [Marcu,

The seventh edict expresses, not an order, but an earnest desire on

the part of the king that all the diversities of religious opinion may be

obliterated ; that every distinction in rank and in tastes may be harmo-

nized into one system of bhivasudhi, that peace of mind, or repose of

conscience which proceeds from knowledge, from faith and entire assent.

The eighth edict contrasts the mere carnal amusements patronized by

former rajas, with the more harmless and pious enjoyment prescribed

by himself. The dhammaydétd, or in Sanskrit dharmaydtrd, the festival

of religion, is thus set in opposition to the whdaraydatrd, festival of

amusement ; and it is stated to consist in the visits to holy people, in

alms-giving, in respect to elders, and similar praise-worthy sources of ra-

tional gratification. This edict is dated in (or rather after) the tenth

year of Pryapasi’s reign.

The ninth edict continues the thread of the same discourse by ex-

patiating on the sources of true happiness, not such as the worldling

seeks in marriage, in rearing children, in foreign travel and such things ;

but the dharma mangalam, the happiness of virtue, which displays

itself in benevolence to dependants, reverence to one’s pastors ; in

peace with all men; abundant charity and so forth ; through which

alone can the blessings of heaven be propitiated.

The tenth paragraph comments upon Yaso va kiti vd, ‘ the glory

orrenown’ which attend merely the vain and transitory deeds of this

world. ‘The raja is actuated by higher motives, and he looks beyond

for the reward for which he strives with heroism (pardkramena) the

most zealous yet respectful. |

The eleventh edict is not to be found at Dhauli, but it is well pre-

served at Girnar and the meaning is clear throughout. As former

paragraphs had vaunted the superiority of every act connected with

dharma, so this upholds that the imparting of dharma itself is the

chiefest of charitable donations, and then it points out as usual how the

possession of this treasure becomes manifest in good works rewarded

with temporary blessings in this world and endless moral merit (or the

reward of it) in the next. ~ f

The twelfth edict is likewise wanting in the Cuttack series. It is

addressed to all unbelievers whether domestic or ascetic, with entreaty

and with more solid and more persuasive bounty, though with direct

disavowal that fame is the object. There is some little obscurity

in the passages which follow regarding the mode of dealing with the two

great divisions of the unbelievers who are distinguished as dptapasanda

(those fit for conversion or actually converted), and parapdsanda ultra-

heretics, or those upon whom no impression had been made; but the

1838.]} rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 223

concluding paragraph informs us of the appointment of three grades

of ministers, dharmamahdmdatras, stairyya mahimatras, and subordi-

nates, in the congregational ceremonies, karmikds, thus placing the

religion upon a firmer basis, promoting conversion to it and enhancing

its attractiveness among the people.

The fourteenth edict is one of the most interesting of the whole

series. It is a kind of summing up of the foregoing, which we have

seen are partly laconic and partly diffuse, but the whole is said to be

complete in itself :—and ‘ if more were written it would be repetition.’

We learn from this edict that the whole was engraven at one time from

an authentic copy issued doubtless under the royal mandate, by a scribe

and pandit of a name not very easily deciphered. It is somewhat

curious to find the same words precisely on the rock in Cuttack. The

name of the writer is there erased, but the final letters of lipikdra,

‘ scribe,’ are quite distinct.

This may be properly regarded as the last of the particular series of

edicts to which it alludes. It terminates the left hand inscription at Gir-

nar, and at Dhault it is followed only by a separate edict enclosed with

a line, which, as already stated and as will be seen hereafter, is of

local import.

There is another paragraph at Girnar placed at the bottom of the

left hand, which I have numbered as the thirteenth because it seems

naturally to follow the paragraph about conversions; and like the

two foregoing it is omitted at Dhauli. From the mutilated state of

the rock in this place it is difficult to put together the context

of the entire paragraph ; but.imsulated phrases are intelligible enough,

and are much in the same strain as the main inscription, repeating

the usual maxim of duty to parents, humanity to animals and li-

berality to priests. It winds up with a curious passage about victory,

which as far as I can make it out, describes the victory of victories to

be that which overcometh the passions and happiness itself.—which con-

quereth things of this world and things of the world beyond, thalokikd

cha paralokika cha, and is the true object of desire.

A line here closes the paragraph, and below it in a larger character

is a remarkable expression which I read as follows :—

buk LOLSTthTLTLYy

Va SWETO HASTI PAVA LOKA SUKHAHARO nama.

By altering pavé loka to savaloka (S. aa@ta) ‘ the whole world’

this sentence may be construed: “ And the white elephant . con-

Jerring pleasure upon all the world (is its) name.” But without re-

262

224 Inscription in the old character on the [Manrén,

ferring to the original I would not venture even to make the very

trifling alteration which this reading would require.

I may here notice, though with some misgiving of the reading upon

which it depends, that the fourteenth paragraph seems to contain thé

explanation of the occurrence of a duplicate of the G'ujeraé inscription

in Cuttack; or at least it shews a connection between the two

countries, in the words pachhé adhanaladhesu kalingesu— ‘ afterwards

in the Kalinga provinces not to be obtained by wealth!’ while with

a kind of reciprocity the Cuttack version of the fifth tablet as we’ shall

have occasion to notice again, alludes to Sulathika or Surashtira as

one of the provinces into which missionaries were to be deputed.

But/there is another passage in this Gujerat edict more calculated to

rivet our attention than all that I have briefly alluded to above, or even

than the mention of ANTiocuus in the second or medical edict,

Although we might be agreeably surprised at finding the name of a Greek

prince of Syria preserved in the proclamation of a Hindu sovereign,

there were circumstances of alliance and connection in the histories of

the Macedonian provinces and of India which immediately explained

away the wonder and satisfied us as to the likelihood of the fact ;—but- I

am now about to produce evidence that Asoxa’s acquaintance with géo-

graphy was not limited to Asia, and that his expansive benevolence

towards living creatures extended, at least in intention, to another quar-'

ter of the globe ;—that his religious ambition sought to apostolize Egypt ;

—and that. we must hereafter look for traces of the introduction of Bud-

dhism into the fertile regions of the Nile, so prolific of metaphysical dis-

cussions from the earliest ages !

The line to which I allude is the fifth from the bottom. Something

is lost at its commencement, but the letters extant are with few excep-

tions quite distinct and as follows :—

LLE ELI dALd OT FEL ANYSLd Satld Bid

DOI Phd ddA BSL Ld DU LdY HLd

Lady en |

- Yona rdjé paran cha, tena Chaptiro rdjéno, Turamdyo cha,

GonGAKENA cha, MAGA cha,

snes wdha para de (se) su cha savata Devanampiyasa dhamménusastin

anuvatare yata péngati (? dharmasastin anuvartate yatra padyate.) »

« And the Greek king besides, by whom the Chapté kings, ProLr-

MAIOS, and GonGAKENoS (?) and Macas,”—(here we may supply the

connection) ;—* have been induced to permit that—”

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 225

-« Both here and in foreign countries, every where (the people)

follows me doctrine of the religion of DEVANAMPIYA wheresoever it

reacheth.

_ The sight of my former friend the yona raja, (whom, if he should

not turn out to be Anriocuus the ally, I shall shortly find another

name for,) drew my particular attention to what followed ; and it was

impossible, with this help, not to recognize the name of ProLEeMy even

in the disguise of TurAMayo. The r is however doubtful ; and I think

on sécond examination it may turn out an /, which will make the ortho-

graphy of the name complete. The word rdjino and its adjective

chaptaro being both in the plural, made it necessary that other names

should follow, which was confirmed by the recurrence of the conjunc-

tion cha. The next name was evidently imperfect, the syllabic letter

read as gon. if turned on one side would be rather an, and the next too

short for a g, might, by restoring the lost part above, be made into ¢* :

I therefore inclined to read this name MN’ AFL Antikono for Antigo-

nus and, assuming that chaptdro was a corruption of chatwaro * four,’

to understand the passage as alluding to a treaty with the four princi-

pal divisions of the Alexandrine monarchy, two of which in the time

of AntiocHus the Great were governed by princes of these names,

viz.: ANTIGONUs (in Macedonia) and Protemy Evergetes in Egypt.

The fourth name however thus remained inexplicable ; while on the

stone it was even more clear than the others, Magda.

Now in the time of Propemy PuiLapveLpuus, (B. C. 260) his half

brother Macas who had married ApaME the daughter of ANTiocuus I.

had established his authority in Cyrene and was acknowledged as

reigning monarch over a considerable portion of Lybia. A grandson

of his, it is true, of the same name and brother of Protemy LY. was

contemporary with AnTiocuus the Great, but we do not read that he

held any independent authority in the country. It seems therefore

more rational to refer the allusion in our edict to the former period,

and so far to modify the theory I have lately adopted on prima facie

evidence of the treaty of Asoka with AwnrTiocHus the Great, as to

transfer it to the original treaty with one of his predecessors, the first

or second of the same name, Soter or Theos, of whom the former may

have the preference from his close family connection with both Pro-

LEMY and Magas, which would readily give him the power of promis-

ing free communication between India and Egypt. I say nothing on

the intermediate name, G'ongakena or Antigonus, because I cannot be

* See the lithographed copy of the cloth facsimile, Plate XI.

226 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcn,

certain of its correct spelling. AntTiGconus GonatTus had much to do

with the affairs of Egypt, but he could not be well set down among its

kings.

Whether chaptivo (or singular chapté) can be allowed to pass as

the Indian appellation of Egypt may be questioned ; but I am at a loss

how otherwise to understand an expression not translateable as Pali or

Sanskrit. The first syllable, cha, may be read as a conjunction with

tena but it will be, there, redundant; and Ptdéro will be more un-

manageable as a plural nominative. According to WiLrorp the San-

skrit name of Egypt is Aguptd or G'uptd, whence would be formed an

adjectional plural nominative Guptao, but I am not aware that the g

was in ancient times softened as in modern pronunciation so as to allow

of its being written by an Indian, guided by the sound alone, with a pala-

tial in lieu of a guttural consonant.

Be that as it may, we have proof in the names of Protemy and Ma-

GAs, that the country of Egypt is intended ; and we can easily believe

that its enlightened sovereign would afford every encouragement to the

resort of Indians thither, for the sake of promoting that commerce with

India which was so fertile a source of enrichment: and indeed his-

tory tells us that ProLemy PHILapELPuHus deputed a learned man

named Dionysius to India to examine the principal marts on the wes-

tern coast, and in the interior. But a desire of studying the celebrated

philosophical systems of the brachmani and sramani, already well

known to him by name, may as well have been the true cause ; for such

a degree of curiosity may be naturally acceded to the king, who

is said to have employed seventy Jewish doctors in translating the

Hebrew scriptures into Greek, and to have collected a library of some

hundred thousand volumes.

Much of the Indian knowledge possessed by Alexandrine authors of

later days may have been derived from AsoKka’s missionaries settled in

their country, and CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS and Jerome the fathers

may thence have been able to draw the faithful picture their works are

said to contain of the tenets of the Sramani or Semni.

As far as the doctrines of the Buddhist faith are portrayed in the

simple edicts of the royal Indian convert, they were admirably adapted

to win acceptance among the educated and reflecting students of the

schools of Greece and Egypt. Reverence to parents, love to neigh-

bour, charity to the poor, and humanity to animal beings were set

forth as the sure and sufficient methods of gaining happiness in this

world and of propitiating heaven. The acceptance of these virtuous

maxims was not thwarted by any mysterious dogmas, any harsh or

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 227

revolting condemnation of other systems. Even the insulated Jew

could see nothing in them at variance with his own Mosaic command-

ments, and the title of the Indian religion every where resounded was

one familiar to himself,—dharma ‘ the law.’ It would be an agreeable

task to follow up the train of investigation which here opens itself to

the imagination :—to estimate and to trace the effect of the introduc-

tion of the Samanean principles on the prevailing opinions of the day

in Antioch, and in Alexandria, as well as in Persia and Bactria, where

the efforts to amalgamate the buddhist with the mithraic worship are

matter of history ;—but this is too vast a field of speculation for me to

enter, and many may deem our ground as yet too slight and unstable

to be made the foundation of any new views.

The intercourse thus proved to have been maintained at this early

date between India, that is buddhist India, and the western nations,

may help us to explain another circumstance which has lately been for-

cibly brought to our attention by Mr. L. W1LKINson, namely, the close

agreement between the Buddhist system of astronomy and the Ptole-

maic. In opposing the absurd system of the brahmanical puranas they

had the advantage of all the knowledge derived from Syria and Egypt ;

and we thus have a clue to the compilation of the Szddhantas, which

may be of the utmost importance in reviewing what has been written

on Hindu astronomy by CoLEBROOKE and BENTLEY.

Another prolific source of speculation, now that we know of the close

connection between the Indians and the Greeks at the age in which the

Bhilsa and similar monuments were erected, will be to determine what of

history can be extracted from the decidedly Greek scenes depicted in

the exquisite sculpture of some of these remains.

But all this I throw out merely to enable others to place a proper

value upon the evidence which a mere Aint, a mere single word, in a

stone record of indubitable antiquity, brings to the elucidation of so

many disputed questions : not that I have leisure or ability to make the

application myself. What the learned world demands of us in India, is to

be quite certain of our data, to place the monumental record before them

exactly as it now exists, and to interpret it faithfully and literally, as the

document says itself, ‘ without exaggeration and without extenuation.’

Anxious then to possess a copy of the text as perfect as it is possible

to be made by the facsimile process, I have thought it my duty to

jnterest the public authorities in effecting this desirable object. I

confidently anticipate that the nobleman at the head of our government,

and the patron of our Society will accede to my suggestion that

Lieut. PosTans, a zealous young officer now in Cuéch, should be deputed

228 Inscription in the old character on the -(Marex,

and cp of any ruins es may hes in the neighbourhood. —

Meanwhile I proceed to lay before the Society the whole text of Gini |

nar such as I am now able to make it out from the Rey. Dr. Wixson’s

copy, which is so fair that it cannot require correction in more than a few

incomplete and doubtful passages ; and many of these even are rectified

by the collateral text so opportunely discovered in Cuttack ; which

Mr. Kirroer’s recent deputation to survey the coal mines there has

given him an opportunity of re-examining from beginning to end.

First Tablet.

ob DEVO Poi thd. bebadall Roald lid. aed

Livdés? Hid X LE CAL Ldd¥E +AL OF 6

nd DYE LAA BSL OLOLEA Fe HOA, D+ +d

ASE ODYA PEL LLd LLAdT TAH bl SLLLOL

PSL bLd CLEdL TA HLS OLL OL had

OL Wid bb OC Odd HELPHL DSVUL SEAR DS

CI Hid Ud lOL BYP PL BXLL IAL DE

D+0A CE LS LHI dae

Third Tablet.

PELULLLEG TE DS HEL ShhdddOAl BL

SP HHDA ASA SEARS LAd| etd Obtd diy

U'dh ddd Hid dl dLA PALS WO oy

DEL Add LO-HbLd+8L OD SAT bard Ady

U8 AddA FAL OST d8EL’ oD BL CEL OD

HOI HULDA Hod PX GD LPGULA HhLddh

AELLGAKd b€itd

Fourth Tablet.

HAFAT WAT OL ddbhl 8Ok DS CEI

a |

etd wh had Hd LALA dT ABEL Ha bd

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 237

Lid HE PEL ddd LEAT RDB ALL AT

TS HUD BUD S¥L PLEd LOPblEd HAI OLd

HALd edSl) OL Pb GEL Lid Obb bab b

OYT WYEL a UALA SAT OAT ddd -

bb Hhd OLED D8diE Sek ded

bL Led F& D8dIL 2b Wed

bel tld Led CH ddddrk ¥

HSUSCHE DB8MILAUA 28° Hebb

Udt+4 LO- HLddl D°8d sei etek Hd

-3Y Hoe Dd HL UD DAL HOLD aT LA’

“Bb HOd SOLEA CL d ddA L bedded AL

Bet ib bled. oF. bt UA:

Fifth Tablet.

SOL hod CE DS THE tJ sti 4?!

JL LUatl th A8L ObES E +h DA BY

ma GAd ld ALLYS* *Hebacte Hs.

Adi AOL tA FAK LA DARA LE LLA beta’

FA LFIY LUHAF A WAL Lea US? D'88E

meas 8h k sdhdtahAl D°S8LEA +A Ads

Guid DUA D88ELt ** * dD: Bu Add dt +-O-d

AD | LiGt (wT Ot) LALFL' LSU Hh Hor

KdA8ius (OL ddd) * KL HUrKOL LEAK

ODL ODA Ucdédl*’* Eth d¥id S01d 6

LUK TF OC JuAd OG dd SU HHRAFUSA LLA

—sL «1.

ee.

‘Lo

(ons

238 Inscription in the old character on the (Marce,

AL Wh DBUL dF FS (PLOLK Fs OSL.

D.BLAYLUA 8B) D'B8ESA PAL HOW Hd

D'SJL VIA

Sixth Tablet.

BoLUL ULed FEDS HE HAFA HAL Le

ALS dF HOFVS LCSPL SK BL DSTA’ Ws

HESLY LTDLY ATKIY bd¥-d SLA¥d

se ddd LCSPF GUA HO BELL LOS

5O eA ddAd ELM HOTTY Ld $d $10 Wh

LLY ¥L PLES TELE Shs LLEESAM Hd Lt

tba dak DiLHOW Soslthouk vlod

HEAL UCSE1UB ddA LEED DS BL Hh LA’

Lh LALY HOM GIE LdtAb8Ab8 A8Tt+bA’

Add UL DUST LALd HOM DIEd [GES AL

dbTt GAddd F dbl t¥sHu FkedL HLL

Nob? :DdLL dTULY LI kd DA HE DL AA DAL

HO-b Hb) D Ba bdT bA EAL? Kako A. Aa

BUATAd LEAdHLdAL dot OAL etl Ase

HhA HAL UPt+8L

Seventh Tablet.

BEL bb bare GSA eek 02 CA ee

Ub A dLv'd AdUD'd dA EXIM Ldédo's

Lddd TH Add sth d D+bd'd Fuk SHTA |

LAL dd lh dB ddu0 KS +FA* HAS BOAK

Ait 6 Oe°)

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 239

Eighth Tablet.

HAFAT HAL PEL SGILA ALL DABAL

HALd PATOL Hd ¥FL HE UY SSL LL ULad

PE bdddddk Uk Hbdbd?*d Ald DLA DA

LtA OYT d8EL* sdtd fe OFL' bdTd

GIL ucddid €Lbedd ELd ebl DLs

D'BLTudd ABLD Pbdbid Adk BEL Ubd

bbibt rR dA Hh |

Ninth Tablet.

PoL LL ULed FE DS* HL HAEL Ldédd’

BS.AVH+TA HODAS HELS SUAS LATHE US

Ad PAYd WHY d EL Lddd BAY +TA

DAA 8GSL Obt+d OSDd bet dl eOrd YAY’

TA AtAL BS A BAS HU bY AT DR BAY:

AS WLASELI SAID LDSSADAA Sh FATE,

MLALA ALL* Huddk &D Cid dL¥ OD OFT

AYEL OD FLDAd Hhd DATA D88*AY [8

AbALT UXS YALE AK Sd HEFL S AMHOM

Tgth Hd OdA7 GDEL’ IK LA DAPAHE

e1° S$ HLAG S Lad Dal s DSLATSE AAT

BAL Sd dbedt bAtl 6 dbbis Ld bad

ASAY. VATL ett: bed vA EOL dt

wh HE DASA Fd SLtAL A “LO WAT D

Tenth Tablet.

BSL UL Wed TELLS FA SL YCO SG

BhA HHA APLE-CULdM BEL D'BdA bd”

2H 2

———— —

240 * Inscription in the old character onthe (Marcu,

AK D'BSAKS HLS DLA DAFL BSL UL CLE

re dtd Fis vbk LAFd UPt8A BSL bd

nd FE Add? CLAFL FA dtd HULP AS Hd

Db Ur dd Lb HUH"

SfiI“AT DATS PTL S ELL LCL b HHA

HAL UP+RL hdbrd EGPAA TLACL Bt

| Eleventh Tablet.

BOLL Uhed Te Do HL LEdAT A FL’

Sid D8FL DBAS SD Bd sdk & D¥LOD

SAK who ddd BhdAte GELALA SAL LAT

GH ddd SAddA HAFL ALT AvEL OD PL

DEL), Hoda oD, DASAL LAS) Ades

BAdbrk AAtL & bdLCSULE +h OD sh

thd) DAOTL-dtéd HOD tA GIS He

Ah dé A ALD FLL |

Twelfth Tablet.

Led T& hs bhi ld vdthld

| K lid édDdd b&b LELAL?

LAAQ- 18 LE d BSLUL YHA LO-FK I

6 Hb ddbd el oT 8A OLS APAMA

ma Ba LddAA FA HOGU bE 6 UF Ode AL

Gétdd HU+ITY JlLFSs Hh ABAY UFIT

LEA LA DSULI bh td de HLtTA LUbFd Hb

bb dt LELA Lith? SAILA bd Hood?

AAD fA Wbbde ds PULS =A fd UL AO

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 241

AWbGd et O6Al? LULA Add St DSOD FA

BY hd DBE Lad Uddld DS LESL bbb

6 FRdL Ode Obdb! kd Hb t+VEAS Hh

Ld AA AA UA LAG OAL PSL UL TAO FL S

LES BRALO FA GIES Hddd Oh LOYFd

DAL HOw LUX D8 8ENAd FO PTEESKd 6’

+8 fd Whd FFD Hd'd DAd bvL HbLGdt béd

GA D'8dd PLL |

Thirteenth Tablet.

PPP Ad UBKAALAT OFASA H8AAK US

HDIVDd tUAdA DYSL 506 SILT 4 HUStS

EldA 6 SBLYAd AL¥Ad BE (Sletters,) OYA

DAT ddd AL ddd SAdvAd Gb BAF v 5d

(Sletters,) LRAtLAL OUEA AA LLAdL LUT

GAUCHAS ddl (Gletters) LFLG SLOL P+A

IY Ode HY LL8 Che Ld AF (letters) § Lbdt

Bee GS OHCSL BoLG LA LEA UK

momaALl HbAd ULY'd dy (letters) dT'd Yad d

LIFE LI dAL GOTT ELAIYL dx, tld 8fd

“DOB dddd BEL LLd DULAL HLSATLA

Gr? A SEL ASO LL SEL LAS Od LATA

DBSELY CELY SEALS’ Hdl dt DS SELSA

d tuff d Glotfd

bt Lh dd tth1bT £8

242 Inscription in the old character on the {Marcw,

Fourteenth Tablet.

Hdd BIL Bod ibd bbebLy 5 halt be

HObS AVAL HG SEBL HG ohAL Loads:

LSA UCA’ BEVt OSEA Obd VPA NICS

dd Hod DAt LLLLSA’ AdAd HOM UDI AL

+h EL AQ: UCLEO AA D+E HAYA’ VIVA’

Hbbd'd dddfii'd -lJdy JUtPufOld

The GiIRNAR VERSION in the Roman character, with the DHAULY

VERSION tnterlined in Italics.

First Tablet.

Iyam dhammalipi dev4nampiyena Piyadasina rana lekhapita.

(10 letters). ghi savata,. devdaampiyn,., Piyd....i.. cela «2 “we

Idha na kanchi jivam 4rabhita puja hitaya nacha samaja katavye :

wl Bon sl ....nam alabhitu. paje pa. ‘

bahu_ rep Tere samajamhi padati. ee ee oe 2

asti wy ekacha samaja s&dhumaté. Devanampiyasa Piyadasino

: ..+» bha palapa sadhumata. sah dca Pryadasine

raho pura mah4nase thu he devenan pina Piydasino raéno anudiva-

sam elim ‘p&ha sacealBint Grubic sipdthtsla au sa aja yada

A . pdna sata:....... Glabhiyisu supathdya .......... da

ae ‘dhadidatto: Pichitary eva pana Arabhisusupathaya dwAmard

dhammalipit likhitati. . Cie So jb a. sy oad ee

ekomato: sop ramagana aire kop pana pachha na érabhisantled

. Sint panani pachha na dlabhiyisanti.

Second Tablet.

[This has been already published in the Feb. number. ]

Third Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi r4j4 evam Aha. Dwadasa vasabhisitenamaya

Deviénampiya Piyadasi laja hevam é&ha. Duwédasa vasabhisitena me

idam anapitam. Savata vijite mama yote cha rajuke cha padesake cha

GIN ANGI ia 600 vphnc ns le sa_me yuge .. lajake.... s.ininsekcaeean tee

4 (PO . 4 4 Cs

panchasu panchasu vasesu anusayinam siyaétu: etayeva atha-

panchasu panchasu vasesu anusayanam nikhamavu: athd annayept kam-

——————————<6=S =. sf. ll

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 243

ya im4ya dhamménusanstaya, yatha apoyasakammaya: sadhu

mane hevam imdye dhammé anusaydsd Uo... cece ce cee ee teen

métari cha pitari cha sustis4; mitasa suta patina bamhanasamananam

mata pita susiisd; .......... natisu babhana samaneht

e4dhu d4nam: pandnam sd&dhu andrambho: apavyayata apabhindata

sadhu danam: jivisu.. andlambhe sddhu apaviyaté apabhandita

sddhu: parisapi yuto ahapayisati gananayam hetute cha vyanjaneto cha.

sadhu : parisapi chatiyatani dnapayi ga........tuto cha viyan.......

? Fourth Tablet.

Atik4tam antaram bahimi vasasatani vadhita eva panarambho, vi-

Atikantam antalam bahiini vasasatdnt vadhiteva pdadnalambhe, vi-

hins4 cha bhitanam; fatisu asampatipati; bamhana s4manauam

hinsad. cha bhuiénam,.. ndtisu asampatipati.. samana.. vipuyesu....

asampatipati cha: Aja devanampiyasa Piyadasino réno dhammachara-

asampatipati.:.... Seaja devanampiyasa Piyadasine rajine dhammacha-

ganena bherizhoso api dhammaghoso, vimana dapana cha, hassi dapa-

Janena bhelighosam api dhammaghosgm vimana dasanam,. . hathini.....

nacha, agikhandhani cha annani divy4ni rapani — dasayi

we... Agakhandhani,. .... annant cha daviyani ripani dasayitun

pajanam yarisa bahthi vasa satehi na bhuta puve, tarise aja

munisinam ddise bahu.. vasa satemsi no hita puluve, tadise aja

vadhitaé: devanampiyasa Piyadasino raéno dhammdanusanstiya ;

vuti:.. devanampiyasa — Piyadasine rdjine dhammanusathiya ;

anarambho pananam, avihinsa bhutanam, natinam sampatipati,

analambhe paudnam, avihins&é bhutdnam, ndtisu.. sampatipati,

bamhana samana4nam sampatipati; mAtari pitari sustisa ; thaire sususa,

samana.. babhanesu.. sampatipati ; mata _ pitu sustisd(gura)va susisa ;

esa ane cha bahu vidhe dhammacharana vadhita; vadhayisati cheva

esa.annecha bahu vidhe dhammachalane.. vadhite; vadhayisati cheva

devanampiyo Piyadasi raja dhammacharanam idam, puta cha pota cha

devanampiye Piyadasi laéja dhammachalanam mam puta pi chanati

papota cha devanampiyasa Piyadasino rafo vadhayisanti idam

ain (....) devadnampiyasa Piyadasine rajine pavaghayisanti yeva

dhamma charanam 4 cha _ pavata kap4é dhammamhi_ silamhi

dhamma = chulanam imam; &@ kepam .... dhammasi.. silasi..

tistanto .. imam anusAsisati esahise tekame yath4 anusdsana......

bhavi (si) tu .... sasisanti.. esahise....me ya dhammdnusdsana

dhammacharahe pina bhavati asila sava; imamhi athamhi dhi cha

dhammachalana pi cha no hoti asilasa; se imasa.. athusa.. va ahi

ahini cha sadhu. Etdya athdya idam likhapitam: imasa athasa vadhaya

ahini dhasdya. tdye athe.. iyam likhite..... imasa athasa vadhiyun

= Se

244 Inscription in the old character on the (Mareu,

jantu: hini.... lo chetam.. rha(?) Dwadasa_ vasabhisitena

: jantu.. hini cha ma alo chayi (tun).. Duwddasa_ vasabhisitasa he

| deva4nampiyasa Piyadasina rano idam lekhapitam. :

| 4 : . . e ee e ° Ws .

| devanampiyasa Piyadasine rajine (e) sa likhite. ‘"

Fifth Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raj4 evam aha .—Kalana dakaraya a.. .la

Devdénampiya FPiyadasi laja hevam &ha:—Kayane dukale........

kal4ne pape dukara karoti: tam mayd bahu kalana kat&: ta mama

kayand@ sase dukalam kaleti: se.. me.. bahuke kayand kate: tam ye me

) puta cha potacha pare cha tanav4 me.... Ava pavata kapa....

| PE DEE oi a iis cha tanaye apatiye me ava kapam tathé

anuvatasare: tath4 so sakatam kdsati: yo tu ete desam pihapeyati

| anuvatisanti: se.. .. sakatam kachhati: ehe ta desam pihépayisati,

| so dukatam kasati... .. pakaramhi pape. Atikatam antaram na

| se dukatam kéchhati paépe ha. su puddlayesu. Atikantam antalam no

| bhuta puvam, dhammamah4mata nama: mey4a to dasavasabhisi (tena)..

hita puluvd, dhammamahamaia nama: se to dasavasdbhisi tena me '

dhammamab4mata katé; te.. sava pasandesu vyapata :

dhammamahamata nama kata: te sate sava pasandesu viyapa(ta)

dhamimamajinaya .yhy oda Miethut a ak oe poor dhammasutasa

dhammadhithanaye dhamma vadhiye hita sukhdye cha dhammasita..

chayena; Kam (bocha, gan)dhara, naristika petenikanaye vapi ana

sanyana, Kambocha gandhdle, suldthika pitenike, sa li, vapi anne

Aparaté bhatamayesu; va (hita su) kh4 (ya....va yutanam aparAgo-

dpalanta bhati............bdbhana bhisasu, anathesu

mahalokesu cha hitasukhaye, dhammayutaye apalibo--

dhaya vyapata; tebandhana badhaya patividhandva.... . ja kata:

dhaya viyapatd ; se bandhana badhasa........ ya ........ apalibo-.

dhaye mokhaye cha iyam anubandha pajati (ka) td;.......... 34

Bhikaresu v4 thairesuhi va vyapataé; to Patilipute cha bAdhiresu cha

bhikalest vd mahdlakensi va viyapata; se hida cha béahilesu cha,

nagalesu savesu olodhanesu evahi bhiténam va bhagininam

vapi ane fatika savata viyadpata, te yo iyam dha.... pennasito

annesu. sd..ti savata tata viyapata cha,, iyam dhamma

nisitativam dhammadhithane, tava ddnasayute va sava

HAVA or. aio a le ae tba eh a aes in kal ee eat oy

pathaviyam: dhammadyutast viyapata ime dhamma mahamata :

etaya ath4ya ayam dhamma lipi likhita.

imaye athdye iyam dhamma lipi likhité; kapd tasa cha me paja

anuvetatu !

-1838.] —s rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 245

Sizth Tablet.

(Devanampiyo) Piyadaési rajé evam aha. Atikdtam antaram na

Devdnampiye Piyadasi laja hevam ahd. Atikantam antalam na

bhuta puva, 8a...... athakamme va pativedanaé va t& may& eva

huta puluve, savakdélam athakamme va pativedand td se mama ya

katam. Save kéle, bhunjaména same, Urodhanamhi, gabhagaramhi,

kate. Sava ..........+...... sameante, olodhanasi, gabhatapast

vachamhi va vinitteankd én: uyanesu cha, savata pativedaka stita

(tapasi bis?) vinitasi...... wyenasu cha, savata pativedakd .

athe me janasa pativedetha iti! Savata va janasa athe karomi

janasa .. atham pativedayantumati! Savaia cha jd..sa atham kaldmi

ya cha kinchi mukhato ahapayami ; may4 dapakam va, stavapakam

ha .. am pi cha makhato anapeyami; me.. dapakam va, savakam ..

vayava, Puna mahathe tesu Achayika anapita bhavati. Etaya

vaG evd. .... mahd ma ..si atiydyike alopite hott... tasi..

athaya vividoni kiti vasanto parisaya, anantara pativeda rasam

athasi vavadevani kitt vdsantam pahipayd anantaliyam potivadeta, va he

me savatasave kale evam maya ahapitam. Nasti hi me to ren (?)

meti savata savam kalam hevam me.. anusatha. ....4...... pre

ustinamhi athasantirana yava katavyamatehi me sama loka

(suthana) hapi athasanttland yacha kataviyamutechi me sava loka

hitam: tasa cha puna esa milo ustanam cha athasantirana cha, nasti

hite :..tasa cha pana iyam mule suthdna cha “santiland cha, nathi

kammataram savaloka hita sta, yacha kinchi parékam4mi aham!

kammatala .. savaloka hitdya, a@ chatt cha.. palakadmivahakam!

Kinti bhitaénam (anannam gachheyam) idha chanani sukhdpayémi;

Kinti bhitanam a..ni yam ye hati.... hida cha kdni sukhaydmi;..

parat4 cha swagam 4radhayantiti. Etaya athaya ayam dhammalipi

palaté cha swaga.. basddhayantutt. Htaye athéye ayam dhammalipi

‘Vikhapita: kinti chiran tisteya iti! Tatha cha me puta pota

dikhita : chilathitika hotu! Tathad cha pota

cha papot4 cha anavataram sava loka hitéya dukarantthu idam afata

papotéd me palakama.. sa.... ka hitdye dukale cha. . iyam annata

agena parakamena.

agena paldkamena.

Seventh Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raja savata ichhati save pasanda vaseyu

Devanampiye Piyadasi ldja savata ichhati ........ danam....va

-Save tesayamancha bhavasudhincha: ichhati janasa uch4vacha

veva ti save hoga sachhaman bhavesudhi cha: ichhati munisa ochavacha

2 *

246 . Inscription in old character on the [Marcn,

chhando uchavacha régo te savam vakasanti ekadesam vakasanti

vando.. wuchdvacha Idgd te savam vd...... ekadasam kachati..

visule tu pi dane; yasa nasti sayame bhavasudhi tava katam nata

vidala pinaddne; asa nathi dhayame bhavasudhi cha ....0...6

va dadhabhatita rani, va badham.

aves sdadcass cosa Mt, Che Sidhkam,

: Eighth Tablet.

Atikaétam antaram rajano viharavatan heyaka etamaga-

. tam antalam ldju vahalayatam nama — nikhamisaga ma (ga)-

vyA anhani cha etarisani abhiramakavi ahum pum: so devanam-

viyam anndni cha edisini abhiramani puvaniinam: se devénam-

piyo Piyadasi raja dasavasabhisito santo ayaya satam cha

piye Piyadasi ldja dasavasdbhisite janikhami sam bopa........

tenes4 dhammayat4: etayam hoti,—bamhana samaninam dasane cha

tenaiaé dhammaydtad: se hotéti,—samana babhandnam dasane cha

dane cha, thairanam dasane cha,—hiranna patividhano cha, °jana-

dave cha, vadhdnam dasane cha,—hilanna putivipdddnena .. jana-

padasa cha janasa daspanam, dhammanusasti cha dhammaparipuva

padasa .. janasa dasane cha, dhammdnupa........ sores sy Chika

cha; tadopaya esa bhayarati bhavati devanampiyasa Piyadasino

cha taddpaydla se abhirémi hott devdnampiyasa Piyadasine

rano bhage anhe.

yajine bhage.....°

Ninth Tablet.

Devanampiyo Piyadasi raja evam 4ha:— Atta jano uchévacham

Devanampiye Piyadast laja hevam kahé:— ...... ne uchivacham

mangalam karote, 4badhaseva .. avahavivahesu v4 putaldbhesu va

mangalam kaletati dbadha.. «bis. ole GWG Ia Loe Voie salar QAO: knee

pavasamhi va; etamhi lia: sotiieahd cha jano_ uchavacham

pavdsast ...... etdye .. anndyevahidisdye jane bahu.. kam

mangalam karote; Etatu mahadayo bahuka cha bahu vidha cha ya-

mangalam ka... IJthibinam.. cha bahu..adha.... nia.. yam cha

dam charadatham cha mangalam karote. Ta katavyamevata mangalam

a ee ae Be SMa iets mangalam kaleti. Se kotaviyelevetam ananta le

apaphalam tu kho etadisam mangalam, 4yata maha phale mangale,

apapale.. cha kho esahadise mangal.. thi... bahu phala, malagi..

ya dhamma mangale, tata dasa bhatakamhi ee gurdnam

lata tesa.. 2 da. sam mupan kaleti......... ete ee he eve. Canam

apachiti Satta panesu sayame sadhe; isa biage samananam sadhuda-

awpeisine Gageit--teaudals x. eseees. Samana bdbhandnam .... da-

nam: ete cha anacha etarisam dhamma mangalam nama ta vatavyam

nam; €s@ .. annecha ...... ...... mangalam ...... vat ....

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 247

pité va putena va bhata.. va svamikena va, sadhu, idam katavyam

pitind pi. Seite bhatindpi ~— suvdmika. . BMA Ss OLUOE RII,

mangalam; 4va tasa athasa nistinaya asti 1 eh eects sadhu

weeeeses ava tasa athisa nithindya aihi .. panamvate dane

danam iti: Na tu etddisam asti danam va anugaho va,

sadhiti: Se nathi e..nam_ ete DOP ey

vadisam dhammadanam va dhammanugaho va, ta tu kho ee va

....-- dhammdddne -¢ Cammopagehe bord Ue gibi RM cl

suhadayena hatikena va sapayena va ochaditavya isthe Pint paka-

vececee. @ nena .. sapdyena va viyovadita........tast paka-

rane: idam kacham, idam sadham iti; imani saka swagam

Jananst 4.2.24). UE APIS dha yitave ........ » WDA gaia

4radhentu iti. Kicha mina katavyam, ta.. yatha swapérédht ?

Mead. .,--5.... «oxi Rare ptt a ea hn me

Tenth Tablet.

Devénampiya Piyadasi réj4 yaso va kiti vé na mahéthévahi mafate

sesscseseses piye Piyadasi lé... yaso vd vidhi va na ......... BONA sevsvocee

anata tadaptano (°) do ghaéya chame jané yasa dhamma sé pd-

si yaso vé kadhivé ichhati ta dwaye annatt ja...ne .«.... vanacieneescnSth Pile

sunsatén dhammavatan va anuvidhiyatén etakéye Devénampiya Piyadasi

GMS A RGINIME. 5: wes OE |, we. s ce vecdencenree CUAUE YO: sind vad innicnse TYO ce diinnadives

réja yaso va kiti va ichhati; ya tu kinchi parakamate devanampiya Piya.

seesecee cecceecssseeseseserereceees AUUE ssseeeee palukamati devdnampiye Piya-

dasi raja ta savam pératikéye. Kinti sakale apapardsave asa; esatu

oT eer sa Kinti sakama apapalésave apukiti ...

pardsave ya apunham. Dakaraénta kho etam vadakengé vajanena usatena va

pama 6a eeeooeeeesereonee eeeeeee - & kaje Va SCOR9TOT COR eSHSETEHED BHC ROR CEReEE Ee COE FER

ahata agena ae savam parécha papta (?) etata kho nec

wevel® AGC .vcrecrercccceceereM@ SAVAM Cha pAlili .reccccccesssereece Khu dukena

dukaran...

_Iépasatena va usatena cha dakalata.

Eleventh Tablet.

Devanampiya Piyadasi raja evam 4ha, Néasti etdrisam dénam yarisam

dhamma danam: dhamma sahstavo vé dhamma safvibhégo v4, dhamma

sambandho vé !

Tata idam bhavati; dasa bhatakamhi sampatipati; méatari pitari

_sédho sususé ; mitasasuta fatakanam bamhana samangnam sédhu dénam ;

Pénénam anarambho s4dhu: etam vatavyam pité va putena va

bhaté va mitasa sut (ena) bhata kena va vyava pativesiyehi, idam sgdhu ;

idam katavyam :

So tatha karu ilokavasa drédha hoti; parato vé anantah punfiam

bhavati tena dhamma dénena.

212

248 - Inscription in old character on the ~ £Marcs,’

Twelfth Tablet.

Devénampiyo Piyadasi réj4 sava pésandéni cha pavajiténi cha gharistani

cha pujayati, danena cha vividhaya pdjaya pujayati n: na tu tathé dénam

va ptja va Devénampiyo mannate yathé kiti: sara vadhi asa, sava pasan-

dénam séro vadhyata bahu vidhé: (? ) tada gasa tu idam mala ya vacha.

guti. Kinti 4ptapdsanda puja va parépasanda garahé va ne bhave, apaka-

ranamhi Jahaké va asa...tamatamhi pakarane ; pujeta ya (n) tu eva parapa-

sandé tena tena pakaranena ; evam katam 4ptapasanda (n) cha vadhayeti,

parépésandasa cha apakaroti, taddnhathé karoti; dptapasandam cha

chhanati parépésandasa cha hi apakaroti: yo hi kaéchi éptapésandam puja-

yati, parépésandam va garahati sava aptapasanda bhatiya kinti éptapé-

sandam dipayema iti, yo cha puna tathaé kara to aptapésandam bédhataram

papapunati tasa chevano eva sédha. Kinti mahamanfhasa dhammam

sundta cha pusan serava evam hi Devanampiyasa ichha kitasaya pésand4

bahu puté cha asu kalénégamé cha asu ye chai tata tata papunnata hi

vatavyam; Devanampiyo—ne tathé dénam va pija va manhate yatha kiti:—

‘‘ sgri vadhi asa sava paésandénam bahuké cha :—’’

Etaya athéyavyapita dhammamahéméta cha ithaijha kho méhémété

cha vava (dha) kamika cha afie cha nikéyé ayanchu. Etasa phaléya

éptapdésanda vadhi cha hati, dhamasa cha dipané.

Thirteenth Tablet.

> P P tasa pasamata tatihatan bahutivaté kammata taté pachhé adhan4é-

Jadhesu kalingesu ti dhammaviyo......vadho va maranam va apavého va jana

gata baédhe vedamaté chaganamataé cha devaé (nampiyasa...... )... pé; mata

pitari sususa, guru susisé, mitasa sanstaya hatika vyasanam papunéti

tata so pitesu upaghéto patipati bhétevesiya pa ............ ya ta nésti

manusénam ekataramhi pésandamhi na nama pésédeyavatako ya ta do

veceeeeee NYA Saka va mitaveyavapi apaviyo devénampiya (sa) yata paj i to

pita ......... sava bhutaéném achhaté cha sayaman cha sama ...... cheron

cha madava cha .......... Yona réja paran cha tena chaptéro réjano,

Turamayo cha, AnriKono cha (?) Maea’ cha...... idha parinde (se)

su...... savata Devénampiyasa dhamménusastin anuvatare yata pédati.

Vijayo savatha puna vijayo piti raso sé ladhé sé piti hoti dhammavijaya.

man. Vijayaman, ma vijetavyam man. N’asarasake eva vijayechhati cha

eeeee Ulokiké cha péra lokiké cha.

Va SWETOHASTI SAVA LOKA SUKHA’HARO néma.

Fourteenth, and last Tublet.

Ayam dhammalipi devénampiyena Piyadasiné raha likhépitaé. Asti eva

Iyam dhammalipi devénampiyena Piyadasind ldjina likhi.......cccceceeeee

sankhitena, asti majhamena, asti vistatena ; ndévayavam, pavata ghatitam ;

creverccevecces ALhi MAGHA...ccccsecesegrscecesecsese NEpayave,... savata ghatitam ;

mahélaka pavijitam; bahu cha likhitam Jikhépoyisam cheva; asti cha

muhantehi vijaye ;......bahu ke cha likhite ... likhi yisd.......0+ wevee athi pa cha

etakam punepanavutam. Tasatasa athasa maédharitéya kata; jano,

Dinlniaks stage vu, 6 tvegnenas Weviedacse atvectssent shuPesete ie ote evesdecvensvcsbiece | QRIEUUEE Ian

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 249

tatha patipajetha! Tata ekadé asamétam likhitam, asa desam cha,

tathé patipajeydti! ...... Epicha asamati... likhite...... 84...di8AM ooo

Rexacuerv lipikaré pandithena cha.

PEinasvicins cana soPPQl® wnarervors ops ssvenkta

Translation of the first Tablet.

The following edict of religion is promulgated by the heaven-beloved

king Pivapasi. ‘ In this place the putting to death of anything

whatever that hath life—either for the benefit of the puja, or in

convivial meetings, shall not be done. Much cruelty of this nature

occurs in such assemblies. The heaven-beloved king PryApaAs!1 is

(as it were) a father (to his people). Uniformity of worship is wise and

proper for the congregation of the heaven-beloved Pryapast raja.

“ Formerly in the great refectory and temple of the heaven-beloved

king Pryapasr, daily were many hundred thousand animals sacrificed

for the sake of meat-food. So even at this day while this religious

edict is under promulgation from the sacrifice of animals for the sake

of food, some two are killed or one is killed :—but now the joyful

chorus resounds again and again—that from henceforward not a single

animal shall be put to death !”

Notes to the First Tablet.

Iyam. In others of the Girnar edicts ayam is used for the feminine, as in P&li.

Tdha. The P&li form of gg tha ‘here.’ In the Cuttack dialect, hida; see

observations on the reading of hidapdlate, &c. below. In tke present passage at

Dhuuli, ‘ savata,’ every where, seems to be substituted.

Arabhité, or drabhyaté, for the vowel mark more resembles a y; Sans. BIW

slaughter of animals. ;

Paja hitaya (for the benefit of the people; Sc. for food) S. praja hitdya, has the

support of the Cutiack text, but puja hitaya, ‘for the efficacy of puja’ as in

Girnar seems preferable.

Samaja katavye, ‘ anassembly of beasts (not) to be made’—might allude to the

practice of animal fights ;—but as samdja comes afterwards twice, I prefer it here

also, and would read katavyam.

Repidasam :—1 have rendered this by @y gg cruel sight or cruelty : the pandit

would read bahukam idrisam, ‘ much of this kind.’

Astipitu @feqfaa, ‘is the father ?’—-perhaps in a deified sense ?—were Piyadasi

not in the nominative case I should be inclined to read avapitam, ordained by.

Ekaché, S. Yayay one worship or worship of one object ?—This sense is confirm-

ed by the feminine adjective sddhumatd, excellent-minded or righteous. The Cuttack

text is here erased but for samdja it reads palape, qweyy in conversation instead

of in company.

Mahdnase thupe — qwyaA: a kitchen and qq: a tope or buddhist monument:

but the latter word is doubtful and unsuitable.

Supathays wy Syrg, supa is broth (or sowp)—probably such as contained meat.

Aja, Pali form of Ba, hodie, to-day.

Dwdmard ekomato, This passage is altogether very unintelligible:—1 have ren-

dered it Sarat WRIT.

Ramagdna dhuvé is alsodoubtful. ty pleasant yyeq song ya , chorus or ‘ reprise’

—are the basis of the translation I have conjecturally offered.

250 Inscription in pld character on the — {Marcn,

Translation of the Third Tablet.

Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Pryapast:

“ By me after the twelfth year of my anointment, this commandment

is made! Every where in the conquered (provinces) among the faithful,

whether (my own) subjects or foreigners, after every five years, let

there be (a public) humiliation for this express object, yea for the

confirmation of virtue and for the suppression of disgraceful acts.

“ Good and proper is dutiful service to mother and father ;—towards

friends and kinsfolk, towards brahmans and sramans, excellent is cha-

rity :—prodigality and malicious slander are not good.

“ All this the leader of the congregation shall inculcate to the assem-

bly with (appropriate) explanation and example.”

Translation of the Fourth Tablet.

‘In times past even for many hundred years has been practised the

sacrifice of living beings, the slaughter of animals ; disregard of relations,

and disrespect towards brahmans and sramans:—This day by the mes-

senger of the religion of the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi, (has been

made) a proclamation by beat of drum, a grand announcement of religi-

Notes to the Third Tablet.

Vijite, in the second tablet vijitamhi, in the Cuttack idiom vijitamsi ; all variations

of the Pali locative case. . Vijitam may, I believe, mean dominion generally as well

as conquest.

Yote is the Sanskrit 43 ; yuge on the other hand is Qyg the devoted :—both nearly

similar in signification”

Anusayinam, S. waywaa penitence. Siydtu QUT ‘ let be’ is replaced by nikha-

mavu quasi fa:aa yaad ‘is undoubtedly proper,’ q@a@ zeal, see the same word in

the extract quoted below.

Dhamma anusanstaya ‘ for firmly establishing virtue’ qe SIT and Se ORE fe |

¢ for the avoiding of disgraceful acts’ are imperfectly deciphered at Dhauli,—Kame

mane and anusayasa u.

Nétinam samandnam, &c. in the genitive or rather dative case, are put in the loca-

tive ndtisu—samanehi, (q. nemsi.) at Dhauli. The same holds for pandnam, replaced

by jivisu, ‘ among living things.’

Parisipiyuto is, 1 suppose, compounded of Gicre an assembly, afq and aa

quasi the ‘ leader of the congregation.’ The Cuttack text adds chatiyatdni quasi

belonging to or near the chetiya ?

Apavyayatd, ‘ lavish expenditure’—and apabhindatd, calumny, quiz cr perhaps

apabhandita, * separation from society:’ yrag (cooking vessel). Read asddhu. The

Dhauli. orthography of viyaté explains a word misunderstood on the pillars.

Hetuto, exactly the Sanskrit Sqayq Asa ay in the 5th case, taspritya,—‘ as

to cause, and as to effect, or token.’

Notes to the Fourth Tablet.

Atikdntam antaram, occurs too often to allow the reading adopted by the pandit |

of the latter word as the verb dturan:—it is clearly afaamiay Yat ‘ elapsed inters

val’—useu adverbially, and denoting that an anterior period of obedience existed.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 251

ous grace—and a display of equipages, and a parade of elephants, and

things to gratify the senses, and every other kind of heavenly object for

the admiration of mankind, such as had never been for many hundred

years, such were to-day exhibited.

«« By the religious ordinance of the heaven-beloved king PryapAs1,

the non-sacrifice of animals—the non-destruction of living beings, proper

regard to kindred,—respect to brahmans and sramans: dutiful service

to mother and father; dutiful service to spiritual pastors :—through

these and many other similar (good acts) doth religious grace abound ;

and thus moreover shall the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi cause reli-

gion to flourish: and the same shall the sons, the grandsons, and the

great-grandsons of the heaven-beloved king Pryapasi cause to abound

exceedingly.

«As long asthe mountains shall endure, so long in virtue and in strict

observances shall the religion stand fast. And through good acts of

this nature,—that is to say—through these ordinances, and the strict

practice of religion laxness of discipline is obviated. Moreover in this

object it is proper to be intelligent and nowise neglectful. For the

same purpose is this (edict) ordered to be written. Let all take heed to

profit of this good object and not to give utterance to objections.

« By the heaven-beloved king Piyapasi after the twelfth year of his

anointment is this caused to be written.”

Bamhana-samandnam, is curiously replaced at Cuttack by samana-vipuyesu, fay

of the same meaning, but throughout the Cuttack text the buddhist sramans have

precedence of the brahmanical priests.

Charaganena, (charagana) ‘ by the conveyer :’—at Dhauli, chalanena ‘ by the pro-

gress.’

Vimana, &c. There isa strange disagreement between the two texts in this sen-

tence, apparently Spee to aatenpppehcheion: of the copyist. Girnar reads vimana

‘ grief,’ hasst (Sa) ‘ joy’—and dapani, xine ‘ from the mirror of: (pda oy

has vimdna ‘equipage,’ hathint w@feqajt ‘ a female elephant’—and dasanam Sway

‘ the sight of.’

Anga khandhdni, the five objects of sense.—Aggikhandhdni, on the contrary ‘is the

title of one of Buddha’s discourses, ‘ the heap of fire.’

Yérisa-térisa, and in the Cuttack idiom ddise tadise are the Sanskrit gyeyw Ale w

or in the modern Hindustani jaisé taisd.

Nathita puve, Cuttack—no hita puluve, Sans. qaq Ta.

Dhammanusastiyé—here we find the correct rendering of anusathiyd of the pillars:

Sans. qquie- tart ‘ by the ordinance of.’

Apavatakapa—or kepam from eq or @Y ‘to move’—‘ until the moving of the

hills’—abbreviated by omission of pavata—quasi ‘ until the break up (of all things)’—~

the pandit prefers @uT, ‘ benevolence, as enduring as the hills.’ See below.

Dhi cha ahini cha yt intellect-—¥¥ complaint, objection —or Zifa@q abandonment.

Asilasa, The latter part of this edict is rather obscure: there is too much of a

truism in q@yl aq: Wha AW ata besides asilasa is in the genitive case.

252 Inscription in old character on the (Marea,

Translation of the Fifth Tablet.

Thus spake the heaven-beloved king Piyapas1:—

“ Prosperity (cometh) through adversity, and truly each man (to ob-

tain) prosperity causeth himself present difficulty—therefore by me

(nevertheless) has much prosperity been brought about and therefore

shall my sons, and my grandsons and my latest posterity, as long as the

very hills endure, pursue the same conduct; and so shall each meet

his reward !—While he, on the other hand, who shall neglect such

conduct,—shall meet his punishment in the midst of the wicked [in the

nethermost regions of hell. ]

«For a very long period of time there have been no ministers of religi-

on properly so called. By myself, then, in this tenth year of mine

anointment, are ministers of religion appointed*: who, intermingling

among all unbelievers (may overwhelm them) with the inundation of

religion, and with the abundance of the sacred doctrines. Through

Kam/(bocha, gan) dhara, narastika, Petenika, and elsewhere finding

their way unto the uttermost limits of the barbarian countries, for the be-

nefit and pleasure of (all classes) ... and for restraining the passions of

the faithful, and for the regeneration of those bound in the fetters (of

sin?) ......... are they appointed. Intermingling equally among the

dreaded, and among the respected—both in Pdétaliputa and in foreign

places, teaching better things shall they everywhere penetrate; so that

they even who (oppose the faith shall at length become) ministers of it.”

Notes to the Fifth Tablet.

The opening sentence in this tablet has evidently a close relation with that on the

pillars beginning with the 17th line of the north side at Delhi, and as it presents no

small difficulty to the translator, it may be as well to insert here the pillar version

for comparison with the other two.

Kaydnameva dekhati iyam me kaydne kateti: nomina pdpakam dekhati, iyam me

papaka kateti.

The Girnar reading of kaldnam confirms my pandit’s assumption that kaydnam

should be rendered by the Sanskrit kalydnam, happiness, prosperity, rather than by

kshaya, kshayini, waste prodigality, as adopted by the Hon’ble Mr. Turnour,

which would I imagine form khaya, khayini in P&li, and indeed we have this very

word in another part of the inscription. The word naturally contrasting with

kalyanam is duhkh ( :@) affliction, or dushkaram (SieHR) evil, trouble, wicked:

this latter might be softened in Palito dukham, or dukam, as we find in the two

texts. We must not confound it with the second word dekhati of the pillars which

is the verb drishyati eygqfa ‘ appears.’ But in the pillars the contrast is made by

paipam, or pdpakam* wickedness.’ Were the two new texts complete we might easily

explain them, at present we can only conjecture. Thusthe pandit gives it in Sanskrit:

HTSTU SHRUG BALA AAW BY SHC HUifa Tava! Gs AAU HAT:

* The Cuttack version differs so much in the latter part of this edict that a

separate translation is necessary from the point here marked.

1888.] rocks of Girnar in Guwerat, and Dhauliin Cuttack. 258

For this purpose is the present religious edict caused to be written.

The Cuttack version continued from *.

who shall be intermingled with all the hundred grades of un-

believers for the establishment among them of the faith, for the increase of

religion, and for their profit and gratification through the context of the

sacred doctrines, in Kambocha and Gandhéra, in Surastrika and Pite-

nika,... and even to the farthest (limits) of the barbarian (countries).

Who shall mix with brahmans and bhikshus, with the poor and with the

rich,—for their benefit and pleasure, to bring them unto the righteous-

ness which passeth knowledge; and for those bound in the fetters

(of sin) this new bond of precious knowledge is made for their

final emancipation which is beyond understanding: and among the terri-

ble and the powerful shall they be mixed both here and in foreign

countries, in every town, and among all the kindred ties even of

brotherhood and sisterhood, and others ...... every where! and here

also having penetrated, for there is religious darkness ( ?) even in the

Parechatanayd, qvTaqaaqai HA my posterity—qaq: ‘a male descendant.’ To

this is added in the Cnttack version apatiye suey ‘ sin cpa male or female.’

Anuvatasare, either WATT | yearly ;’ or better Baa (aay « Shall uphold.’

Pihdpayisati faerafyuta or perhaps, pesdpayisati fara, to injure, to destroy.

Késati,—kacchati ; precision will no longer allow the reading formerly adopted of

gacchuti ‘ goes.’ In its stead we have achoice of qINiq, Aa, HB dy All synony-

mous as ‘shines,—’ prakdsh kartd, illuminates :—or of waa, Re from &q to

go, to approach or meet, which I prefer : gaa and = Sia, good and evil recom-

pense, contrast as wellas the places of their reward; aad puddlayesu can only be

explained as U@ WGay in the mansions of the put hell—to which the childless -

are condemned, and whichis said to have a most abominable stench.

Pakaramhi pape, Gat beep, qTyq sin.

Dhammamajunayd, AHA: ‘ by drowning in dharma.’

Dhamma sititasa chayena, QA Wz ; dhammadhithandaya afysta abiding.

Kambocha, &c. for these places see observations sanyena Yq; union.

Apardté bhata mayesu Buta having nothing beyond, yz - barbarian Har

boundary.

Aparagodhdya, Satay restraint of passion.

Apalibodhdya, qafca ry not within knowledge.

Pativédhandyais from yfaare repeated opposition. I read Yfafaarara

for re-arrangement, substituted ceremonial.

Patalipute cha béhiresu cha, is replaced in Cuttack (which is nearer the capital) by

hidu cha bahilesu cha zeaafsyy.

Anubandhapajati, gaifa ; pre-eminent knowledge.

Bhikaresu, @ayc worker of dread: thairesu, way a name of distinction which

is commonly found in Pali books written thero, ‘ reverend, or honorable.’

Olodhanesu, from He the loins or wr: the breast and we treasure?

Bhatdnam, va bhagininam wiauy afaatat.

Dinasayute, dhammayute Z14tasHt charitable, WaasI righteous,

2 Sioa

= ee

254 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

very metropolis of religion, every question shall be asked among the

charitable, and these being themselves absorbed in righteousness, shall

become ministers of the faith (?). For this express reason is this religi-

ous edict promulgated ; for evermore let my people pay attention thereto !

Translation of the Sivth Tablet.

Thus spake Pryapasi the heaven-beloved king!

“« Never was there in any former period a system of instruction, ap-

plicable to every season and to every action, such as that which is now

established by me!

“‘ For every season, for behaviour during meals, during repose, in do-

mestic relations, in the nursery, in conversation, in general deportment,

and on the bed of death, every where instructors (or Pativedakas)

have been appointed:—accordingly do ye (instructors) deliver instruc-

tion in what concerneth my people.

«« And every where in what concerneth my people do I myself perform

whatsoever with my mouth I enjoin (unto them); whether it be by me ~ .

(esteemed) disagreeable or whether agreeable. Moreover for their

better welfare among them an awarder of punishment is duly instal-

led. On this account, assembling together those who are dwelling

in the reputation of much wisdom, do ye meanwhile instruct them as

to the substance of what is hereby ordained by me for all circumstances

and for all seasons. This is not done by me in any desire for the col-

Dhammanisa tativam. 1am quite unable to give the sense of this passage; nisé

famy night, is feminine as iyam, and adhithdne afyxgta is in the locative—

hence the turn I have adopted.

Pathaviyam, may be yea to be questioned.

A’va pavata kapd, and dva kapam, 1 have rendered by aay qaane and

maa ae as long as the age of the hills—or simply for a kalpa, or immense

period. The long 4 in kapd inclined the pandit to understand gy] a benevolence—

as enduring as the hills. (See last tablet.)

Notes to the Sixth Tablet.

Pativedand, gfaaeat information either delivered or received by espionage?—

pativedaka, the giver of oragent to receive the same: instructor is the more probable.

Té eva katam, or yd kate—tat and ye the participles should agree in both cases.

Bhunjamana—same, qWaArat eating, a quiet—quere sleep?

Orodhanamhi—qaeag in the secluded apartment or zenéna?—implying as

I presume conjugal or. domestic relations, or see sie tant explanation offered in the

last tablet.

Garbhagdrdmhi, nearly of the same import—or TWATATT the womb.

Uydnesu Vaasa in going up—or in articulo mortis?

Stitd, Fegat the verb (or rather participle) is avoided in the Cuttack text by

carrying to the imperative vedayantu, The other has pativedetha in the second pers.

plural, imper. mood.

Mukhato Faas. orally—from the mouth.

wee;

+1838.) *rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 255

lection of worldly gain, but in the real intention that the benefit of my

people shall be effected; whereof moreover this is the root, the good

foundation, and the steady repose in all circumstances: there is not a

more effectual mode of benefitting all mankind, than this on which I

bestow my whole labour.

« But upon how many living beings (I will pass over the mention of

other things) do I confer happiness here :—hereafter likewise let them

hope ardently for heaven! amen !

« For this reason has the present religious edict been written :—May

it endure for evermore ; and so may my sons and my grandsons and my

great-grandsons uphold the same for the profit of all the world, and la-

bour therein with the most reverential exertion.”

Translation of the Seventh Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapasi every where ardently desireth

that all unbelievers may be brought to repentance and peace of mind.

He is anxious that every diversity of opinion, and every diversity of

Dapakam- -stavapakam eum what kindles—or is pungent and disagreeable ? satire:

qae praise—eulogy—what is sweet.

Vaéyava—(Cuttack version, va eva) Sanskrit % a.

Mahdthe—tesu .. reads at Dhauli, mahdmatesu, among the right-minded.

Achdyiko—atiyayike, the awarder of Bayyq death, punishment.

Vividoni—vividevani, fafaarat aif fame proceeding from wisdom.

Anapitam—anusathi are here seen to be synonymous ; wane order.

Vasantam living (sub. janam) parisadya, and paripdya are nearly synonymous.

Uddhinamhi—a doubtful word— wey a wish?

Atha sanstirandya from Wy afwzweii collection or security of property ?>—more

correct in the other idiom santilandya, yf calm or repose in a religious sense.

Ustdnam—only explicable by the other text suthdnam or Gare the excellent

abode ; see uddhinamht.

Pardkamami aham, or ahakam—wgqq@—this is the first time I have met with the

first personal pronoun nom, sing.

A’nanna guccheyam, seems introduced parenthetically (others I will not approach)

SayANs y,—but the passage is doubtful.

Idha chandni, 2eqZaifa—things connected with here, probably kdni, how many.

Agena—I have been here compelled to acknowledge Mr. TURNOUR’S more correct

interpretation—see note on the alphabet. wy, chief.

Notes to the Seventh Tablet.

Ichhati is written ivati in the Girnar copy, by mistake?

Vaseyu, any may incline or desire, awa.

Sa-yamam, qqq religious restraint: at Cuttack, sachhaman, aaa righteous ;

from YA RAH, "epose.

Bhdva sudhi, wage quiet of conscience, purity of mind.

Uchévacha, 3aqyarq high and low—extremes.

ge 2

256 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcg, «

passion may shine forth blended into one system, and be conspicuous in

undistinguishing charity! Unto no one can be repentance and peace of

mind until he hath attained supreme knowledge, perfect faith which

surmounteth all obstacles, and perpetual assent. )

Eighth Tablet.

In ancient times, festivals for the amusement of sovereigns consisted

of gambling, hunting the deer (or antelope) and other exhilarating plea-

sures of the same nature. But the heaven-beloved king PryapDAst |

having attained the tenth year of his anointment, for the happiness of

the wise by him hath a festival of religion (been substituted) :—and this —

same consisteth in visits to brahmans and sramans, and in almsgiving, “yl

and in visits to the reverend and aged; and the liberal distribution of

gold, the contemplation of the universe and its inhabitants, obeying the

precepts of religion, and setting religion before all other things, are the

expedients (he employs for amusement) and these will become an enjoy-

ment without alloy to the heaven-beloved king PiyaDAsI in another —

existence.

Chhando, @=e; Opinion: Ty yy: passion, taste.

Ekadesam, of one country, or gaye of One kind, but such a word does not exist.

Vidala(Cutiack) ) Tae expanded—visule (Girnar) is doubtful in the secondsyllable,

Katam hatd,— HARA, srpreme wisdom.

Dadhabhati, waufsq great faith or devotion; tdérini, arfcat that transports.

Nicha, faz always—The Cuttack version omits the two foregone qualifications,

and retains only bddham, aye assent.

Notes to the Lighth Tablet.

Rajdno vihdraydtaé, the plural réjéno seems here to be joined by samés with |

fazicx Qazi; although contrary I believe to rule, to express that such amusements

were common to all raéjas:—the Cutéack text has the singular noun, :

Neyaka, { have translated gambling, from ayy waste, wqaTaay; but perhaps it 3

should be adjectively applied as extravagant or destructive, to hunting.

Etamagavyd, from Tq; a deer? eyaqy (properly wajq| in the feminine, for tha

Cuttack text is right in using magaviyam in the neuter) the chase.

Abhiramakdni, pleasureable :—also, abhiramdani for qfacaqifa; chun puaso,

Quaaq Ue, the so should he carried on. :

Abhisito santo,—in Sanskrit @a@ being: as the ablative absolute.

Thairdnum vadhénam, here we have the parallel to the Pali ¢hero in zalat aged.

Hiranna patividhjno—yfafaure , repaying with interest.

Dhamma paripuva, ufeya placing before all else.

Tadopaya, aewy means, expedient for this. i

A hhayorati, pleasure without fear, is replaced in the Cuttack text with abhirame

imply enjoyment.

Bhdge ange, in another wit, fortune, or life.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 257

Ninth Tablet.

Thus spake king PryapAsi beloved of the gods!

«¢ Each individual seeketh his own happiness in a diversity of ways:

in the bonds of affection,—in marriage, or otherwise,—in the rearing

of offspring,—in foreign travel:—in these and other similar objects

doth man provide happiness of every degree. But there is great ruina-

tion, excessive and of all kinds, when (a man) maketh worldly objects his

happiness. On the contrary this is what is to be done,—(for most cer-

tainly that species of happiness is a fruitless happiness,)—to obtain the

happiness which yieldeth plentiful fruit, even the happiness of virtue;

that is to say ;—kindness to dependants, reverence-to spiritual teachers

are proper; humanity to animals is proper: almsgiving to brahmans and

sramans is proper:—all these acts and others of the same kind are to be

rightly denominated the happiness of virtue!

“« By father, and by son, and by brother: by master (and by servant)

it is proper that these things should be entitled happiness. And further

for the complete attainment of this object secret charity is most suitable:

yea there is no alms and no loving kindness comparable with the alms

of religion and the loving kindness of religion, which ought verily to be

Notes to the Ninth Tablet.

A’ha:—Whether by mistake or otherwise, the Cuttack text has kaha (ieimodena

Hindustani verb.

Attajano, Bla Sa; each man respectively, properly Wigea eo See (a

Uchavacham, see last edict—of high or low degree.

A’badhasi eva, or abadhasi, from wyqRq; bonds of affection, or ornament, whieh

latter will perhaps contrast better with the other objects.

Avgha-vivihesu, fAAqTS marriage, afqapt<s the opposite state.

Putalabhesu, Gama acquisition of a son—yaye foreign residence.

Mahadayo, &\q;: destruction, calamity.

Charadatham, qty Ha@ happiness in things of ordinary occurrence.

Ta-katavyameva, qaugaar in Sanskrit this member of a proposition comes

before the explanation of its nature.

A’yata, Yaa long, diffuse—the nouns are here put in the locative case without

apparent reason : etatkurtavyam mahaphalé mangale, &c. this is to be done in (or to

obtain) profitable happiness.

Bhatakamhi, aaa the hired labourer.

Apachiti, ay fata Worship, salutation,

Svamika, suvamika, warfaae @ master, lord—as a contrast I have inserted Lhataka,

servant, to fill a space of 3 letters.

Pavatam, qiwa concealed, covered,

Suhadayena natiiena, Gecaa Sifaa a ;—sapdyena may be ‘ impassionate.’

Uchaditavya, Begifaa cievated, purified, manifested ? qaqiq qqacw entire fulfil-

ment; or it may be read ramatamhi, cjq or TRY agreeable ; or Gawa Of this mind.

“<<< - -—.— ~~ —

258 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

upheld alike by the friend, by the good-hearted, by kinsman and neigh-

bour, in the entire fulfilment of pleasing duties.

“‘ This is what is to be done: this is what is good. With these things

let each man propitiate heaven. And how much ought (not) to be

done in order to the propitiation of heaven ?”

Translation of the Tenth Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapast doth not deem that glory and

reputation (are) the things of chief importance ; on the contrary (only for

the prevention of sin?) and for enforcing conformity among a people

praise-worthy for following the four rules of virtue, and pious, doth the

heaven-beloved king Piyapasi desire glory and reputation in this world ;

and whatsoever the heaven-beloved king Piyapas1 chiefly .displayeth

heroism in obtaining, that is all (connected with) the other world.

For in every thing connected with his immortality there is as regards

mortal things in general discredit. (?) Let this be discriminated with

encouragement or with abandonment, with honour or with the most

respectful force, and every difficulty connected with futurity shall with

equal reverence be vanquished.

Kacham, a to be done—distinguisned from katavyam what ought to be

done?

Swagdradhi, G a) seems used substantively: kdchana-ind, &c. may be read as

alata ValAUay Zur HTT :— end for ésa (kriya) how much aia this to be

done, as the propitiation of heaven ?—

Some passages in the Cuttack text differ from the other, but they are too much

mutilated to be separately interpreted.

Notes to the Tenth Tablet.

Mahathd vahi, either Aza of great importance or Awl eqq; great praise.

Taddptano-do-ghaya, &c. the Rare of this passage is unintelligible without

alteration—the pandit reads waagy, GNZal Vaaal qa faaat.

Etakdye—paratikaye misunderstood in the pillar edict hidakaye, paratikdye.

Apunnam, apakiti, AyU, Baia, disgrace, vice.

Apapardsave, BYYTIAE 4th case from Yrpe, on account of immortality ?

Vadakena, vajanena, admit of two interpretations either ae I aqisvaa by the

minister and by the people, or qcaa by separating and aaaag by abandonment,

i. e. by discrimination,

Dakarantu and dukarantu, I can only explain by deriving the first from ¢ to fear,

avoid, eagaa and the second from Sara labour strenuously, the whole

passage is difficult, and dukarantu is not properly a verb—it should be dukaran

kurvantu, Pali, karontu.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 259

Eleventh Tublet.

Thus spake Pryapasi the king beloved of the gods !—There is no

such charity as the charity which springeth from virtue !—(which is)

the intimate knowledge of virtue, the inheritance of virtue, the close union

with virtue ! And in these maxims is it manifested: “ kindness towards

servants and hirelings; towards mother and father dutiful service is

proper ;—towards a friend’s offspring, to kindred in general, to brah-

mans and sramans, almsgiving is proper: avoiding the destruction of

animal life is proper.” And this (saying) should be equally repeated by

father and by son, by brother and friend’s son, (?) by the hireling and

even so by neighbours in general !

This is excellent—and this is what ought to be done!

And whoso doeth thus, is blessed of the inhabitants of this world:

and in the next world endless moral merit resulteth from such religious

charity.

Twelfth Tablet.

The heaven-beloved king Pryapasi propitiateth all unbelievers,

both of the ascetic and of the domestic classes ; by charitable offerings

and by every species of puja doth he (strive to) propitiate them. Not

that the beloved of the gods deemeth offerings or prayers to be of the

same (value) with true glory. The promotion of his own salvation

promoteth in many ways, the salvation of all unbelievers ...... of which

indeed this is the root, and the whole substance.

Notes to the Eleventh Tablet.

Sanstavo, Y@qaq: intimate knowledge—or Waqyq eulogy ?

Samvibhigo, ofawta: inheritance, or the due distribution of religious duties ?

Sambandho, avqzq; property, union, friendship.

Vatavyam, perhaps afea to be performed, from warather than ama to be

Spoken.

Natikdnam if the 4 were long it might be yi@apay pandits.

Bhataka, wea @ hired labourer.

Sampatipati, the original has the m written with a stroke beneath apparently to

serve asthe vyanjan of the Sanskrit :—it must have been written by mistake in lieu

of the anusvara.

Notes to the Twelfth Tablet.

Pujayati, gaara propitiates by puja.

Pdsandéni pavajitani—gharistani, afafaara ascetics those who have entirely con~

quered their passions—7ZYeq A grihist or laity, possessing homes and families. It

will be remarked that the accusative case plural is made to terminate in dni instead

of an,

260 Inscription in the old chureeter on the [Marcn, —

Again, the propitiation of the converted heretic, and the reproof.

of the unconverted heretic must-not be (effected) by harsh treatment :

‘but let those who enter into discussion (conciliate them) by

restraint of their own passions, and by their mild address. By such and

such conciliatory demeanour shall even the unconverted heretics be

propitiated. And such conduct increaseth the number of converted —

heretics, while it disposeth of the unconverted heretic, and effecteth a_

revolution of opinion in him. And (he) encourageth the converted

heretic, while he disposeth completely of the unconverted heretic, whoso-

ever propitiateth the converted heretic, or reproveth the unconverted

heretic, by the pecuniary support of the converted heretic. Moreover

we thus stimulate materially the converted heretic. And whoso, again,

doth so, he purifieth in the most effectual manner the heretic; and

of himself such an act is his very breath, and his well-being,

Moreover ‘hear ye the religion of the faithful and attend thereto:

even such is the desire, the act, the hope of the beloved of the gods,

that all unbelievers may speedily be purified, and brought unto con-

tentment speedily.

Furthermore from place to place this most gracious sentiment choull

be repeated :—

Sara vadhi, @q,T essence, marrow, excellence—gfy increase. I have been forced

to translate this by periphrasis as salvation: perhaps it should be taken with kdrti—

kirti sava being a common expression, but the second time it occurs without it.

a ao STH: aptus, apt, gained, obtained.

Garahd, Wer abuse, censure: the sentence beyond is incomplete.

Apakaranamhi, qgRcA from GayTH treating with respect or doing vwell--Fathied

than qyAcal putting away.

Ldpakd, disputants? wy to contradict, dispute, speak—the verb for this is wanting.

Tamatamhi,—qaq desires, libidinous ? @a@ dark : better tam mata mhi, of this mind.

Chhanati, aufa according to the pandit signifies praises, gives pleasure to,—

in the dictionary ‘ injures, kills,’ or fgwijfq@ diminishes ; garakati, ae fq blames.

So, the nominative pronoun is omitted.

Apakaroti, undoes, puts to a distance—this verb governs a genitive.

Bhataya, [eat by the hire, or pecuniary employment.

Dipayema, we stimulate, ey aj kindle.

Manamanhasd—qayarey obedient, faithful.

Sunita ? gave hearing, or wa Ware hear ye and obey.

Pasannata, gaqa: With (or from) g grace.

Sava vagutt—I can only render this, by waa sta sarva vdgiti—this is the a

whole story.

Pujetaydtu, yaaa let be propitiated, (yéntu, in the plural, is neque ta ,

Jasa chevdno,—tasya cha evd ano, aye; vital breath.

Asu, seems used for the verb qa santu—or it may be TX instantly.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 261

« The beloved of the gods doth not esteem either charitable offering

or puja, as comparable with true glory. The increase of blessing to

himself is of as much (importance) to all unbelievers.”

For this putpose have been spread abroad ministers of religion,

“‘ninisters possessing fortitude of mind, and practisers of every virtue* :

may the various congregations co-operate (with them) for the accom-

plishment therefore. For the increase of converts is indeed the lustre

of religion.

Thirteenth Tablet.

we... Whose equality, and exertion towards that object, exceeding ac-

tivity, judicious conduct...... afterwards in the Kalinga provinces not to

be obtained by wealth ...... the decline of religion, murder and death, and

unrestrained license of mankind ; when flourished the (precious maxims)

of Deviinampiyo, comprising the essence of learning and of science :—

dutiful service to mother and father ; dutiful service to spiritual teachers :

the love of friend and child ; (charity) to kinsfolk, to servants (to brah-

mans and sramans, &c. which) cleanse away the calamities of generations :

further also in these things unceasing perseverance is fame. There is

not in either class of the heretics of men, not, so to say, a procedure

marked by such grace, ...... nor so glorious nor friendly, nor even so

extremely liberal as Devdnampiyo’s injunction for the non-injury, and

content of living creatures ......... and the Greek king besides,

by whom the kings of Egypt Protemaios and ANTIGONos (?) and

Maeasg, ...... both here and in foreign (countries) ; every where the

religious ordinances of Devanampiyo effect conversion, wherever

Yecha, further, qq ‘ and this.’

+ Ichhd kritasaya SAI Alfa Big: wish, act, hope? perhaps the last word

should be sava,

Ithaijha, WaT fortitude of mind—whence thairo or thero.

* QOr as in the opening remarks, three grades of ministers, dhamma mahdémdtas,

thaijha (or thero) mahdmatds, and vividha kamikds, subordinate er working agents.

Netes to the Thirteenth Tablet.

Pasamatd, &c. These words are all Sanskrit, WHAT aASSaAT @EBmadt

Raa aT: and they all apply eulogistically to éasa, whose; but the name of the

party thus praised is unfortunately erased.

. Adhanaladhesu @pyqwqse not acquired or acquirable by wealth ; an epithet prov-

ing that the ‘ Calinge ore maritime’ were in those days rich and popuious.

Dhammaviyo aq waste, destruction of religion ?

Apaviha; q~ carrier of a burthen, that is being under restraint? apavdha, nou-

endurance.

Badhe gq to be powerful or large?—or better vadhe.

. Achhata seat purity qaTqTCT?— the rest is gone.

962 _ Inscription in old character on the (Marca,

they go; ...... conquest is of every description: but further the conquest

which bringeth joy springing from pleasant emotions, becometh joy it-

self; the victory of virtue is happiness: the victory of happiness is not to

be overcome. That which essentially possesses a pledge of happiness,—

such victory is desired in things of this world and things of the next

world !

And (this place) is named the WHITE ELEPHANT conferring pleasure

on all the world. :

Fourteenth Tablet.

This religious edict is caused to be written by the heaven-beloved

king Prypasr. It is (partly) (written) with abridgment ; it is (partly)

with ordinary extent; andit is (partly) with amplification: not inco-

herent (or disjointed) but throughout continuous (and united) it is

powerful in overcoming the wise ; and it is much written and caused to

be written, yet it is always but the same thing repeated over and over

again. For the persuasive eloquence which is lavished on each sepa-

rate subject shall man the rather render obedience thereunto !

Furthermore, at one time even unto the conclusion is this written,

incomparable in manner, and conformable with the copy, by RELACHEPU

the scribe and pandit.

Yona raja, see opening remarks.

Pitiraso saladha Tfaca aay: for want of a better interpretation !

Man, this syllable more than once repeated may stand for mangalam, commonly

written @], in Sanskrit Manuscripts.

Nasarasake, aia TITACTaAA conferring permanent happiness, wg a pledge.

' Swetahasti, written, pasti on the cloth copy :—also pavd loka, which I correct to

sava by the addition of a stroke to the Sieg p, h, and sare frequently mistaken

inter se by the transcriber.

Notes to the Pees Tablet.

Sankhitena asti qfaqqa abridged. See P4li grammar, page 133, pubbena gdman,

east of the village, for this use of the 3rd case.

Majhamena, Haq widdle, mean : vistitena faeqa spread.

2 ‘

Navayavam, compounded q and qaqaq divided into syllogisms?

Pavata or savata, on rocks, or every where. @feaq devised, attempted, in contact

with.

Likhapdyisam, for payston, resembles the inflection still retained, payis, pore

Punepanavatam, aq: yaad done again and again.

Médhiritdaya, aratcar sweetness, figuratively.

Asamdtam, @TqaATF to the conclusion.

Sachhaya kéranancha, Fqy ACY an act with a shadow or copy?

Pandithena, the the should be te; it may be wizaq by one of the Pandava caste.

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 268

Remarks, On the first edict.

The understanding of the opening sentence of this edict baffled me

for a long time because of the separation of the word kanchi by the

termination of the first lme—rdhanakam chijivam was the obvious and

unintelligible reading; for it must be remarked that throughout the

Girnar and Cuttack inscriptions the words are all run into one another,

Sanskrit fashion, and we are deprived of the material help afforded by

their separation on the Dedhz pillars.

There is also more uncertainty in the value of many of the letters

particularly the vowels, in this than in many of the following edicts ;

probably from its being at the top it was more exposed to the weather

and less accessible to the copyist. I cannot therefore be satisfied with

my translation until I get a facsimile.

It seems to have been a common practice with Buddhist kings to

commence their reign by proclaiming a prohibition of the destruction

of animal life. Thus in the second taranga of the Raja Tarangini

the following account of the first act of MeGHaVvAHANA*, a Buddhist

sovereign of Kashmir of the third or fourth century:

aalwes waa wcaatfyaricu: |

BHAA AVS YSRTATHTIAA [I

aaiuamifaay aa cafaafcd

fauiut ufvateti earera vifaarey: 11

AUtighaaegsy arcfagraw sar: |

Baeayy: feewws ATH ||

‘At the time of (MEGHAVAHANA’S) coronation, his ministers by his com-

mand sounded the drum in all places for the prohibition of slaying.

“The killing of living beings being restrained by the prosperous king, his

ministers obliged (the people) to resort to sinless occupations according to their

several means.

‘¢ In his reign, who equalled Jina (Buddha) the successful Opponent of Ka’ma

an animal for sacrifice was made (in effigy) of cakes and clarified butter,”

The expression ekdchdé samija sddhumaté, might almost be inter-

preted, ‘ the worship of onz is wholesome for the congregation ;’ but it

_is remarkable that throughout the document there is no mention of the

deity, or any object of direct worship. The sacred pyam™a, ‘ virtue,’

* This name reminds us forcibly of the epithet of AIRA RAJA at Khandgiri :—~

I find no account given of its origin, but the pandit supposes it may have been

a title obtained from his invasion of Ceylon, to which island (being befriended by

Varuna) the Cashmir raja was conveyed without touching the water,

21 2

264 Inscription in old character n the (Marcu,

or ‘the law’ is held forth as the great rule of conduct, and future happi-

ness or punishment are inculcated as the motives, but neither BuppHa,

nor any member of the Hindu pantheon is introduced by name or

allusion. I dare not imagine that by the expression—raja asti pitu, it

is intended that the raja was a deified object, to whom alone reverence

(ekarcha@) was to be paid.

On turning to the infallible #ika upon our inscriptions afforded by

Mr. Turnour’s admirable Mahawanso, we find a circumstance recorded

which may help us materially to understand the obscure passage relat-

ing to the mahdnaso or kitchen. It seems that Asoxa followed for

three years the example of his father in bestowing food daily on sixty

thousand brahmans. On the change of his faith the .brahmans were

discharged, but an equal number of Buddhist priests were maintained in

their stead, dnd their food doubtless was of a more simple and harmless

nature.

Tato rdjé pasanno so digunena dine dine

Bhikkhu satthi sahassdni anupubbenupatthahi.

Titthiydnan sahassénan nikkaddhiwdna satthi so,

Satthi bhikku sahassdni ghare nicchamabhojayi.

‘ Thereafter this king increasing the number from day to day gave alms to

sixty thousand Buddhist priests as formerly (to the brahmans). Having dis-

missed the sixty thousand heretics, he constantly maintained in his palace sixty

thousand Buddhist priests.’

[For remarks on the second tablet see the February number.]

Remarks on the Third Tablet.

Nothing in this edict calls for particular notice. The term visite

conquered country is, as in the second edict, applied to Swrushtra—not

to Cuttack. The appointment of an anusayanam or feast of repentance,

every five years, is unknown I believe to the religionists of either deno-

mination nowadays; though its efficacy in removing sin is acknowleqia™

by Manu.

QI AA a AVIIIAAT | Waa ya Wedraacaay |

‘ By confession, by penitence, by fasting, by reading the sacred texts, the

sinner is absolved from his sins, also by almsgiving, and by restraint of the

passions.’

Did not the two texts agree, it would be preferable te read anusasa-

nam, a public promulgation of the sacred maxims every five years,

otherwise it does not well appear why their specification should here be

introduced. Of the maxims themselves it is also worthy of notice that

they are not comformable to any particular creed—they comprehend

neither the eight mdrgas (ways); not the four satyas (truths) of the

1838.} rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 265

Buddhists; nor yet the five great sacraments*, nor the four domestic

sacraments of Mrenut.

They are all however frequently alluded to as good acts, and the

brahmans do not yield to their rivals in applauding either humanity to

animals, or charity to one’s neighbour.

The word parisdpiyuto seems derived from parishat, an assembly,

S. afcwyai the president of the assembly.—It would seem that names

had not been assigned to the grades of priesthood by the use of this and

other general terms mahdamata, &c. throughout the inscription, or that

it applied to no particular sect.

Remarks on the Fourth Tablet.

The publication ‘by beat of drum’ here alluded to may reasonably

be supposed to be the very one recorded in the Ceylonese annals as

having taken place on Asoka’s hearing of the construction of the

various viharas throughout his kingdom ;—[ Mahawanso. Epit. p. 37.]

Lekhe sutwa, mahérdja, mahatejiddhi wikkamo,

Kdtu, kamo sakinyewa sabbd rama mahamahan,

Purabherin chardpési ‘‘ sattame diwase ito

Sabbadramamaho hotu sabba desesu ekadd.”’

Vojane yojane dentu Mahadanam mahitale.

Karontu gaméramanan maggdnancha wibhisanan.

Wiharesu cha sabbesu bhikku sanghassa sabbatha,

Mahddandni, wattentu yatha kdlan, yatha balan,

Dipamala pupphamala lankare cha tahin tahin,

Turiyehi cha sabbehi upaharun anekadha:

Uposathangd naddya sabbe dhamman sunantu cha,

Pujawisése nekecha karontu tadaht picha.

‘* Having heard these dispatches read, the glorious, the superlatively-gifted, the

victorious sovereign having resolved on having a great festival of offerings at all

the temples at the same moment caused to be published by beat of drum through

the capital; ‘ On the seventh day from hence throughout all the kingdoms in the

empire let there be a great festival of offerings held on the same day. Through-

out the empire at the distance of each yojana let there be great offerings be-

stowed. Let there be decorating of the roads to villages as well as temples. In

all the vihares let almsgiving to the priesthood be kept up in every respect, as

long as practicable, and liberally as means will allow.

‘¢ At those places decorated with festoons of lamps and garlands of flowers in

various ways and joyous with every description of music, let a great procession

be celebrated, and let all persons duly prepared by a life of righteousness, listen

to the doctrines of the faith, and let innumerable offerings be made on that day.’ ”*

*qaiiaafanal wan auvafe: | wiqygawaa sqanifearaan:

reading the Veda, sacrifice, of the homa, hospitality, offering to manes, &c. grace

at meals (libation to the gods). Amera cosha.

+ The domestic sacraments differ only in the omission of the homa. Menu

Chap. II. 86.

266 Inscription in old character on the (Marcu,

The ambiguous terms (alluded to in the notes) vimana dapana,

hasst dapand,—may be the titles of some particular discourses of

Buppua, ‘the mirror of grief’ and ‘ the mirror of hilarity’—for we

find the next expression agikhandhdni (though it should be in the sin-

gular rather than the plural) is explained by Mr. Turnour to be the

parable of the “ hill of fire,’—-a celebrated discourse of Buppuo,

which had special effect in the conversion of distant nations: thus in

the Mahawanso:

Gantwd parantakdn théré Yénaké Dhammarakkhito

Aggikkhandhépumdnsuttan kathetwd janamajjhago.

So sattatisa sahassdn pané tathéd samdgaté

Dhammdmaté mapayési dhammadhammesu kowide,

Purisdndm sahassancha, itthiiyécha tatodhika,

Khattiydnan kuldyéwa nikkhamitwanupabbajun.

‘ The théro y6nako DHAMMARAKKHITO repairing to the Aparantaka country

in the midst of the populace preached the ‘‘ aggikkhanddpuman’’ discourse (of

Buppuo). This (disciple), who thoroughly understood how to discriminate true

from false doctrines, poured out to the seventy thousand who had assembled

before him the delicious (draught of the) true faith. A thousand males and a

still greater number of females, descendants exclusively of Ahathiya families,

pelled by their unreligious ardor, entered into the priesthood.’

Remarks on the Fifth Edict.

The deputation of missionaries to different countries is particularly

described in the Mahawanso, Chapter XII. of which I here annex the

translation only, as the passage is rather long.

‘‘ The thero son of MoGGAxt, having terminated the third convocation, was

reflecting on futurity: perceiving that the times had arrived for the establish-

ment of the religion of Buppuo in foreign countries he dispatched severally in

the month of ‘ Kattiko’ the following theros to those foreign parts.

‘* He deputed MassHaAntTIKO to Kasmira and Gandhdra, and Mauapevo to

Mahisamandalam : RakKITO to Wanawasi, and Yona DHAMMARAKHITO to

Aparantaka. He deputed MAHADHAMMAKKUHITO to Maharatia, and MAaua-

RAKKHITO to the Yona country: Massurmo to the Himawanta country and to

Sowanabhumi the two theros Sono and Uttaro. He deputed MAHAMAHINDO,

together with his (Mocca t's) disciples Irtiyo, Uttryo, SamBaLto BHADDA-

SALO (to Ceylon), saying unto these five theros, ‘ Establish ye in the delightful

land of Lanka the delightful religion of the vanquisher (Jina).’ ’’ | 5,

The only places in the above list which agree with the more authen-

tic record of our inscription are Gandhara and Aparantaka. The for-

mer of these is known as the country of the Gandaride or Gandari

of StraBo and HERopotus. Professor Wi1xLson has collected all that

can throw light on the position of this nation in his notes on the History of

Cashmir, As. Res. XV. 104. That it was situated in the Panjab there

is every reason to conclude, and now that we know the Buddhist

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 267

sources of information open to the Egyptian geographers we may adopt

Protemy’s locality—“ Inter Suastum et Indum sunt Gandare,” with

confidence. Candahar, if one of the Alexandrias, must be thrown out

of the question. |

Aparantcka of the Cuttack text I should have translated as the

uttermost boundary ‘ place having no beyond’—the ultima Thule in

short of the BuDDHISTS ; were it not accounted by Mr. Turnour, as a

distinct country, one however as the glossary tells us “ not yet identified.”

The mode of spelling the word at Girnar, ( Apardta,) may help us in

identifying it with the Aparyte of the Greeks—for Heroporus couples

this nation with the Gandarw as having served in the army of XERXES

Sarrayvoa: Se car Pavddpior Kat Aadika Te kat Arapuvra.—formed together the

seventh prefecture of the Persian empire, under Darius HysraspeEs.

Who the latter were, professor WILSon saysis still dubious—the name he

adds may be derived from apara ulterior or western, and thus the sense

reverts to my first supposition. But the inscription has apaurdtabhata-

mayesu, in the boundaries of apardtabhata ; a term more nearly agree-

ing with the reading of the Ptolemzan name by Isipors—aparbartica,

which RENNELL converts into aparbatata a low-lander*.

Kambocha, must be the Camboja so often mentioned in WILForp’s

essays, and by him, I know not on what authority, always classed with

the mountainous tract of Ghazni. |

Pitenika or Peteni may certainly be the Plithana of the Periplus,

which Dr. Vincent, following WiLForD, establishes as Pultuna in the

Dakhan about twenty days’ journey south of Barugdza, or Baroach, a

mart of some importance in the time of Arrian. It may however be

objected that all the rest of the names denote countries not cities, and

that Pultina seems too near home to be mentioned among countries out

of India proper; yet I can hardly concur with Witrorp’s speculations

regarding Patthinistdn and carry it all the way to Egypt, notwithstand-

ing the alliance with Protemyt+.

Of Suldthika in the Cuttack text, all I need remark is that its omis-

sion at Girndr is so far evidence that Kattywar or the Gujerdt penin-

sula was included in the district of Swurdshtra,—Tes-suriosta or

Surastrene of the Greeks. Further the orthography of the name both

here and in a Sanskrit inscription which I shall soon have occasion to

describe, is Suwrashtra ; not Sawrashtra as modern authors generally

write it. And the Greek orthography is therefore the more correct.

Of those names of countries which are indistinct in the two texts it is

unnecessary to say any thing until we obtain a more correct copy.

* Witson, As, Res, XV. 104, * Asiatic Researches, III. 338.

268 - Inscription in old character on the [Manrcw,

The only other name that occurs is one of some importance and

celebrity, being no less than Pétaliputa itself the capital of the Mauryan

dynasty of Magadha, known as such in the Buddhist annals, and in the

Greek authors as Palibothra. In Sanskrit it is written with precisely

the corresponding orthography, Wei@ys:, but in the Buddhist annals

we find sometimes Patiliputto, with the dental ¢. No clue is afforded of

the position of the town by the inscription, but it is remarkable that the

name is omitted at Dhauli, and in its stead the expression hida cha

‘ here’-—* at home’~as contrasted with bahilesu cha, or béhiresu,

‘ without, abroad, among foreign countries’ qiqy. Of hida, for <¥

more will be said when I speak of the dialect.

Remarks on the Sixth Tablet.

I was inclined at first to look upon the prativedakas, as a kind of

khabar navis or newswriters appointed every where to send informa-

tion to the sovereign of what was going on among the people, as is

universally the practice with native courts at this day:

Or again the recurrence of the word atham (artham) which means

wealth, riches, as well as interest, object, might induce some to consider

them inspectors appointed to assess the wealth of the people,—for the

collection of revenue, arthasanstirand ?

But the sense adopted is preferable, and we may either regard this

edict as setting on foot an extensive system of national education (an

education in which conduct through life was the thing taught)—or a

system of judicial administration to take cognizance and decide on all

departure from the moral law—and this latter is the more likely, because

the mention of atyayaka or agents of punishment immediately follows.

The adjudication of punishments is treated of at greater length in the

west compartment of the Delhi pillar, the correct interpretation of

which is still a desideratum.

Remarks on the Seventh Tablet.

The only remark which it occurs to me to make on this short sen-

tence, relates to the last word bédham, which I stated, in my transla-

tion of the inscription round the shaft of the Feroz 1a at Delhi, not to

be Sanskrit. True it is not to be found in Wixson’s Dictionary nor in

CoLEBROoKE’s Amera cosha, but KAMALAKANTA informs me now

that the word q1¢ bddham frequently occurs in Sanskrit works. Thus,

in Bhavadeva Bhatta’s Dasakarma this word is given with the signi-

fication of assent “yes.” The guru is instructing the noviciate what he

isto do, ARAIT uaa aiefafa gala, ‘the pupil answers to all this

1838.] vocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 269

“ bidham” or yes. we Te Ee FS are expletives used to complete

verses according to the Kavikalpalata.

The sense therefore of the pillars entence—Dhammavadhiydcha

badham vadhisati, should be “ and by the growth of grace, assent will

also increase.”

: Remarks on the Eleventh Tablet.

I am not sure whether in lieu of the sense adopted in the translation

of this sentence, we should not understand by dhamma dénam, the gift

of dharma, or religion ;—which gift transcends all other alms inas-

much as it brings the blessings of this world, and eternal happiness in

the next,—and the anantam punnam, or endless moral merit will thus

accrue not to the mere obeyer of the moral maxims inculcated, but to

the sovereign who bestowed so great a gift on his subjects. More com-

petent scholars must decide this point.

The Cuttack text does not contain a copy of this edict, which may be

accounted for by its being in substance a repetition of a part of the

preceding edict. The word mitasasuta, though it occurs twice in the

course of the short paragraph is by no means a satisfactory reading—it

looks in the original more like mita sastata, a facsimile will probably

remove this ambiguity.

| Remarks on the Twelfth Tablet.

That this edict should likewise not be included in the Dhauli series

may be explained, by supposing that the Buddhist religion already

predominated in the Kalinga provinces, and that therefore there was

less necessity to prescribe rules of conduct towards those who were well

inclined to become converts than others. By apta and para-pdsanad,

I should have understood well-disposed and obdurate heretics, had not

the concluding sentence, ‘the increase of the aptapdsandas is the

splendour of religion’ shewn that the former must be rendered heretics

actually converted, or converts,

The continual recurrence of the same words makes it nearly impos-

sible to give an elegance to a translation which I strive to preserve as

literal as, possible; there are also not a few ambiguities which cannot

be cleared until we have an actual facsimile. In fact I have had more

trouble with this than most of the foregoing tablets. Having merely a

dictionary for my guide I am perplexed how to translate such an

expression as Sdravadhi, a1<efa: sdra has a dozen meanings, pith,

essence, vital part, substance, marrow, wind, sickness, cream, firmness,

water, wealth, propriety, steel, climax! but none of these applies to the

condition, that, increased in the king, it should also be increased in all

heretics, What constituted his g/ovy would also constitute theirs, namely,

‘

}

;

270 Inscription in the old character on the [Marcu,-

their conversion ; it must then be connected with Kirti; the ‘pith’ of

his religious merit or glory, must be a blessing or salvation, and by

this periphrasis have I therefore ventured to translate the term, which

as the basis of a strong and magnanimous argument is twice repeated

in the course of the paragraph.

[For the Thirteenth tablet see the opening remarks. }

Remarks on the Fourteenth and last Tablet.

When I first transcribed this tablet to read it over with the pandit,

he exclaimed at the word sankhitena, and wondered at the ignorance of ©

the scribe who could have pretended to call such corrupt and illiterate

language by the sacred name of Sanskrit. A little inquiry however

convinced us that the word sanskritam was always written sankatam

in Pali, while the Pali word sankhitéam, with double ¢, regularly repre-

sented the Sanskrit YfaH ‘ abridged.’ Thus in the second hne of the

Mahawanso itself we find almost the very expressions in the paragraph

before us:

Pordanchi katopeso, atiwittharito kwachi,

Atiwakwachi sankhitto, aneka punarutiako.

“Which the Hon’ble Mr. Turnour thus translates ;

‘¢ That which was composed by the ancient (historians) is in some respects

too concise, in others too diffuse, abounding also in the defects of tautology.’’

The resemblance here to asti sankhitenu, and asti vistatena, is

remarkable :—and in aneka punaruttako, we perceive an anology to

etakam punepunavutam.

It might be objected that pé is never in the Girnar text contracted

to tt, but is written at length, as in chaptdro, dpta; but here again it

may be answered that the p in apta was necessary to distinguish it from

atta, the Sanskrit déma, which in Pali proper is written afana.

Another example may be quoted from the preface to Mr. Turnovur’s

work, wherein the words occur as in our text, in the third case. .

It is a citation from the commentary on the Rupa siddhi, speaking of

KacucH4yano the grammarian, (Katya’yana:)

‘* Tabbansi kécchayamiti Kacchdyano, kochdyan,

Kacchdyané néma? Vo etad aggan, Bhikkhawé f

Mama siwakdnan bhikkinan sankhitténa

Bhasitassa witthdrena atthan wibbajantanan

Yadidan mahdkachchayanolti etad aggé thapito

Bhagawa mdn chatuparisa majjhé nisinnd.

(Iflam asked) who is this Kacucua’YANO? whence his name KAcnucHa’YANO?

(I answer) It is he was selected for the important office (of compiling the first

Pali grammar): ‘‘ Bhikkhus, from amongst my sanctified disciples, who are

capable of elucidating in detail that which is expressed in the abstract, the most

eminent is Mawa’kacucHa’yano.”” Thus said BHAGAWa’ seated in the midst

of the four classes of devotees (of which his congregation was composed).

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhaulé in Cuttack. 271

But there is no occasion to go further :—all will acknowledge that

the language of the inscription is not Sanskrit—What is it then? To

answer this question I must solicit stilla little space. First however I

must take a review of the Girnar alphabet, for it is evident that it con-

tains many additions to the more simple elements of the pillars. These

additions, to which onlyI have time to allude, will be found to complete

the alphabet to the existing standard of the Pali of Ceylon.

§ 1. Completion of the Alphabet.

The most remarkable change observable in the alphabet has al-

ready been noticed in my paper of last June, namely the substitution of

the letter j for .J in all words now written with an 7 in Sanskrit, but

on the pillars spelt with an J, as JE Ads O, &c. now corrected to

T €-20 | © raja, dasaratha, &c. Although there are many words

in the Sanskrit in which the use of the 7 and ry is indifferent, still the

invariable employment of the former liquid, does not appear to have

been ascribed to any of the numerous Ps dkrits or even the Apabhran-

sas, by the Sanskrit. grammarians. In a succinct account of the pecu-

liarities of the latter extracted by the learned Prof. Lassen from

the Praékrit grammar called Kalpataru, we find only one allusion to

the intermutation of r and J :—

ae Fifas ay faqwgqu qaras Ars TAILS |

Siet Drdévidé litterze n permutatione, Paschd4tyé immutatione r et J. -

Now the Paschdtyaja are those born in the west (of India), and we

should thence expect the Gujerdt orthography rather than that of Cué-

tack, Delhi or Allahabad to be deficient in the distinction of the two

liquids, unless indeed the term were employed by a writer of Bengal,

for they like ourselves give the name of western provinces ( sc. of this

presidency) to all west of Allahabad and the Ganges ; and of east, only

to those east of Patna. The exclusive use of / belongs to the Chinese

family of nations.

Of other letters made known by. the Girnar tablets we may notice

first in order the |, or gh, which can nolonger be denied a place, or con-

founded with any other letter, because it now occurs in the well known

word gharistani (S. grihastani), and inmegha, ghara, ghata, &c. of the

Kalinga and Sainhadri inscriptions. These words it must be observed

occur only in those tablets of the Cuttack inscription wherein the letter

| is used, and which so far resemble in dialect those of Girnar. The

orthography of griiastdnz on the pillars is girithani. It does not there-

fore follow necessarily, though there is every probability thereof,

that the g is never used for gh; but when we find the aspirate pre-

2m 2

272 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu,

sent in other words of the same monuments, such as ghanti, sanghathast,

&c. we are bound not unnecessarily to aspirate the simple g, where it.

ean be read without doing so. Thus the word aga of the inscription

must be read as agra 4¥, rather than agha, wa; and Mr.

Turwour’s reading of agdya and agena in the opening of the pillar

edict is correct; while my own reading, aghdya, aghena, must be

abandoned. I am the more anxious to acknowledge my error, and

make the amende to my friend, our on/y Pali scholar, because at the

end of the sixth tablet we find the same adjective employed :—idam

anata agena parékamena, ‘ this with the utmost respectful force,’—here

the sense insisted upon by my pandit of ‘than which all else is sinful’

cannot certainly be applied to pardkrama, heroism, on account of the

context.

The nasal of the first class of consonants, or gutturals has not been

yet recovered, because its place is generally supplied by the anuswara ;

but in one or two places I thmk the & may be traced in its primitive

form of LCL: at any rate it may be safely constructed so, from the

analogy of the form in the No. 2 alphabet [| also found on the coins

in the name Simha vikrama (written sometimes Nya singha), and from

the more modern form of the Tibetan & ng.

The letter 7h 4, is of rare occurrence, even in the Sanskrit. It is_

not therefore to be wondered at, that we should be tardy of discovering

it in the ancient alphabet. Yet in Puk this letter takes the place of

the Sanskrit ¥ in madhya, madhyama, ‘middle,’ and perhaps of 77 in

nirjita and of rdy and ryy and other similar compounds which in pro-

nunciation assimilate to yh ; and it is thus more likely to be found in a

Pali than a Sanskrit monument. On my first review of the pillar al-

phabet I was inclined to look upon the letter P as jh, from its occur-

rence in the word ¥ my 2 majhimd, coupled with uwkasé and gevayd,

domestics and ascetics, but it seemed better explained by 77 in other

places. A similar expression in one of the Girnar again leads me

to consider it as jh, viz. ‘sankhitena, majhamena, vistitena,’ where

the central word is written & HY | both in the Girnar and in the

Dhauli versions of the concluding paragraph. Again in the pillars it

is generally inflected with the ¢ or the @ vowel mark, which could not

be the case with 77%; and lastly, it bears considerable affinity to the

Bengali a jh which also resembles the v7 of the same alphabet ; I there-

fore now pronounce } without hesitation to be a jh; and I must modify

former readings accordingly*.

* This it is not difficult to accomplish : ex. gr. in the western tablet of the Feroz

1&t, ndsantan nijhipayitd ddnamdahanti, may be Sanskritized as follows : arse free

1838.) rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 273

The z of the second class, or palatials is an acquisition upon which

there is no room to doubt. It is a peculiarity in the Pali language that

this letter, which has the pronunciation of ny, both supplies the place

in the Sanskrit compound letter jn in such words as rujnah <TsH:' of a

prof’ce, and Sis djnd, ‘ order’—and of =, or ny in such words as Yayq;

anyatah, else, q=aifa anydni, others; and in aaa manyate, Pali

mannate, deems. Now these and many other examples occur most

opportunely in the Gzrnar inscriptions—the letter}, with the ne-

cessary, vowel, inflections } fie, t aé, or A fo being invariably em-

ployed in all such cases; asin the sixth tablet above quoted, HhA

HALLE +81 afata agena parékamena: whereas in the Delhi

pillars the word anata, for instance is written 4° | \ annata, with the

dental n, the-only one there made known to us, doubled by the anus-

wara. In this letter } we at once recognize the primitive form from

which are regularly deducible the “ of the No. 2 alphabet; the 4 of

the Tibetan, and the 3] of the modern Nagari, I should also be strong-

ly tempted to deduce from this letter rather than from | the » of the

| Mahamalaipura alphabet of Basinaron, f, but I have not closely

investigated the subject.

The next form of n, belonging to the cerebral series, has already

been made known to usfrom the Sainhadri cave inscriptions, ‘|; and the

modern derivative forms were on that occasion described (see page 1045

of volume VI.) In the present inscription this 2 invariably follows the

letter 7 asin Sanskrit ; ex.gr. D°¥ qd | [° Dhammacharanam ‘the

progress of religion.’ The vowel affixes are united to the central perpen-

dicular stroke as He ESF ne, na, no. A few words written in Sanskrit

with the dental n, are found in the inscription written with [, as jana-

sa, dusanam (7th and 8th tab.) and the same holds good of the gram-

matical Pali of books. It should be remembered that in the regular

Prékrit, this is the only x which ever stands singly in a word.

The only letter of the labial series which was yet wanting to us, the

ph, is most fortunately recovered through the indubitable expression

milini cha phalani cha in the second tablet of Girnar—‘ both roots and

= = al

fruits’—written g Jid bd. Intheletter b we at once per-

ceive the prototype of the % of No. 2, and the % of the Tibetan alpha-

ulfaar ara areata, ‘ expelling the murderer (from the town or community)

they shall give him an alms.’ And in the edict regarding animals,—fa se sajive.

nojhipayitaviye— ‘such while life remains shall not be abandoned,’ wearafaaa:

and in the last tablet for dhgmma niyame nijhayitéd bhuye, read fasaudra

‘the rules of dharma shall be invincible.’

ee a

274 _ Inscription in the old character on the (Marcn,

bet : and we see the reason why this was departed from in the Nagari

form, %, by turning the stroke outward, lest by turning inwards it

should be confounded with the ¥ or sh, a letter unknown in our old

alphabet. With reference to my former remark on the duplication

of alphabetic forms to produce the aspirates, it may be adduced as an

additional argument for such an assumption that in the oldest of three

plates from Kaira with copies of which I have been lately favored by

Dr. A. Burn, the ph of the word phala is twice written (jj or pp im

lieu of t ; which is the augmented Or aspirated form used in the other

plates, and which is more consistent with the original type now disclos-

ed to our knowledge.

Of the 6h I would merely take this opportunity of noticing that I

have discovered the period and cause of the two very opposite forms of

this letter which are found in later alphabets, as for instance the Mah-

ratta a and the Tibetan 4 (which agrees with the Devanagari or Kutila

of the 10th century 2,) and have proved them both to descend from

the original ,|| ; the Mahratta may be said to follow naturally from

the Sainhadri form; the other I have traced on the Saurashtra coins

of SkAnDA and Kumara GupPTA, where sometimes the one and some-

times the other form is employed, the latter being the natural course

followed by the pen in imitating the sculptured letter | , beginning at

the top, viz: ”;, whence would gradually follow %,, and ¥ with the

headstroke, common to all the modern characters.

The Pali contains but one s. We cannot therefore expect to find in

our ancient alphabet the prototype of either the Sanskrit wor ¥y. Of |

these letters I only notice the early forms because I have inserted them in

the accompanying lithographed plate. The modern form of 4 would seem

to be derived from the NW of the Samudragupta or No. 2 alphabet,

where again it might be presumed that it was introduced as a trifling

modification of the letter AJ, or s,—in fact, by closing the outer stroke |

or doing the same thing to this as was done to the p, to have the effect

of duplication or aspiration. Or, it may be more proper to consider it a

written modification of the more ancient form {) found on the copper-plate

grants of the third century dug up in the G'wjerat peninsula, whence the

transition is more evident and palpable to the various Pali and Sinhalese

forms, the Cashmere form and even the modern Nagari and Bengali.

It is not so easy to trace the origin of the tdéliba sha, @, in the old alpha-

bet but there is plausible reason to suppose that this was originally merely

the murdina or cerebral s A, turned in an opposite direction, invented to

denote another modification of the sibilant required in the refinement

of the Sanskrit alphabet. In the oldest Guierdti plates, these are writ

1838. ] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 273

ten |] fe] ; and exactly the same structure is retained in the square

Pali alphabet or stone letter of Barma, except that the stroke in the

centre is contracted into a dot, 9) ; further they are merely round-

ed in the modern Burmese for the facility of writing, GC) @. Inno

other alphabets that I know of are the analogies to the original type so

faithfully preserved as to shew that these two sibilants were originally

the same letter reversed in position, a mode frequently adopted, as I

have had occasion to notice before, in Indian alphabets to represent

slight modifications in sound, (see vol. VI. p. 475-6.)

The most ancient Sanskrit form, however, of the taliba sh is one I have

just discovered on a genuine inscription of the time of CaanDRAGuPTA,

where it is written TM and (Y. ‘This type is evidently the original of

the form so common on early Hindu coins andinscriptions, @], whence are

directly descended the Tibetan «, the Bengdli *t, and the modern Nagari

%, which heretofore presented a kind of anomaly in the derivation of our

alphabetical symbols.

Having thus recovered the complete, and as I consider it the prime-

val alphabet of the Indian languages, I have arranged in the accom-

panying plate the changes each letter has undergone in successive cen-

turies, as deduced from absolute records on copper or stone. The table

furnishes a curious species of palzographic chronometer, by which any

ancient monument may be assigned with considerable accuracy to the

period at which it was written even though it possess no actual date.

I begin with the sixth century before the Christian era,—because

I suppose that the alphabet which we possess, as used by the buddhists

of a couple of centuries later, was that i which their sacred works had

been written by the contemporaries of BuDDHA himself, who died in

the year 543 B. C.

What in some measure confirms this hypothesis is, that the Sanskrit

character of the third century before Christ, (of which I have intro-

duced a specimen in the plate from the genuine document above allud-

ed to*,) differs only so much from the original form as the habits of a

class of writers distinct in religion and more refined in language might

naturally introduce :—just as we afterwards find an equal degree of

modification from the type of Asoxa’s time, in the Sanskrit alphabet of

five centuries later, on the pillars.

The Asoka alphabet (the Sanskrit one) agrees very closely with that |

of our Surashtra coins, which may thence be pronounced to be ante-

rior to the Gupta series. The Gujerat plates dated in the third century

of the samyat era, differ but little from the Allahabad pillar or Samudra-

* I hope to be able to insert an account of this inscription in my next journal.

276 Inscription in the old character on the (Marcu, |

gupta, inscription, but that little is all in favor of their superior anti-

quity.

Of the more recent alphabets it is unnecessary to say any thing.

The Tibetan is acknowledged to be of the seventh century. The Kutila

alphabet is taken from the inscription sent down in facsimile by Colonel

Stacy from Bareilly :—we learn thence that the artist was of Canowy,

and we see that the Bengali, which was drawn from the same focus of

learning near a century afterwards, does not differ more from it, than

the modifications it has undergone since it was domiciled in the lower

provinces will explain ;—indeed all old Sanskrit inscriptions from Bena-

resto Cuttack differ only from the Kutila type in having the triangular

leop, 4, instead of the round one @.

A hundred other modifications of the primitive character might be

easily introduced, were I to travel southward or to cross to Ava or

Ceylon ; but I purposely avoid swelling the table ; and include only those

epochas of the Indian alphabet which can now be proved from undenia-

ble monuments. On a former occasion (Vol. VI. p. 222) the Amaravati,

Hala Canara and Tedinga alphabets were traced to the Gupta as their

prototype, and thus might others be deduced: but another opportunity

must be sought of placing the whole in a comprehensive table*.

In conclusion, I may again regret that our printers did not take for

their standard the form that would have served to blend the Bengali

and the Hindi into a common system!

§ 2. Lunguage of the Girnar inscriptions.

I must now say a few ‘ last words’ on the language or dialect of

the Gujerat edict as contrasted with that of the Cuttack copy, and the

idiom of the pillars. The'glossary which I have appended to the trans-

lation of each tablet has almost anticipated all I might have reserved

for this branch of my discussion. Reading, as Mr. Turnour justly

observes, through a Sanskritized medium, with a pandit at my elbow, and

without a Pali dictionary (if such a thing exists), my only method of

eoming at the sense has been by finding corresponding Sanskrit words

in every case ;—and so close is the analogy of the two languages, that

in most cases little more was necessary than to subjoin an 7 after a

p, or ay after an s; and to change final o into the visarga.

All doubt as to the pre-existence of the Sanskrit in its purest state

being set aside by the simultaneous production of a monument of

Asoka’s time, I need not trouble myself to prove the necessity of the

existence of a higher and more remote model to account for the marked

* Captain HARKNgss has lately published a very useful volume of the southe

ern alphabets, but none reach up even to our third series in antiquity.

Vol. Vi. Pl. KUL.

OOUNY fem 20d Wor

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bubopktreaphhbprekwe2so2: SOB SMU ovitsonsnin

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RATE CPRYOXITDZOUT? CODY APP MULE “Zoe

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+27

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1838. } rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 277

difference between the dialect of Gujerat and that of Cuttack. In the

former we find bhavati, asti, is; anusasti, command; dpta, fit; following

closely upon the Sanskrit etymology : whereas in the latter we have hoti,

athi, anusathi, atta, as in the modern Pali. It would be a process of

inversion indeed to derive the former from the latter, while we have

the instances of French, Italian and Latin before our eyes.

The dialect of Girnar, then, is intermediate between Sanskrit and P4li,

or rather the pillar idiom ; for Pali, so called, agrees in some respects bet-

ter with one, in some with the other, and in orthography decidedly

with neither !

Thus the word idha used at Gurnar for £z tha, ‘here,’ is correctly

the Pali term as may be seenin the long quotation about the erection of

a stupa in Ceylon inserted in last month’s journal.

The corresponding word in the eastern dialect is curiously modified

to hida, a fact I only ascertained by the collation of the two texts, and

one which at once opens an important discovery to aid our studies. In

several of the Dhauli inscriptions the expressions hidalokika paralokika,

—hidaloka paraloka, occur: at Gernar (12th tablet) we have also clokiké

paralokiké cha:—all these are evidently Sweat woffa

‘ of this world and of the next world.’ Now the opening of the pillar

inscription which so much perplexed us has the same elements hidata

palate—Ze YT or ewaraica: here and hereafter, a sense which at

once renders the passage intelligible. The same may be said of hida-

takaye palatakaye in the north compartment.

The eastern dialect is remarkable for this species of cockneyism

which, as far as I know, has no parallel in any of the grammatical Pra-

krits: thus the A is inserted before evam (hevam), idam and some

other words beginning with vowels.

On the other hand (but this is also a cockneyism) the semivowel y is

cut off in many words such as athd, add, ata,am which are correctly spelt

at Girnar,—yathd, yadd, yata (S. yatra) and yam. In these instances

the pillar language is remotest from the Sanskrit. There is a singular

exception however in the feminine pronoun iyam (S. <4) which is pre-

served throughout at Dhauli and on the pillars ; whereas at Girnar, ayam

is made both masculine and feminine, as in modern (or rather written)

Pali.

There cannot be a better test of the gradual change of language than

the word prati, a prefix in Sanskrit extensively used, implying 7elation,

direction or return. In the Pali of Girnar this is merely altered to pati

b x by omission of the vr. In the Mangere of the pillars the same prepo-

sition is always written pati, LC with the cerebral t. The orthogra-

SS < = > . =

: ‘

278 Inscription in old character on the’. (Marcu,

phy varies in the written Pali of books, being in Ceylonese pati, in

Burmese pati; while in Prakrit, the rules of which generally change the

; hard to the soft consonants, ¢ to d, ¢ to d, the word is written ¥fs padi

: as ufsureate for sfarq:eafa, &c. and perhaps we may recognizea - “

final-change into par in the modern Hindi, for instance in qtIw paros

from 9faaw prativesa vicinity, and other words.

Substantives suffer modifications not so great in extent, but equally

| remarkable, and significant of gradual corruption. |

The word man may serve as an example: Sans. Haw: manushyas ;

at Girnar, manuso; at Dhauli and on the pillars, munise ; Pali

manusso ; Prakrit— ? Bhakha, mdnvs. Again the Sanskrit, Ywa: puru-

shas, is made at Girnar, puruso (?); at Dhauli, pulise; Pali, puriso,

or poso; Prakrit, puriso. In modern dialects it is only used as a

Sanskrit word.

Of the changes undergone by the verbs a good example may be select-

ed in the substantive verb bhu, bhavati, be; which is found unimpaired

in several instances at Givndr, though never so on the pillars ;—ho#i, the

Pali form, sometimes takes its place in the Girndr tablets,—always. on

the pillars. The Prdakrit changes this to hodi, @ifz; whence it is

further softened to we hai and 2 he in the modern dialects.

ral di and | rt asti and ndsti (Sanskrit yf and arf) are also

retained in the original form at Girndr: at Dhauli they became athi and

nathi; whereas in Pali they are converted into atthi and ndtthi, The

future passive participle terminates as the Sanskrit in @a@, tavya, at

Girnar, and taviya at Dhauli; while Pali makes it tabba; Prakrit dabba ;

and the form is altogether lost in the modern bhdshas. This gradual

transition is well marked in the verb kri; do:—Sans. kar ttavyam ;

Gir. katuvyam ; Cut. kataviyam ; Pal. katavvam; Prak. kdédabbam.

In writing many Sanskrit words in which the sth, or st, dental, or cere-

bral, are required, a curious rule is adopted at Girnar of representing

them by a cerebral? with the s subjoined, as i Ub tisteyd for fatara, |

may remain; Wy anusasti for wa ata— } DEL adhistana for

ufezra. In all these the lowermost consonant is pronounced first.

Another similar anomaly is remarked in the mode of writing vy in

ib L A vydpatd (S. arat) +A db” katavyam (aia), &c. thev being plac-

4d below the y, whereas on ‘he: pillars (where the double consonant is

employed at all) it is correctly written } vy. The word bamhana, 3T@%,

is written with the h below ]-%_T ; it may therefore on the above prin-

1838.] rocks of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhault in Cuttack. 279

ciple be read with the A first, bdhmana, as nearer to the Sanskrit. At

Dhauli this word is invariably written badbhana. In modern Pali it is

written b7ahmano with the dental n.

In the inflexion of the seventh case we have at Girnar often ve mhe

(or hmi); at Dhauli * le mst or st. These correspond of course with

the Sanskrit smin in ufaa, &c. and all forms are allowed in the facile

grammar of the written Pali, along with the regular locative in e. It is

impossible not to recognize the Hindi postposition men in the Girnar

form of the locative case.

The conjunctive 4 va seems to be used for ‘and’ as frequently as ud for

‘or.’ Itis the Persian conjunction, and is used in written Hindi though

seldom in the spoken tongue; aur @i< the pandit pointed out in one

place written > dro, but I doubt the reading.

A great many other instances might be cited to prove that the lan-

guage of Girnar is not precisely either pure Sanskrit, or the pure Pali of

books: but as the buddhist volumes of Ceylon are acknowledged to be

posterior by 450 years to the death of Saxya, his tenets having been first

reduced to writing, in Ceylon, about 90 years before Christ, some

change may be allowed to have taken place in the mean time, and we may

presumethat the Girnar inscriptions represent the Pali (or vulgar) tongue

as it was in the time of Asoxa on the west of India, as the pillars shew it

to us as it was pronounced on the east, or in Magadha proper. Nowit is

curious enough that some of the distinguishing traits of the pillar dialect,

are just such as are pointed out by the grammarians of a later day as con-

stituting the differences between Magadhi and Pélh,—names it must be

remembered which are indifferently employed in Ceylon, Ava, Siam and

even China, to express the sacred language of the Buddhists. Thus,

quoting from MM. Lassen and Burnour’s Essai sur le Pali p. 156,—

“ Ra devient la en Migadhi; poulise, Pali powriso. Ce changement

a quelque fois lieu en Prakrit, jamais en Pali’—and again in the next

paragraph,—“ en Migadhi le nominatif singulier est en e (which takes

the places of visarga) tandis qu’en Prakrit et en Pali il est terminé en

o. ~The use of o in lieu of e for the masc. nominative is general, but

not universal in the text before us. The conclusion, to which the same

savans were led at that early period of their studies, may now require

a slight modification :—

- Une comparaison attentive du Prakrit et du Pali nous a conduit 4

eette conclusion :

“1. Qu’il existe, entre ces deux dialectes, une ressemblance telle

qu'on peut avancer gw’ils sont presque identiques ;

2Nn 2

q oe

en pepe

coool hs

Bi eee

‘ , u

280 | Inscription in old character on the (Marcu,

2. Que le Prakrit altére plus le Sanskrit que ne le fait le Pali, et

qu’il offre en quelque sorte, le second dégré d’alteration, comme le Pali

en est le premier et le plus immédiat.—Fssaz sur le Pal. 15.

The second position is quite true, and it has been fully developed in

a recent work (Institutiones Prakritics) by Professor Lassen, which

should be in the hands of every Indian philologist.

Constat itaque, Palicam linguam sacram esselinguam Bauddharum meridionalium,

id est eorum qui versus meridiem ab oris Kalinge potissimum solventes, religionis

Buddhaice doctrinam primum in Taprobanen insulam transtulere, indeque in Indiam

ultra Gangem transecti late propagaverunt. Ista lingua a Sanscritico fonte eodem

prorsus modo derivata est atque Prakrita precipua, decurtata vetustioris lingue

structura, nullis sive paene nullis adjectis novis inventis; uno tamen, ut ito dicam,

gradu antiquior quam scenicus sermo, ceteroquin arctissimo vinculo cum Prakrita

praecipua conjuncta, saepe ab ea omnino non diversa. Cujus rei in caussa nil

aliud fuisse potest, quam id, quod haec prius ad literarios usus accommodata fuerit

quam illa. Ut dicam, quod sentiam, uno saeculo commode orta esse possunt discri-

mina, quibus Palicaa Prakrita distinguatur. Cohaeret autem Palica lingua cum

emigratione Buddhaicae doctrinae in terras meridionales ; ipsa autem in India sine

ullo dubio nata est. Utrum statim ab initio lingua Palica usi sint Bauddhae meri-

diem petentes, necne, questio est satis obscura: verum enimvero, quum initia emi-

grationis in Taprobanem ante annos ante chr. n. 628-543 vix ponere liceat, eo aevo

vetustior vix erit Palicae dialecti accommodatio ad religionem Buddhae docendam;

quanto junior sit illo aevo, alii, historiae hujus sectae enuncleandae operam navan-

tes, videant. Prakritam autem scenicam quadringentisimo ante chr. n. anno vetus-

tiorem vix crederem, nec tamen ultra saeculum juniorem; nam in Mrichchakati,

dramate ante chr. n. probabiliter scripto, et quidem, si traditioni Indorum fides

habenda sit, circa ducentesimum ante chr. n. annum, Prakriticus sermo iam utitur

norma prorus eadem, atque, in recentioribus fabulis; neque ab illo tempore immu-

tatus est. Scenam autem ipsam si respicis, sciendum est, utrum ea ab initio varios

admiserit dialectos, necne, antequam ejus aetatem cum aetate dialectorum scenica-

rum conjungas.

LASSEN’s Inst. Ling. Pracriticae. 60.

The position assumed by M. Lassen, that the Pali of Ceylon was

immediately derived from the shores of Kalinga, independently of its

being matter of history, is supported by the evidence of the records now

discovered in that country. Yet it must be confessed that in some re-

spects there is a nearer connection with the dialect of Gujerdé: and it

is not unnatural to suppose that a maritime intercourse also prevailed

at a very early period between the western emporia of Suwrashtra, and

Tambapanni, the island so fruitful in aromatics, which would lead to

an intercommunion of those professing the same faith in the two coun-

tries.

The vernacular language of India at that period, then, varied in diffe-

rent provinces :—it approached more to the Sanskrit in the northwest ;

diverged from itin Magadha and Kalinga :—but it was in both places

essentially what is now called Pali, a word supposed to be derived from

1838.] rock of Girnar in Gujerat, and Dhauli in Cuttack. 281

wat pailli, a village; as we should nowadays distinguish gaonw dri, villa-

ger, boorish, from #rdé the language of the court. There is no trace of

genuine Prdkrit in either of the dialects, and we may therefore agree

with Prof. Lassen that the patois of the dramas was not used until

three or four centuries later. The grammarians who subsequently framed

the rules of this corrupted idiom cease to mention Pal at all ;—a proof

that it had already been banished the country along with the Buddhist

religion; while the Migadhi by them set down as nearly the lowest

of jargons is evidently quite different from the inferior language of the

pillars, and the Cuttack inscriptions.

Hereafter we may be able to classify the various written vernacular

languages of India in chronological order, as regular as the modifica-

tions of the alphabet in the accompanying plate, and thus venture to

approximate the date of many an uncertain author:—but the result as

regards the Sanskrit itself is already manifest ;—the further back we go,

the nearer we approach to this parent tongue. And yet in the sixth

century before Christ we are far, very far, removed from its pristine

purity, in what we suppose to be the spoken dialect of the day; while

on the other hand we have proof that the grammatical structure of this

classical language itself has not in the slightest degree changed since the

time of ALEXANDER the Great.

That there were many provincial dialects prevalent, even in the time

of Buppua has been already proved from the books of his followers. I

cannot however close my present hasty notice better than by inserting

the very words extracted from the Tibetan authorities by my friend

M. Csoma de Kérés at my request, since in the discussions which may

ensue upon this prolific theme it will be always more satisfactory to re-

fer to the author’s own words than to a translation. Mr. Csoma

writes :—

“‘ I beg leave to lay before you a passage from the Index or Intro-

duction to the one hundred volumes of the Kah-gyur (as quoted there

from the fourth abridged commentary on the Kéla chakra Tantra)

showing that the doctrine of SHAxya, after his death, was compiled in

different languages in different parts of India, and in some other foreign

countries. The quotation, in Tibetan is thus:

SA QUL'QUY S'S AD. LAREN AG YAN AGG AAS

rao YIAoA SNH QUa'YS WyQerqsa"

PBN UNS WSS GN: QSNTULELN AT BR" Nes"

yan Aa AVA Qa A SARS AGA MARA

eet!

ee i

nae

ES _— -

282 Inscription in old character, &c. (Marcn,

yeaa ySe ys yaar SQyy Sar SAN 1 HAH F:

is}

4°52

NOVA TT wae seys haga Va SHAG YAN

NL SLAY AS OV 1 Sse Ss Qasr gy AV YL’ HI

NER GAMING SST BL'SMANNS SO TUN YL Y L'A'Q

agar Lay ya vary Asay vs 1 VED UN A

LAAN SS ABI YN VHS ARS NLS YY SATA

ay eagas ays wus ary ays dy SH Sve’

Br Saye SasyvSuNrtl Say se qr Sam da

HSN OVNI UNM TUS gL VATA SV AT SOA

Qraas SryQyysy AVRorT FQQuasyy say

mA gare'gs word a Sav 11 Garanawy &e.

Translation.

From the fourth abridged commentary on the Kdla chakra.

‘After TaTHAGATA, the most accomplished Buddha, the Bhagavan

had been delivered from pain (or sorrow, i. e. had died) here in 4'ryadé-

sha, the compilers writing in books the three vehicles (or works on the

three-fold principles) they expressed all the three true repositories of

Sttra of TATHAGATA in his language. The Sdtra class in the Sindhu

language. The Prajnydé péramittd and the Mantras, in Sanskrit. The

several sorts of Tantras, in several languages: Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apa-

bhransha, in that of the mountaineers, and all sorts of mlechchhas. The

compilers thus collected all the doctrines taught by the all-knowing.

Accordingly all the three vehicles (Ydnam) in Tibet were written in

the Tibetan language. In China, in Chinese; in great China in great

Chinese. In the Parsika country, in Parsik language. On the north

of the Sita (Jawartes) river, in the languages of the Champaka country,

the Ape or Monkey country, and of the Gold-land (or country). Thus it

has been said.’ |

24th March, 1838. A. Csoma.”

[Note. I have not given a lithograph of Captain LaAne’s excellent facsimile on

cloth of the Girn4r inscription at length, because I am in hopes of soon having it re

vised on the spot, either by Dr. Burn or by Lieut. PosTans, when I shall hasten

to publish in a reduced form.—J. P. }

1838. } Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 283

VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 4th April, 1838.

The Right Reverend the Lorp Bisuor of Calcutta, in the chair.

Dr. H. H. Spry, proposed at the last meeting, was elected by ballot a

member of the Society.

Dr. F. Hurrnacue, was proposed by Mr. G. A. Prinser, scconded by

the Secretary.

Correspondence. :

Read letters from Enwarp R. Danre.u, Esq. Secretary to the Royal

Institution, Epwarp Baxrour, Esq. Secretary of the Royal College of

Surgeons, and Cuartes Konie, Esq. Secretary of the Royal Society of

London, acknowledging the receipt of the last volume of the Researches

and Journal.

Read a letter from H. Dovenas, Esq. (senior member of the Civil Ser-

vice, lately retired,) dated Patna, 14th March, 1838, acknowledging the

receipt of a copy of the Khazénatul I/m, presented to him by the Society

in consequence of the great assistance afforded by him to its compiler

Kuang assmentioned with gratitude in his preface.

Mr. D. states that the relatives of the author are poor and uneducated,

and a presentation copy would be thrown away on them.

Read a letter from Juntrs Dessarpins, Esq. Secretary to the Natural

History Society of the Mauritius, acknowledging receipt of the Oriental

publications of the Society, and forwarding for presentation to the Society,

continuation of the Meteorological observations kept by himself from

June to September, 1837.

In reply to the Society’s circular regarding tidal observations, M. DESJARDINS

states that Mr. Luoyp, Chief Engineer on the island, had organized a complete

series which had been sent direct to Professor WHEWELL.

Also a letter from M. Rovy ve Rocne ue, President of the Geogra.

phical Society of Paris, forwarding the 7th volume of their bulletin, and

noticing the receipt by mistake of duplicate of the Researches.

Also, a letter of thanks from Professor Bopr for the Mahabharata, &c.

and presenting his own works in return. (See library.)

Museum.

Colonel McLeop had completed the erection of the pillar upon which

the Bust of Witson was set at the entrance into the oriental end of the

Library: he received the thanks of the Society for the superior manner

in which it was executed.

Library.

The following books were presented by the authors :

Vergleichende Grammatik—or Comparative Grammar of the Sanscrit, Zend, Greek,

eee Lithuanian, Gothic, and German languages, three parts—by Professor FRANZ

OPP.

Text and Latin translation of the episode of Nalus from the Mahabharata, second

part—by the same.

Notice du Traité Persén sur les vertus de Hugain waiz Koschifi, intitulé, Akhla-

qui Mubc¢ini, de M. Garcin_DE Tassy.

Map of the Post roads in India—presented by Captain Taylor.

The following by Societies and editors.

Bulletin de la Société de Geographie. Vol. VII.—by the Geog. Soc. of Paris.

Transactions of the Medical and Physical Society of Bombay—by the Society

through C. MOREHEBAD, Esq. Secretary.

x oly Journal of the Madras Literary Society—by Dr. Cole, Secretary und

tor,

The Chinese Repository, Vols. II, III, IV, V, and part of VI—presented by R.

Inglis, Esq.

The following works were presented by Captain T, 8. Burt, Engineers.

Burt’s Observations on Nature, I vol. edited by his son,

Burt’s Christianity, a poem with notes, ditto.

284 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Marcu,

Views of Ancient and Modern Hindu and Musalman Architecture—by Capf. Burt.

The following were received from the booksellers.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—England, vol. 7.

Harton’s Flora Americana, 3 vols. (purchased.)

The usual Meteorological Journal—by the Surveyor General.

Oriental Publications.

Messrs. THackER and Co. submitted a file of the Alif Leila to page 504

completed : 100 pages more were in the press. The translation of the first

50 nights was expected daily and would be printed without loss of time.

Literary and Antiquities.

The Rev. W. Taytor, forwarded a duplicate of the continuation of his

Report to the Madras Literary Society on his examination of the Mac-

KENZIE manuscripts.

General ALLARD presented facsimiles of two ancient inscriptions from

Kashmir.

Extract of a letter from Captain Burnes, was read, announcing the dis.

patch of the Cabul marble slab noticed at a former meeting.

Réja Venkata Aswa Rao, presented copy of an inscription froma

temple at Warangal in the Hyderabad district, in the Telinga character,

with a transcript in Devanagari by himself. |

Mr. E. BuunpELL, Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces, in reply

to the Society’s request, forwarded a translation and restored copy of the

inscription on the Great Arracan bell, a description of which (by Captain

Wroveuron) was published in the December No. of the Journal.

The Secretary read continuation of his translation of the religious edicts

of Asoxa from Gujerat and Cuttack. .

[Printed in the present number. ]

He also announced the discovery that a second inscription from Juna-

garh in Gujerat, in Sansxrirt, related to the circumstance of the repair of

a bridge in the time of CuarpRaguprta, and by the very Asoxa his grand-

son whose Pdili edicts had just been described.

(This notice which is of great interest in the study of Indian antiquities, will be

published in our next number. ]

Captain T. 8. Burr, Engineers, announced in a letter to the Secretary,

that he had discovered three new pillars, two of them with inscriptions in

the No. 2 character in Malwa, of which he had taken facsimiles for trans-

mission to the Society.

Captain Burt writes also :—

‘“] paid a visit to the Sanchi monument and copied the third ancient inscription

referred to by Captain Smiru as being illegible, and of which he did not for that

reason take an impression. I am very happy in being able to confirm your remarks

as to the shorter inscriptions iu the old character at Sanchi, which from their all

being written upon different huge blocks of stone (forming component parts of the

terrace or outer wall of the tope) satisfactorily account for the word dénam, because

each huge stone was the ddnam or gift of the individual concerned.

‘‘T have taken facsimiles of about a hundred inscriptions or more since I left

Sehore or Bhilsa on the 13th ultimo, but the greater part are from satti monuments,

and not worth sending. One however is 5 feet by 4 a splendid facsimile 1120 odd

of the samvat.”’

Mr. M. Kirror, having returned from a trip to explore the site of

some coal beds in Cuttack, on which he had been deputed by government

at the recommendation of the Coal Committee, laid before the meeting

an account of the antiquarian researches he had collaterally been enabled

to make at various places in his route.

[ We shall hereafter give a sketch of the tour and need not therefore say more, than

that although the heat was so great as almost to paralyze out-of-door exertions

still the zealous explorer left nothing unseen or undone on his route :—he re-exa-

mined the inscriptions at Dhuuli mounted on a frail bambu scaffold,—he copied a

Bobaneswar inscription: he drew the whole of the sculpture on the caves at Uda-

yagtri,—a jaya stambha on a plain at some distance,—the Jdjipur images,—and

1838. } Proceedings of the Astatie Society. 285

same of the black pagoda sculpture ; this temple is now under spoliation by the

Khurda raja, and Mr. Kirton suggested that the Society should secure some of

the better samples of its rich carving for their museum, rather than allow them to

be fractured and thrown away. His visit to the coal district was attended with

success and will form the subject of a separate report. The drawings had not

then arrived, but we have since been gratified with a sight of them, and have

remarked decided traces of the Greek soldier’s dress in the battle scenes, as we

noticed in the Bihtlsa tope relievos.]

5 Physical.

A further note on the geography of Cochin China was submitted by

the Bishop of Zsauropolis.

A letter from Captain Burnes gave an account of the Reg ruwan or

moving sand near Cabul,—with a drawing of the hill by Mr. Gonsanvras.

Captain Caurney communicated the journal of a trip to the Niti pass

of the Himd/ayas, by H. Barren, Esq. C. S.

A drawing by Mr. G. Tress, of a large fossil head (elephant) lately

extracted from the rock near Warsinhpur, was sent by Dr. Spimssury.

Specimens of coal from a new site near the Damoda discovered by Lieut.

J. Harryneron, were presented by Mr. Maneu zs.

{Extract of a letter to Captain WILKINSON. |

‘*T send you a specimen of coal brought from pergana Jherria, in which pergana

that mineral abounds. This was taken from the surface of the ground about a

quarter of a mile east of the town of Jherria, and five or six miles from the banks

of the Damoda river. Of the depth or extent of the bed I cannot speak precisely,

but it lies near the surface, is I believe of considerable thickness, and with perhaps

occasional breaks or flows extends for many miles. I have found it within half a mile

of the Damoda and in some places it probably reaches the banks.

‘« The quality of the coal seems to be good; the specimen I send, and all that I

have procured, have been exposed to the weather for ages, and one I should sup-

pose inferior to what might be had at greater depths. It burns freely in a small

stove and reduces completely into ashes, so that it is free from slate or other in-

combustible substance.

‘* To enable you to trace the position of this valuable bed of coal I may mention

that it lies in about Lat. 23° 43’ N. and Long. 86° 30’ E. being about 30 miles west

from the Chinakuri Colliery, and on the northern or left bank of the Dumoda."’

Rurulia,

6th Murch, 1838. (Signed) J. HARRYNGTON.

[For an analysis of the specimen, see the table published this month. |

Some specimens of the fossil bones discovered by Mr. Pops, at the Cape

of Good Hope, supposed to be in continuation of the series presented by

him on 7th September, 1836, had arrived addressed to Mr. R. Trorrmr,

who being absent, the Sccretary had claimed them for the Society. .No

description had been received. z

Mr. W. Cracrort, presented 2 water snakes in spirits, from Ganga

Sdgar, 1 crab, and the fin of a bhekii fish with a sucking insect attached.

Also the skeleton of the head of a kangaroo rat. |

Lieutenant Feut, I. N., presented 3 fish and a few insects.

Mr. Niconas, a bird, the Austrian Patrincole mounted.

When the ordinary business was concluded Mr. J. W. Grant exhibited

to the members present, with the aid of a very beautiful lucernal micros-

cope belonging to himself, some of the fossil infusoria lately the subject of

so much discussion at home. Living infusoria of nearly the same species

had frequently been compared therewith, but they were not now in.sea-

son; other kinds were plentifully exhibited, as also the ashes of the vari-

ous coals of Burdwan and Assum, in which Mr. Grant pointed outa

marked difference, so much so that he could tel! to which field any speci-

men belonged from the appearance of its ashes under the microscope.

Mr. Grant received the thanks of the Members present, for the gratifi-

cation afforded them.

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JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 76.—April, 1838:

{.—Restoration and Translation of the Inscription on the large

Arracan Bell now at Nadrohighét, Zillah Ailigarh, described

by Captain WroveuTon in the Journal of the Asiatic Society,

December 1837.

At the suggestion of Colonel Burney the larger of the two facsimiles

prepared by Captain WrouGuHTon, which appeared to his pandit to be

jn the Talain dialect, was sent te Mr. E. Bhunpett, Commissioner at

Maulmain, with a request that he would endeavour to get it read and

translated by the natives of that place.

By the hands of Dr. Rictarpson it was returned to us a8 a fair

transcript of the whele, which we hasten to set up with the aid of the

new fount of Burman type cast for the publication of Mr. Lane’s Dice

tionary. The two sides of the bell contain separate copies of the same

text, one in Burmese and the other in Tudain, both with an admixture of

_ Pali at the commencement and termination. On setting up the Talain,

we found so many characters to be wanting that we were obliged to

break up the form ; but we have had the whole written in lithography

rather than omit it, thinkimg it might prove interesting to students of

_these dialects to have the corresponding texts face to face.

For the translation, Mr. BLUNDELL informs us, we are indebted to a

_ young military friend of his who has made some progress in studying the

language. The concluding portion being in Pali was translated by Dr.

- Ricwarnpson himself on his way to Calcutta. ‘To all these friends, as

well as to their native assistants who must have had no easy task in

deciphering the facsimile notwithstanding the care and minuteness with

which it was executed, we beg to return our best thanks.

It will be seen that the inscription contains a scrap of history of no

emall interest in its way.

288 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [ Aprit,

It seems that about the beginning of the seventeenth century the king

of Pegu being invaded by his neighbour the Burmese sovereign of

Pagahm (Pugan the ancient capital described by Colonel Burvey in

the J. A. S. Vol. IV. p. 400) called im the aid of his ally the king of

Murtaban, whom, after gaining his object, he sought treacherously to

destroy. :—but he became justly the victim of his own stratagem, and

was defeated by the Martaban king who forthwith possessed himself

of Threehenthawuddee*, (Pegu?) having the four cognomens of Yad-

zatannee, Bydzatannee, Yattatanee and Yougutunnee. He is then

represented to have endeavoured to extirpate some heresy that offended

the sect of Buddhists he brought with him, by scattering the obnoxious

articles: and the final act which the inscription records is its own

construction for the worthy object of sounding an alarm that should

reach the royal ear when any injustice was crying aloud in the streets ;

this was in the year 984 which if it be reckoned in the vulgar Burmese

era will correspond with A. D. 1622.

We cannot help regretting that such a monument should have been

removed from the place where it had a name, a history, and an object.

to be lost in an obscure Hindu temple in the northwest of India! We

know that such sacrilege, for by no other name can we call the plunder

of a place of worship, was prohibited ; but the preventive checks must

have been small indeed that could take no cognizance of the removal of

amass weighing 31 hundred weight! We should like to see the bell

claimed by our civil commissioner and restored by our government,

as an act more likely than any other to ingratiate us with the people

of Arracan. We would even compensate in cash the Resdladar, if his

conscience would not readily concede the bell from his temple when told

that it belonged to the hated and impure followers of Buddha!

With Ratna Pauta’s aid we have given the correct Pali orthogra-

phy of many words wrongly spelt on the Bell.—Eb.

Burma Version.

caggangs § asad RoSpScorSe cooSog$eod

(CHscoo0 og ep2(GoSgacaragp 2081 ©) a9 S cond (Bec00d

Qep:Godgocdleag$ “og$cood(Hs cooSogeps (oh

GO9I00000000099G005 sCaragi OFSeo$dag$eordse

[Ga pdepo0Sn0Q$ cosd(Hecoos ogeps(GoSgoovcoq

* Srihansavati, possessed of swans, a name generally applied to Rangoon.

The four epithets are Sanskrit names—Rdjadhdnt, Vidyadhani, Ratnadhénf aud

Yodhadh&ni, the abode of royalty, learning, jewels and warriors. ~

1838.]. brought from Arracan, in the. late war. 289

edloragScor$aaop5i aQap2(GoSgoeuseq, (°) ecloo

a1 OFS g0$dep$cord eG: copSe70091 oo00080¢005

2519 gScp$aop5iiad00099G005 9g0Q _YsSOQEII09

99 (6) gE GpSq$aopSoés(gScoodgoopsu agze€ 095

@ud0c02a09$00$3: sScopdGaSq$oog5m sa0009@,90

( gs0xSop0cpSoaEoEgo: SSeac$¥ood(FEu goo

eod3oo$u OgogC Geng? Gen og opseoogooeho}

copdaoEgE QE gq eS(acu cogBocosS[g-a5q$(GEu 20(9

soa Poaged 2939 (G-P5qF GEucgEag(g eSooox0§.006

Q gagaharoSa008 (GE (g Ecognogozqiaeqjoo(GEgoooS

(HeqolucgaieophsogEcurqSu sooqionssae08o3o095

— Qeev: (FEiiecoorq,ooep234}2 cogI090209 OGa}qjh

GEncoggogosaian cqas ayjonsagsoqod (Gen oGEoa(g

950002 03.04}2909]B 202 gozco(gEu cslyioo0<8 sep 900

Exesamrap& *) gaoBodaoSon$ GER Gg0 90208

GPGISOOSODII AOIEIDOEDIINDILOYADII_ GOI@NCOII 99000

colings vco{lQecpQadu soovcoapSegogeaqgso8

Megpq2 sCGosa$ediqoaz(GEu pooomvcoGap Rodi

EG: esorapdag$saoanoupo00009 (B§$(Gada$qeu

9200090028 32p oS s9009¢,900 “*) adleasos0008 6

Q.28q$00950Q2:02 905 BecTajox(GEucoraveosQzep

RY BE0S0H23{Hs YpoocSupo0sE(G pSq$(GEuog

0990028 :4p Rod ilfF gopoSseG E20 (Go80q)5 onp5 900

sogooo ©) anagoog ©) conog0009 (4) e084,

® 900989, (9) 0981) sagle,o0 ©) canepa, ©) @9906)90

208

290 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [Aprit,

onop003§ FoaecTqo2(9Eu BscorSy poseoss0g Boo

goqoSaopSaoceKQoego o€soYGllogEepoossEoBu

Bs cordGaseé: Fooogngodad (gE Edueg$gon afd

HeGhn SSaopSn gooosoh09(cBu ofo}so§saeoo000

gooQeoogeGgo§u ga8s0d () odSag(BeaogSuGoS

a Gog qQos0Ga8oppS(gogu GeSfooscso€eoagozeco

Glicés egomep& ") oopSn opdSoopdgogoop5igBs

corSsos8$a0pSopSoopdgoGfaop5iig8s coodudc003

aranp5ep500e590§}09P51| cd liico D20Sos0081 co9091

Gcogosondseosonc00000099 eoSzas0 e€goea00c8

cooGoooop5i offs 02 yovodgoc005d90 eoS(gSoop5i

aGz0g yovodo}oop5:fFep goo: of}. agSo$Zdoos

cGGego}urq eooofadeoo2 ejoGaEQlgF efGoo

pS ean0qo03 *) gasfgfoow odsodecodlesGoo

agin S8sagoSeacanae,oS c00g0d 1205" GoSeqaod ©

BEsEor$Q cofGadeagSoqoSsdclesemaqoc3 1)

Qo rgiogaS cong) 999,09 sSeqScod00p50 890d

2000038 pooodoo$qicpspu OGesod | BGodo00080

ExcsamrapGaops ooggSoodsscledleg GéoEéB

cgiEigeooo0p$06 09a8:0F sofas cp 08 pYeoodeago

Eng qnetiod cQodagopdaacAgoCoocoa [Cn q aQneiie

Es megog3oSegy: saqoz20b ad GEosdu soec8ebag

(Bog2\02009 2009$20q,Eoog8: orpgoSosgjaS oo pSig

QRarnrjcoog} SGodsaooBQaheqSeh q Qpeiedsco

(9) ogaddegg “) gaoepa {*) caseqed3 “) GoD

cqodk (14) Gepos (15) Gcpoe (16) Gooep (17) @ECpO>

1838. ] brought from Arracan, in the late war. 29)

pdesocpo (4) a0E038:{Gogcu SoSeqyaoEuGEuag an

agoadaacy$aaq SgFqsogesojosepi coroqoc3.q 03

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En 99 $o9cGos008 Seq) s FagoBo$ad qad oopbieso0

soodepSaq$G$aopSu cagq@ofoc8 ao—dofE(ge5yo

CloopS oos0039Slu009 [GSqopdgHagjEu ooggjcoo

opda$agecogy$ go qSqio5 gos oYohosoon aflsOSe

G]e000909Q0 8 oSa0$ G [Gage q qnowoE copdesocp0§$

1) HEmaAQorodg PoSeqaoEa$u GEqé soo

ORGQEooeSoEzcramrap& ) jsaq$sqhoSo4s3ep

BGodoor0cBo: BoopSpcdloooosoE ajo}: Saad

Ol: cqyEcsoepo§ (7) so€aZGFa$goqodoScooze —

RIES cSeqooEay$GEqEsSooogqosé:cag 1

QQROLC rcopdess0EopSaZcBGagjeucooas *) gdleg

EGeSq$o005n 8B90d000008(G.098 SuQq ecogf co9

on (1°) Gls cp asepaocooctBu'BgcosoBi 7! ag9

conc ‘*) newosacc208 (9) noGscosa8 Gc SoS uep

ancooe MB ep go(goScaododxY s09$00$$236 (G05

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(8) 9108) Qoa8 2D ooa8 CY BGaoooa8 22) aren)

700013 9) oo08 (4) coaB ©) coagoa8 (9) Bgqoo008

292 Translation of the inscription ona Bell — [Apnit,

ecigos§Eu aggoooc °) Yepgoiaooso7 SlecTyoe

(GpSq$GEu cooscaccoaB °*) Asqpgosaooad0$Q$oo

2502209 90S ecTiyaz (GEtoooaB *) cdlssSQeSq$oo

SABGosoosochF: o3BSozqgGosoroEgoosa,0304

agadoo€ gE coE Gag (GS oo0hgo8:9Scoodqecogien

@ocdeoocn00i odo9{(Hogon sop8{8.goeeoodeor

apsiooeSoqepioges cospogedi oo€ av00gedqo# §¢

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o8Ea9QpSo002 goododaa(Hu geod ogorp8009908

AG gucolgeSeaQodu covcsoop5u sogoSossepaqjoSge

COIEGSQ$0g cdc00005 og$Bo00Sa$11 B§$oo$oao

c00So9Eo2(gadoc0:0§ s0(Hys BSloYeaorE Seoodu

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- CYA IEGEZG eS ooozoHahaq gagzootghegeosog ag

Saghs(OGSppSsoayEogoogE cog or000909 a5: 084

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7) gosseoa ©) coovee0a8 ©") coc. 8°) Gooepa

Y 0998809

1838. } brovght from Arracan, in the late war. 293

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epooposagoysa cay u

cdlEeclEB Ba opSu edlEcodl€od0¥ Ggo:eooS

Qogieu C¥Eaa(GpSoo02 aYo8g$ cooSooepoo(gGaqg

C028005 god aBag$cordaoa:(Gagéu ego ys SoSooo

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— S00e8(6GEn ggogso€n ofs sod) RoSesoo2cp oC:

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CAog$ogd[G: cgi€cood consefoodgodycooco00p5s

edlEcodlEag$ogd[Bs aE aQzcooz:00p5ea.gogoyeag

G SoooecGohu corepoopSsogcBBa Eagjé esiEecoo

EaQosoop5u edlEeooE 0509 esanrapGo€:Godseo

(Jos condgayjeu g§$ascoosaoepoo[gé [godQeaqg

Bq EaopSn cfEagQpSao0 ofcopSu Bods 5an$cos

qjoq sCcsozBaorpafoEaqoSaop5i esoorepGoEs(g

Bog$aqdooo: oopded\EcavoEaQqosB 9s gEogEu

|poCods csarrepGio} BGudo000c8 of EG pSaRodG

MQOVOGEag(GaSooo: Ysoog$eooSorepoo (GSqo5

294 Translation of the inscription on a Bell [ APRIL,

GOODD EDIQQGES aysSoopSes Eade ofag$oq -

Sooosq 00951 0§Ea2(GaSacox03g eooSarepo0[g Eg

Sq oopSso0G2 gocpoESyosesoosaq Oo} cqsqsleo

ood $gyo$oq GeoGJocop5u ao00GEu soocfEoosp

| ofaq gepooedi g$ooSarep00(g§aqgq5]eo0001 a

uC) oopdagayjaSosepeasae (oSoopSau Ga lS \

[On comparing the translation with the original text, through the aid

of Ratna PavuLa, we find that the first half of the inscription is left

untranslated, either from its obscurity or from its not containing any

thing of material import. Nevertheless as the document is incomplete

without it we will endeavour to give the sense of this portion.

* In the course of the Bhattakambha (Bhadrakalpa or golden age)

the holy power of (the Buddhas) Kuxusanpa, KonaGamana, and

Kasyapa, was manifested; but their religion expired with them.

Afterwards the supreme power of the divine mahavira GauTAMA

appeared in the world. From the date of his nibban (nirvan) 1275

years, (A. D. 732) and after that in this 913th* year, (A. D. 1645)

a prince is ruling replete with virtue, intelligence, learning and elo-

quence, vigour and determination ; of a family all virtuous, redressing

his subjects’ grievances, and distributing favors: he, desiring the oppor-

tunity of doing good, consulted with his chief minister DASABENyYa and

his four ministers in order to extend friendship, and favor, and charity,

and to give employ to his subjects of town and country. Dosenyat+

expounded that the anointed sovereign was one and supreme, that his

city contained the five forces, Dasabala, Nyanbala, Kayabala, Tejabala,

and Sutabala, which being explained mean, Dasabala the rich, possessed

of gold, silver, jewels, &c.; Nyanbala, the raja himself replete with

supremacy, power, command, skill, and majesty ; Kayaba/a, those having

the eighteen sciences, and the warrior class; Zejabala, priests and

the wise; and Sutabala (Srutabala), the intelligent inhabitants of

town and country. He (the raja) expelled his brother Byano Yo,

why ?—because he did not walk in the way of the respectable: why

was his brother put out of the throne of Pi? ( Prome/), because

he did not honor or favor his nobles and his generals, therefore was he

expelled. Dussipat (TusHapaTTa) commander of the army, with the

* The passage is obscure and the second date 1913—We suppose the 1 to be

an accidental stroke the sense becomes as above. +t DasaBenya?

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1838. ] brought from Arracan, in the late war. 295

officers and soldiers turned away their minds, and many men of Pé shook

off their allegiance. The supreme king gave to his brother Addnin the

place where he resides, and to his other brothers, their residences,

Vanchesi, Calhat, Talvi, and Labha, four towns, to receive the revenue

thereof; to the ministers DasAMARAH and Apacua, the raja had given

Kolya. These two were ministers of the right side, they had been guilty

of beating, imprisoning and other cruelty and extortion to the citizens

”?

Pali name of the town Pugehu, not the province in which it is placed :

it is spelt Ketumati (the possessed of the royal banner) in the former

Ramzvi inscription printed in the Journal, vol. III. p. 209.—Ep. ]

Translation,

« At a propitious moment when the constellation Nekhat* was in

the ascendant, on Tuesday the third day of the waning of the moon

Tagoo (April) the four divisions of royal troops, consisting of elephan-

teers, infantry, horsemen and charioteers, marched out of the city of

Pagahm in the district of Gaytoowuddee, and arrived in the country

of Threehenthawuddee (Pegu) in fifteen days, when a camp was

formed.

Then the king of Pegu, collected his grand royal army, and having

set it in order, he marched to meet the enemy, and give battle, but being

apprehensive of defeat, he dispatched a letter to the king of Mautamma

(Martaban) calling upon him for aid. The king of Martaban there-

upon collected his nobles, generals, and all his bold and courageous

soldiers, and marched to his assistance. When he arrived in the king-

dom of Pegu, he mounted the elephant Avvrawon, and attacked the

armies of Pagahm with such firmness and resolution, that it was

impossible for them to withstand the shock, and they were completely

routed. :

The king of Martaban with his nobles, generals and victorious army

returning were met by the king of Pegw, mounted upon the elephant

_Vopantathat+, and surrounded by the chiefs, and the variously armed

divisions of his royal forces. The king of Martaban distrusting him of

: Pegu, and seeing himself surrounded by his army, began to tremble for

* The word nekhat (nakshatra) signifies lunar mansion ; there is therefore some

mistake here. The words are didi nekhat, which may be trittya nakshatra, while

the 3rd mansion was rising, to denote the hour of the day.— Ep.

+ Uposatha, the name of a fabulous elephant of supernatural strength,

the other animal is called airévati, the name of INpRa’s elephant.

296 Translation of an inseviption on a Bell, &c. [APRIL,

his life, he therefore vowed that should he be delivered from the ruin

that threatened him, he would become a charitable donor to religious

establishments ; then having mounted his elephant Airawon, he assem-

bled his generals, and set his troops in battle, order:—the two armies

being now engaged, the king of Pegw riding upon his elephant Vopan-

tatha, was charged by the monarch of Martaban, seated upon the

elephant Azrawon ; the tusks of the former being broken in the encoun- —

ter, he was unable to sustain the fight, but turned and fled, upon which

the army of Pegwu was defeated and the nobles and generals destroyed.

The king of Martaban having proclaimed his victory, took possession

of Threehenthawuddee and the four Tannees* ( ) which it

contained. These four Tunnees were called Yadzatannee, Bydzatan-

nee, Yattatannee and Yougatannee ; among them Yadzatannee was the

most excellent: of the highest order, and possessed of power and great-

ness. Bydzatannee had superior wisdom and knowledge; Yattatannee

had the seven kinds of precious gems, and Yougatannee was careless of —

life and excelled in bravery. Having taken Threehenthawuddee, and

banished the evil doers, he ruled over the country in peace. The nobles,

chiefs and military officers represented that the property of the tem-

ples, of the libraries, and of the monasteries, was not in accordance

with the established system, that like a hot iron it consumed every am

thing near it, and that it should be conveyed out of the couutry : it was ¥

accordingly scattered abroad.

The inhabitants of the whole earth enjoyed the light of his wise

administration of the laws. In like manner as the stars are illumined

by the brightness of the full moon, so the king desired to see his nobles

and warriors, and his subjects, in number more than a hundred thou-

sand, increase their riches in proportion to his own prosperity. The

king by means of his ten royal virtues, increased in benevolence; he

instructed his people according to the ancient rules and customs+, and

would not suffer them to act wickedly. He governed Threehentha-

wuddee, after the manner of former times. Sometimes during the

season Ganthayedda, when the king reclined upon the royal coucht

and pleasure filled his breast, he reflected upon the just laws of the

world, and thought it would be right to erect a statue of the deity in the

* Tannee, is the Sanskrit dhdni, the abode of, and these four names are

epithets or descriptions of the Pegu kingdom, not separate provinces.

+ The text has, ‘like Yama he repressed the wicked.’ And further en

‘like Chandra he shone among the planets of his court.’

{ The text has, ‘in the cool season or ritu.’

1838.] Description of Sindh. 297

country of Pegu, aud establish for the people a true system of justice

that they may neither fear nor hate him, but bear him in respectful

remembrance, and for this purpose he determined to cast a bell and

place it beneath a double roof*, that the people might give notice of

their wrongs by striking it, the sound of which reaching his ears, he

would be enabled to redress their wrongs. (He therefore) expended a

thousand vis of pure silver in the construction of this bell.

On Monday, the twelfth day of the waxing of the moon of July (Phal-

gun or February—March), three hours and a half after the rising of the

ninth sign.of the zodiac, in the year 984+, (agreeing with A. D. 1622,)

the king caused this bell to be cast, its weight being 8254 vist: it was

placed beneath a double roof. From the time of its being so made and

suspended the people have struck it upon the occurrence of any injus-

tice, the sound of which having been heard by him, he has directed

justice to be properly administered. The people of the country per-

ceiving (his benevolence) felt as if washed with water (abuses abolish-

ed).

If this bell be destroyed let future monarchs repair it ; to this end I

have made it, that the people might obtain justice and that I might

obtain Nibban, and all ages till that time the laws might be duly admi-

nistered§. This work of merit I have done.”

l.—Ezxtracts from the Téhfat ul Kiram||, and the Chach Ndmeh,

translated by Lieutenant T. PosTans.

[Continued from page 104.]

As the following translations from the Persian manuscripts (Téh-

Jat ul Kiram, and 2nd Chach Nameh) afford some imformation, re-

specting the early history of Sindh previous to, as well as its conquest

* Mandap, a kind of belfry or temple.

+ There is some confusion, two dates being apparently given, one Pha/.

gun, the other July, one is doubtless the rising of the lunar mansion for

the fortunate hour.—Epb.

_{ This weight must be read rather 825 vis 4 tikals, which at 140 tolas

will be about 2750 pounds avoirdupois.—Captain W. made the weight by

estimation of the cubic contents 3472 lbs.

§ Rarwa Pavuxa understands this,—and in all my transmigrations be-

fore attaining nibban, may I duly exercise justice, &c.

\| (Tohfat ul Kiram—written Tohfat ul Kbwia in the former extract from in-

distinctness in the MS,—Eb.)

2 Pp 2

298 Description of Sindh [Aprin,

by, the Muhammadans under the Khalif Watiip ;—they may perhaps _

be considered of some interest.

Description of Sindh. q

Sindh is one of the sixty-one divisions of the world, situated in the z=

five first climates, belonging chiefly to the second, and is in the same —

region as the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. ‘The river of Sindh

rises in the mountains of Cashmere ; another joins it from the mountains

of Cabul, in Multdin it is met by the river Schun, and thus proceeds to —

the sea. Its water is clear and very cool, in the language of the coun- !

try it is called Mthran. All the rivers of Sindh flow towards the south,

where they empty themselves into the sea, such as the waters of Pilab, —

Chinab, Lahore, Sultanpur, and Bajiwarrah. The climate of Sindh —

is delightful, its mornings and evenings invariably cool; the country

to the north hotter than that to the south, its inhabitants intelligent, F

and of large stature. }

Sindh is so called from Sinpu, the brother of Hinpu, the son of —

Noau, whose descendants for many generations ruled in that country. —

From these also sprang numerous tribes, such as the Nabeteh, the men q |

of Zak, and the tribe of Nomid who governed and possessed it by

turns. No record remains of.these, and its history commences with the

last of the dynasty of the Rahis (or rajas), whose capital city and seat —

of government was Alor, Alor was a large, flourishing, and populous —

city, situated on the bank of the river Mihran, possessing magnificent —

edifices, highly cultivated gardens, producing every description of tree

and fruit: ‘ travellers found all their wants supplied.”

The territory of the raja of Sindh extended to the east, as far as —

Cashmere and Kunnij ; west, to Mihran and the sea ; south, to the ter-

ritories of the ports of Surat and Deo, and to the north, to Kandahar, —

Secustan, and the mountains of Suliman and Kynakan. a }

At the time this history commences*, Raui Sauir Sin, Bin —

SAHIRSi, governed the country of Stmdh ; he was a good and just man, a

whose authority being universally acknowledged, extended to the ter-

ritories abovementioned. The peace which for a long period had

reigned in all parts of his dominions, was suddenly interrupted by an

incursion of a large army from Persia, under the king Nim Roz, into —

Mukran and Kich, which countries that prince laid waste, and taking

with him many prisoners, returned to Persia. When the news of this

foray reached Sanir Sry, he was highly incensed, and having pre-

pared a large force, marched to Mukran, whence he dispatched mes-

* That is, about the year 2 of the Hejira.

e |

1838. } _ from the Muhammadan historians. 299

sengers, offering battle to Ni’m Roz; this latter was also prepared, and

advanced with all speed. A desperate conflict ensued, lasting from morn-

ing until mid-day, in which N1'm Roz was victorious, Sauir Sin being

killed during his retreat, by an arrow in the neck. The victorious

army of Ni’m Roz, having occupied themselves in plunder, returned to

their own country, and the remnant of the Sindhian forces, returned to

Alor, where, on their arrival, they placed Sauir, the son of Sanir

Sin, upon the throne, with great festivity and rejoicing.

* Rahi, (or raja) Sau following the example of his father,

governed the country of Sindh with justice and moderation, and secu-

rity and peace were throughout his dominions. In his minister Rém

Rar’, the raja possessed a man fully competent to the discharge of all

the duties of government, and being himself much inclined to luxury,

and the sensual enjoyments of his harem, he entrusted the management

of all his state affairs, to R&m Rat’; nor in this man’s hands was power

abused, but the affairs of the country prospered, and the subjects were

satisfied. On one occasion R&m Rat’ convened a large assembly of

brahmins and other learned men; from amongst the former, a young

man of pleasing exterior, and great eloquence, by name CHacu, parti-

cularly attracted the attention of the minister, who asked him his name,

and whence he came, he replied, “ I am CHAcu, the son of Sinan,” a

brahmin well known in the city of Alor. This introduction was the pre-

lude to a great friendship, and R<m Rar’ discovering the extraordinary

talents of Cuacu, (who was wonderfully learned in all the learning of

the Hindus) made him his assistant and confidential adviser. In a short

time the brahmin Cuacu became thoroughly acquainted with all the

affairs of government, and was entrusted by RAm Rar’ with the sole

direction and management of the country; the people looked upon the

brahmin Cuacu, as the representive of the raja, and Ram Rai’s

influence decreased.

It happened that Ram Rat’ fell sick, and during his illness, letters

arrived from a distant part of the dominions, which required the raja’s

immediate attention. Messages were sent to the king, who, too indolent

to leave his harem, desired that the letters might be brought to his

presence, where from behind a curtain, he would dictate a reply. His

attendants represented that the bearer was a brahmin, whose sacred

_ Office precluded the necessity of a veil between him and the inmates of

the harem. Cuacu read and explained the dispatches, as well as dic-

tated the replies, and by these and other acts, so completely gained the

* (From this to the end is from the 2nd Chach Nameh.)

300 Description of Sindh [Apnrit,

confidence and applause of the raja, that he was invested with a dress

of honor, and raised to the highest dignity of the state. It happened

during the first interview with the raja, that the rani saw the brahmin

Cuacn, and immediately became desperately enamoured of his person ;

nor did she hesitate to make him acquainted with her passion. CHacu’s

honor, however, was proof against her solicitations, and he replied, Be |

am a brahmin, and cannot be guilty of treachery by violating the

harem of the king, whose servant I am ; moreover the safety of myself 4

and family would be compromised by such a crime.” The rani’s passion

was too strong to be overcome, and she became melancholy, refusing

rest and food. At length the state of affairs became public, and the king.

was informed that Cuacu was plotting with the rani, to disgrace him

in the eyes of his subjects : the raja’s confidence however in Cuacu was

not shaken by these reports, to which he gave no credit. Shortly after

the raja became sick unto death, and the rani seeing her husband’s end

approaching, called for Cuacu, and told him she had devised a plan,

whereby he might succeed to the throne of Sindh, as well as gratify her

desires after the death of the raja. To this end, she issued a proclama-

tion in the king’s name, convening a general assembly of all classes in

the city of Alor. When the people were assembled, it was announced

that the king’s health not permitting his attendance, he had delegated

all authority to the brahmin Cuacu, whom, during the king’s illness,

the subjects were implicitly to obey. CHACH was moreover invested

with the royal signet, and duly acknowledged by the people as the re-

presentative of the raja. In a few days the rahi Sanur’ died, and the rani

immediately instigated Cu ACH to seize the throne, saying, “‘ Now is the ba

time for the accomplishment of my wishes, and the destruction of your

enemies.” Cuacu replied, “I bow to your will.” The rani reported,

that the r4ja had no children, but that other members of the family

would doubtless assert their claims to the government of the country;

she therefore devised the following plot for their destruction. As the

fact of the king’s death had been kept a profound secret, the relations

were invited to the palace, under the pretence that the raja finding him-

self at the point of death, was anxious to make his will, and settle the

succession, to which end it was necessary, that all the members of his

family should attend. These people thus inveigled into the palace, were

imprisoned and afterwards murdered. The body of the raja was burnt,

and the brahmin Cuacu proclaimed king of the country of Sindh and

its dependencies without opposition.

a) a

1838.] from the Muhammadan historians. 301

Account of the government of Cuacu and his marriage with the

rani.

When by the consent of the nobles, Cuacu was seated on the

throne, he opened the doors of the treasury, and by bestowing largesses

on all ranks, made them subservient to his authority, increased the pay

of the soldiers, decreased the taxes, founded cities, cultivated all parts

of his dominions ; and married the rani according to the rites of his

religion. When these circumstances were generally known throughout

the country, other relatives of the late-king, came from Jaudpur and

Chitir, to assert their claims to the throne, and having- collected a

large army, prepared to dispute their rights. The commander of these

forces was Rana Miurutr CuHItTTOo’rI’, who, when he arrived in the

neighbourhood of Jaisulmir, wrote to Cuacn saying, “ You are a

brahmin ; the affairs of government cannot be carried on by you; you

cannot fight: it is better that you seek retirement, and not rush on de-

struction.”

Cuacu took this letter to the r4ni, told her the contents of it, and

said, “ a powerful enemy is at hand, what do you counsel ?” The rani

said, battle is better understood by men than women, if you are not a

man, give me your clothes and take mine, and I will go to battle with

the enemy.” Cuacu was ashamed: the rani moreover advised CHAcH

saying, “ You have abundance of wealth, use it liberally amongst your

subjects, so that they become attached and obedient to you.” CuacH

again opened the doors of the treasury, and after distributing large

sums of money, collected his force, and prepared to meet the enemy,

Suddenly Rana Minruvr arrived in the neighbourhood of Alor, on

learning which, Cuaca came out to meet him. When both armies were

drawn up for battle, and about to begin the contest, Rana Minrut

cried out “ Oh Cuacn! why should these men destroy each other.

We are the principals in this quarrel, let us then decide the matter by

single combat and on foot; if I fall, you shall have all I possess, and if

I am victorious, I will rule your country.” To this Cuacu agreed, and

the two chiefs advanced in front of their respective forces. CHACH

alighted from his horse, which he ordered his servant to bring slowly

after him; but when the two chiefs approached each other, and were

about to begin the combat, the servant of CHacu at a preconcerted

signal, brought his horse to his master, who quickly mounting and

drawing his sword, with one blow killed Rana Minrut, whose army

seeing the fall of their leader, took to flight. Cuacn pursuing them,

killed the greater part, the rest fled; he did not quit the scene of action

302 “Description of Sindh [ Aprit,

until the next day, when the people of Alor ornamented their bazars

and houses, and CHAcu with great pomp returned to Alor, and became

a powerful king. In that year he made a tour of his dominions with a

large army*, and was much satisfied with the state of the country. He

had two sons, one named Durr the other Dinter; he had also a

daughter. After some years CHACH died, and his eldest son (DAu1R),

succeeded to the throne: Cuacu reigned 40 years.

Account of the government of the son of Cuacu, on the throne of

his father.

By the consent of the nobles and subjects, Dauir the eldest son

of Cuacu, was placed upon the throne of his father; he was just and

merciful, bestowed gifts on the soldiers, and was kind to all classes of

his subjects. After DAntr had reigned one year, he went towards the

country of Shirki, to the government of which province he appointed a

deputy ; from thence he proceeded to Chittore and Burhamanabad, in

which latter he sojourned some days, appointing his brother Diurr its

ruler. After a period of six months, occupied in travelling through

various parts of his dominions, he concluded a treaty of peace with the

governor of Kinnan, and returned to his own capital Alor. Here he was

received with every demonstration of respect and attachment, the peo-

ple of the city coming out to meet him. Dzure was inclined to put

much faith in the predictions of astrologers, and as he had settled all

the affairs of the country under his rule, he consulted those learned

men, as to the future welfare of himself and his dominions. They de-

clared, that they had consulted the stars and that neither in the horos-

cope of the king D&urr, or his brother Dintr, could they discern any

malignant influence ; but in that of their sister it was ordained, that she

should marry, and that her husband should occupy the throne of Sindh ;

and rule the dominions subject thereto.

This intelligence sorely perplexed DAurr, who fancied he saw in

this prediction the loss of his sovereignty and power. For some time

however, he occupied himself with state affairs, but the prediction of the

astrologers still perplexing him, he again summoned them, and again

required them to foretel his fate. After some delay, they returned him

the same answer as before, whereupon DAuiIR called together his father’s

ministers, and all the servants of the state, and sought their counsel on

the occasion, telling them that as he could not bring himself to the

* An account of this expedition has been before given, from the original

‘* Chach Nameh."’ See January No. of the Society's Journal for the present

year.

1838.) from the Muhammadan historians. 303

sacrifice of power and eritpire, he intended, to fulfil the predictions of

the astrologers, by marrying his own sister. To this measure his coun-

cil expressed the utmost abhorrence, representing, that it would not

only bring reproach on the country, and violate the laws of the religion

_ they professed ; but, that so unnatural a proceeding, would not fail to pro-

duce insurrections and disturbances throughout his dominions. These

arguments however were of no avail to stifle the superstitious fears of

the raja, who after some days, was married in the presence of his nobles,

and according to the forms of the Hindu religion, to his own sister.

When the news of this marriage reached Burhamanabad, DiH1r was

greatiy incensed at his brother’s conduct, and wrote to him in terms of

expostulation, entreating him to repair if possible, the disgrace he had

brought upon the memory of their father Cuacu, by absolving himself

from so unholy a connection. The brother’s arguments were of no

avail, Da‘urr replying, “ That he had but fulfilled his destiny, from

which it was vain to attempt to flee.” In short, Dinrr enraged with

his brother, collected a force and marched to Alor to punish him.

Dur prepared to oppose his brother, and for this purpose encamped

at some distance from the city; awaiting his arrival. Inthe mean-

while, Din1r marching by another route, reached the gates of Alor,

thinking in his brother’s absence to make an easy capture of the place;

put the walls were manned, and the defence so vigorous, that Dinir

was driven to the westward of the city. Da'‘urr, learning the arrival of

his brother’s forces, threw himself with his army into Alor. The next

day he proclaimed a general feast, and sent some of his confidential

men, with presents and viands, to his brother Dinir, with a view to

pacify his wrath, and bring about a reconciliation; but Diatr would

neither accept them, or listen to overtures of peace. These messengers

were followed by the mother of the princes, who used her influence to

reconcile the younger to his brother’s conduct, telling him, that beyond

the mere forms of marriage with his sister, Da’1HR had committed no

sin ; moreover, that this was understood by all classes of the subjects,

and every where accepted, as a sufficient justification of the raja’s pro-

ceedings. The mother’s arguments prevailed, and the following day was

appointed for an interview; and public reconciliation between the princes.

The next day the raja Da'u1r came out with a large retinue to meet his

brother, who alighting from his horse, advanced and kissed the raja’s foot,

in token of submission to his authority. DAurr also, with much display

of affection, alighted, embraced and kissed his brother, and taking him

by the hand, led him to his tent, where they remained for some time,

Da’uir relating all that had occurred. In the evening Drutr returned

in =

304 Description of Sindh [-ApRiE,

to his encampment, but was shortly after attacked with small-pox, from

the violence of which malady he died after an illness of four days.

Davuir’s sorrow on hearing of the death of his brother was very great,

and after dispatching messengers to ascertain the truth of the report,

he himself with his head and feet bare, proceeded to his brother's resi-

dence ; he helped to bear the body to the pile, and assisted in the funeral

ceremonies. Durer afterwards proceededto Burhamanabad, where he

appointed a governor in the place of his deceased brother: he then

returned to Alor, and for some years governed the country in peace and

prosperity.

Reason of sending the army of the faithful to Sindh.

In the history of Sindh itis related, that during the Khalifat of

AspuLt Maturx, the king of Sirundip (Ceylon), sent some of his

servants with presents of female slaves and other merchandize, to the

Khalif at Bagdad. The boat which conveyed these people was attacked

near the port of Dibul, (which to this day is called Tattah and Lahou-

ry) by a band of robbers, who killed the greater part of the messen- —

gers, seized the property, and made many of the people prisoners : some

few escaped, and reported what had occurred to the Khalif.

The Khalif was incensed at the outrages, and immediately ordered

a force to be prepared to attack Sindh. In the meantime the Khalif died,

and the marching of this force was delayed. After the death of ABpuL

Ma.uixk, his son WALLI’D (Brn AspuL MALuix) succeeded to

the throne, and Hissas Bin Yusur was to settle the affairs of the

countries of Urakin, Kirman, Khorassan, and Stostan ; he also made

himself acquainted with the state of affairs in Sindh, and wrote to the —

Khalif, representing, that the servants of the king of Strundip, who

had been dispatched with presents to his father, were still prisoners in

the fort of Dibul, that it had been the intention of the former Khalif,

to punish the committers of the outrage, and release these people; but

that his death interfered to prevent the measure. H1ssaJ urged the

Khalif to give the necessary orders for the dispatch of a foree, and as

he considered it an office of some importance, wrote himself to the raja of

Sindh, (D/autr Bin Cyacu,) stating what had occurred, and demand-

ing anexplanation. This letter Hissag entrusted to two messengers

directing them at the same time to act as spies, and give him every in-

formation respecting the state of the country of Sindh. When Hissas’s

letter reached Da/nir, he received it with all respect, but replied, that

as the outrage complained of had been committed by a band of lawless

people, over whom he had no control; he had neither the power to

1838.] from the Muhammadan historians. 305

punish them, or return the property which had been seized. This reply

was conveyed to Higsas, with every particular respecting the coun-

try, and at the same time the necessary orders were issued from

the seat of authority at Bagdad, for assembling a large force to

subdue Sindh. The command of this army was entrusted to Ma-

nHomMap Brn Kassim, a cousin of the Khalifs ; the expenses of its

equipment were directed to be paid from the public treasury, under

the direction of Hissas Brn Yusur. In one month Hussas

collected 15,000 men (of these 6000 were horse, 6000 mounted

on camels, and 3000 infantry), and marched them upon Szndh,

sending with them 30,000 dinars for expenses. The marching of this

army took place in the year 92 of the Hejira. God is great.

Account of the conquest of Sindh by Manommep Brn Kassim,

and of the death of Dautr.

Kazi IsmarL Bin Axi, Bin Manommen Bin Musa, Bin Tuoat’

has related, that during the time of the reign of WALLI'’p Bin Appu'L

Mutx, Hissay Brn Yusur Svu’kuFisz, sent Manommep Bin Ha-

ru’w from Bagdad to Mukran, and he conquered Mukran, and the

countries on the bank of the river Kulzum. In the year 92 Hejira,

MauommMeEp Bin Kassim, cousin of the Khalif’s, and son-in-law of

Hissays Bin Yusur, with the army of the faithful, marched to attack

Sindh, being for some time employed in Kerman, in preparing his

forces, passing through Kich and Mukran, he marched towards Sindh.

When Ddurr heard of the arrival of the army of the faithful, he pre-

pared to advance to Mukran and attack them; the great men of the

state however dissuaded him from this, representing, that Brn Kas-

SIM’s army was composed of Arabs, who were instigated by revenge

and hatred of the Hindu religion to conquer the country ; that it was

necessary to be cautious, and if possible to satisfy Bin Kassim with

overtures of tribute, but in case of such overtures not being accepted,

then said they, “ Let us make some other arrangement, and having col-

lected a great army with the assistance of the treasury of the state; let

us preserve the country from the calamity with which it is threatened.”

Raut’ DdAurr approved of this advice, and delayed his march until

the army of the faithful had arrived at the fort of Metrunkote, which

they besieged, and after much fighting captured, killing most of the

infidels: the rest fled to the capital Alor. Elated with this success,

Bry Kassim marched upon Tattah, which place he soon reduced,

releasing the prisoners who were there, and sending them to Hissas;

he then directed his steps towards the neighbourhood of Secustan. The

2Q2

306 Description of Sindh : [APRIz,

account of the battle which there took place, exceeds the power of tongue

to relate; in two encounters the infidels were victorious ; the third time

victory was declared in favour of the faithful, and the infidels fled.

Manommep Bin Kassim having conquered the fort of Seciustan,

settled the affairs of the surrounding country, and sent a deputy to

Tattah putting the affairs of that place and Merrunkote into his hands.

It is related, that when Manommep. Bin KaAssiM, arrived in the

neighbourhood of Secvstan, the men of Chuneh sent a spy into his

camp, who arrived during the time of the calling to prayers of the army

of the believers. On that occasion, the Mussulmen were formed in

lines for prayers, and Manommep Bin Kassim acted as the preacher,

the faithful being collected round him, attending to his discourse. The

spy beheld this, and reported to the men of Chuneh, saying, “ I swear

by God, that that tribe are so unanimous, that whatever enterprise they

undertake, there can be little doubt but they will conclude it.” He also

told them how attentive and obedient they were to the advice of Mauom- — ;

MED Bin Kassim. On hearing these words, a desire arose in the minds

of the men of Chuneh, and they enlisted ufider the banners of Islamism ;

they were the first inhabitants of Simdh, who became Muhammadans.”

After the arrangement of affairs in Secustan, it was debated in the

army of the faithful, whether it should first attack Brahmanabad, or

the capital of the country Alor ; but Bin Kassim decided in favour of

the latter, for said he, “ let us first reduce the capital and dethrone the

king, the other places will then fall into our hands.” This was agreed.

upon, and having passed the river opposite Talhatty, the army of the

faithful proceeded to Alor. Daur on hearing this, prepared for battle.

The astrologers however told him that they had consulted the stars, and

learnt that his horoscope boded him bad fortune ; whilst the star of the

army of the Muhammadans, was in the ascendant. On this account, they

counselled him not to depart from the city, but to entrench himself with-

in its walls. Danir therefore sent a countless army from the city, who

arrived upon the banks of the waters of Gunjeri, the next day, Bin

Kassim in the place called Duffian, appointed ABDULLAH Bin

Av Su’kurl’, to attack the enemy. He accordingly arrived oppo-

site the army of the infidels, in the place called Kullah Gunjeri, on

the bank of the river. They met and fought furiously ; the infidels were

worsted, and many of them killed, and some say, that the defeat of the

infidels on that day, was ascribed to an accident which befel their com-

- mander, whose horse threw him, and galloping amongst the ranks of the

soldiers, led them to believe that their chief was killed, whereupon they

fled. In short, ABDULLAH returned to Bin KassiM victorious, and

1838. } . Srom the Muhammadan historians. 307

Brin Kassim marching from that place arrived at Alor and laid seige to

it. DAuir was thus surrounded in his own city. Bry Kassim erected

a catapult, and threw fireworks (which he had seen in use amongst the

people of Persia and Rum), into the city. Both armies, the besieged

and besiegers, fought desperately, so much so that in ten days, seven

battles or engagements took place, in every one of which the Muham-

madans were victorious ; and on the day of Thursday the 10th of the happy

month of Ramzan, in the year 93. Hejira, the king Durr, instigated

by rage and revenge, prepared his war elephants, and with a large force

came out from the city of dlor, to do battle for his crown and kingdom.

They say he had 1000 men with armour, and 30,000 infantry in line, in

advance of his army. Durr himself, seated in the howdah of an elephant,

the cover of which was highly ornamented, went to the right and left ani-

mating and encouraging his troops. On that day two beautiful female

slaves were seated in the raja’s howdah, one administered wine, and the

other pauntohim. Thearmies fought from morn untii night; Brn Kassim

with a division of his army, fought himself as a common soldier on the

plain, overthrowing all to whom he was opposed, whilst others of the faith-

ful threw fireworks into that part of the enemy’s army occupied by the

elephants. In this way the howdahs took fire, and the beasts becoming

infuriated, rushed through the ranks of their own tr oops, and fled to the

water, into which they plunged themselves. The banks of the river

were muddy, and Danir’s elephant sank in the mud, at the same

time, an arrow from the Muhammadan army struck the raja Da’uir

in the throat, and killed him: this occurred at the time of the setting

of the sun, and the brahmins who were seated behind D4’nIr’s howdah,

took his dead body, and burying it in the mud, went towards the city,

Da’nir reigned 33 years.

Now the Muhammadans had so cautiously guarded all the approaches

to Alor, that a bird could not have flown past, and these brahmins be-

came prisoners in the hands of a general named KeiIss. Kuiss was

about to kill them, but they asked for quarter, relating to him the cir-

cumstances of the r4ja Da’urr’s death: on this Kriss spared their lives.

In the meantime, some soldiers having captured the two female slaves

who were with Da’uir, and brought them to Bin Kassim ; these last

also reported the death of the raja. On learning this, Bin Kassim pro-

claimed to his troops, “ The death of Da’stk is reported, but as yet it is

not certain, let not the faithful therefore withdraw their hands from

battle, for the sake of plunder, lest some unexpected enemy come upon

them.” When Keiss heard this proclamation, he brought the brahmins

whom he had captured to Bin Kassim, who when he heard their report

308 Description of Sindh — . [ Apri,

which confirmed that of the female slaves was overjoyed, and the army-

of the faithful rent the sky with acclamations. Bin Kassim accompa-

nied by the brahmins and confidential servants, then proceeded to where

the body of Da’nrr was buried ; they took it from the mud, and cutting

off the head, stuck it on a spear. They shewed it first to the female slaves,

who knew and recognised it. Bin Kassim then ordered all his troops to

come round the fort, and occupy themselves with thanksgiving and

prayers to God for the victory. That evening was the evening of Fri-

day, and they prayed till morning. When the day dawned Kassim or-

dered that they should place the head of Da/’nir with the female slaves

upon the gates of the fort, so that all men of the city might see the

same ; by these people Da’uir’s name was execrated, for going to battle

attended by his concubines. When the news of Da’u1r’s death reached

his wife Lap1', she was overwhelmed with grief, and came to the gate

where the slaves were, asking them the circumstances of the death of

Da’nir. ‘The women weeping, shewed her the raja’s head, on seeing

which she threw herself from the walls of the fort, and a noise and tumult

arose amongst the men of the city, who being helpless, opened the

gates of the citadel, and on Friday the 11th of the month Ramzan,

A. H. 93, the Muhammadan army entered the fort of Alor, A. D.

711, taking possession of the treasury, and property of Da’arr which

they entrusted to the charge of Kerss. They turned the temples of

the idol worshippers (Hindus) into places of prayer, destroyed the

idols, erecting pulpits in their stead. At the beginning of the month

of Shuwal, Bry Kasstm took an account of all the treasure, booty, pro-

perty and prisoners, and sent them with 200 horse in charge of Kuss,

by the road of Kich and Mukran, to Bagdad, and Htssaz being ac-

quainted with those circumstances, was much pleased: after that he sent

all the plunder in charge of Kriss to the Khalif at Sham. When

Kziss arrived at Sham, he placed the crown, treasure, and all the pro-

perty of Da’urr, at the feet of the Khalif, relating all that had occur-

red. The Khalif was pleased, and bestowed presents and honors,

upon the messenger of these good tidings, and at the same time, issued

a royal mandate to the army, saying, the army of the faithful must not

be satisfied with the conquest of Sindh, but must proceed to the eastward

immediately, and all the country which belonged to Da’nir, must be

subdued.

When this order reached Bin Kasstm, he conquered Brahmana-

bad*, and settled the tribute it should pay, and the brahmins whe

* This city was next in size to the capital Alor, and was known also by the

names Baéhmana or Bhamana, situated in or near the Péran. For an account

1838.7 from the Mihammadan historians. 309

were before employed to collect the revenue were still retained in their

several capacities, and the men of Summah, which were in the neigh-

bourhood of Mihuri, having collected, came with music and singing to

pay homage to Bin Kassim*. He asked who they were; the brahmins

replied, ‘“ These are inhabitants of the desert, whose custom it is thus to

shew respect to their governor.” Bin Kassim settled their tribute, and

dismissed them. The men of Lohana, Suhuteh, Judrinai, Haleh

and Kiirijeh, directed by Arr Bin Manommep Bin Appu'L Runnay’

Suuxati, with head and feet bare, came to offer service to Bin

Kassim, craving pardon, and seeking protection, which Bin Kassim

promised them, directing, that their future service should be to act as

guards to such followers of the prophet, as should travel to and from

Hagdad and. Alor.

Story of the death of Bin Kassim.

From amongst the prisoners captured at Alor, two daughters of the

king Da’Hir, were sent in charge of MaAnomMeED Bin Atti Inrv-

MANY’, with some Habshis to Bagdad; the Khalif sent these two

women to his harem, consigning them to the care of his people until

their grief should be assuaged, so that when they were relieved

from the distress of travel, they should be ready for his (the Khalif’s)

service. After two months, these women were brought to the presence

of the Khalif, an interpreter being present ; when they raised the veils

from their faces, the Khalif was smitten with their beauty, and asked

their names; one was called GireuLt Deo, the other Su’rus Dro. The

Khalif ordered one to his own bed; she said, “ Oh my lord, I am not fit

for the king’s service, we have both for three days been with Bin Kas-

s1M, who after dishonouring us, sent us here.” The interpreters explained

this to the king. The king was highly incensed, and directed that his

servants should seize Bin Kassim, sew him up in a cow-hide, and send

him to Sham ; afterwards to enforce this order, he wrote in the margin

of the letter with his own hand directing that in nowise should it be

disobeyed. At that time Bin Kassim was at Hudapur, and when

he received the order of the Khalif, after reading it, he directed the

messengers to do as they were directed. They obeyed the order, cover-

ing Bin Kassim with a raw cow-hide: after enduring the torture for

3 days he died. They then put his body into a box, and conveyed it

of this as well as other cities and divisions of the ancient country of Sindh

see Art. on Sindh by Captain McMurpo, Journ. Royal As. Soc. No. II.

November, 1834.

* Belichi (?) tribes who paid homage to Bin Kassim.

310° Visit to the Niti pass. f Apart,

to the Khalif. When they reached Sham they shewed the box to the

king, who ordered it into the seraglio, opening it in the presence of the

daughters of Da’uir, to whom he said, ‘“‘ Behold how absolute is my

power, and how I treat such. servants as Bin Kassim.” The women

replied, “ Oh king, just men ought not to be precipitate in great affairs,

or be too hasty to act, either upon the representation of friends or foes.”

The king asked their meaning, they said,“ We made this accusation

against Bin Kassrm because of the hatred we bore him, seeing that he

slew our father, and through him we lost all our property and posses«

sions, and became exiles from our own country; but Brn Kassim was

like a father and brother to us, he looked not on us for any bad pur-

pose, but when our object was revenge for the blood of our father, we

accused him of this treachery : this end attained do with us as you will.”

The Khalif on hearing this, suffered great remorse: he ordered the two

women to be tied to horses, and dragged to death, and they buried Bin

Kassim in the burial place at Damascus.

Ill —Note of a visit to the Niti pass of the grand Himdlayan chuin.

By J. H. Barren, Esq. C. S.

[Extracted from a letter to, and communicated by, Captain P. T. CauTLEy.]

Joshinath, 22nd Dec. 1887.

Having just returned from the Sprti pass, I think that an account of

my expedition thither, however brief, will not fail to interest one whom

I look upon, now that the admirable FALCONER is far away absent from

India Proper, as the chief scientific authority of the Upper Provinces.

You are entitled to the first tribute of information gleaned in my trip,

because you have been ever ready to give the benefit of your instrue-

tion to your pupils ; and secondly, because Fatconer and yourself

have rendered the geological School of Sehdéranpur illustrious, by the

well-deserved medals which you have won for its professors /

Above the junction of the Dhauli and Alaknanda branches of the

Ganges at Vishniprdg a mile below this place, (which is the chief seat

of the Baprina'TH RAwAL and his priests,) the glen of the Dhaul

continues for 35 miles up to Miti village. Near Joshindth and the whole

way to the junction of the Kinf river, which comes from the north-

west faceof Mandi Dévi, this glen is characterised by the most exquisite

scenery ; the southern mountains sloping down to the river covered by

forests of Quercus semicarpifolia, Rosa webbiana (wild red rose), yew,

1838.} in the Himalayan range. 311

horse chesnut, alder, poplars and elms, interspersed with pretty villages

- of which the chief ornament, at this season, are the fields of red Marsa,

(the Batti of Bissehr) a species of amaranth, while the high craggy

northern mountains and peaks, that form the separating ridge between

Badrinéth and Niti, come down to the Dhaul in the most terrific

precipices. Above the Fini, both sides of the glen assume the regular

Himalayan features of wild sublimity, although villages are every where

_ seen perched up on seemingly inaccessible heights. The river remains

broad and deep, though often broken into cataracts. The road (a fine

new one made by myself this year) is carried on evther side of the river

as most easy, and is crossed by fine Sangas. We soon enter Bhote ; and

flocks upon flocks of sheep carrying loads of grain, or salt and borax

according as they are from Bhote or to Bhote, are met with at every

step, guarded by the savage dogs of Thibet and the still more savage

Bhotias among whom are also discerned a few most savage Lamias, or

wandering beggars from Zartary. Of the latter the dress and appear-

ance are most strange; the women are scarcely human, and both they

and the men resemble the pictures given of the Esquimaux. The

children are rosy-cheeked and sometimes pretty, but the small Chinese

eyes buried in the face give a somewhat monkey-like look to their

physiognomy. This latter observation applies equally to the Bhotias

as to the Lamias. But I refer you to TRAILL’s report on Bhote for a

description of the people and their customs, as well as of the trade between

this province and J’hibet, and the mode in which it is conducted. Let

me rather tell you what Trarut does not describe with accuracy, or at

least with minuteness, viz., the rocks and the trees and the general

geography. ‘There is a very dreary glen without villages for ten or

twelve miles separating Upper from Lower Pynkanda, or as they are

sometimes, but improperly, called Upper and Lower Niti. After leaving

the oaks and elms, &c., the wood becomes entirely cypress, and from

summit to base of the mountains no other tree is seen. The larger

trees attain not unfrequently an enormous size, some of them hav-

ing a girth of 27 feet. The smaller kind are, however, the prettiest,

and even appear to be different from the larger in species ; but on

observing them attentively I perceived no difference whatever in reality

between what some travellers call the Arbor vite and the large

Himflayan cypress. At Jima, Upper Pynkanda is entered, and then

the scenery, retaining all its grandeur, also becomes exquisitely lovely.

Villages of the true Swiss character are seen on every open spot,

surrounded by cedar trees, and overhung by crags of the most stupen-

dous character wooded up to the snow which shines on their summits,

312 Visit to the Nitt Pass (APRIL, .

with similar trees and birch, which latter as well as the sycamores have

at this season the true autumnal tints contrasting finely with the dark

branches of the deodar. The bridges now become very frequent ; and |

the river, though still unfordable, becomes a torrent falling over rapids.

Malivi is next entered, a very large village in every respect similar to

those seen in Kanaur. The crops when I arrived had just been cut, and

it was somewhat strange at 10,250 feet above the sea to see the fields in

the valley covered with harvest-sheaves, while the eternal snows were

not more than 3000 feet distant overhead: and heavy frost was whiten

ing the ground. Between Maldri and Melam in the Juwéhir pass is a

route practicable in August for about a fortnight every year, but like all

the other routes within the Himalaya very high, snowy, and dangerous. ~

It is in this intermediate range between the Dhauli and the Gor? that

silver is said to exist*. | Lead mines are now worked on a high range

not far above Mulari; but the situation renders all hopes of increased

produce or new discoveries of this metal, almost vain in this direction,

After leaving Mulari, we march up a glen of the most beautiful kind,

the deodar trees (all of the spreadimg shape) coming down to the

waters’ edge. and now beginning to be mingled with chilapines+ (pinus

excelsa, not unlike the chir at a distance), and Ragha firs (abies web-

biana): a set of large villages is then entered. Bampa, Gumsali, &e.

all varying in elevation from the sea from 10,200 to 11,000 feet and up-

wards, the highest of which is Viti. At Bampa the deodar pines end,

and no other tree is seen save birch and pinus excelsa, but the ground is

covered as well as the surrounding heights, with beds of ground cypress,

gooseberries, currants, furze, ( astralagus, RoyLe,) webb rose, sweet-

briar and juniper. The furze is especially plentiful, but there is no

heath as at Badrinath. By heath I mean the andromeda fastigiata

depicted in Royle. Up to Gdmsdl the rocks have been quartz, mica,

schist and gneiss, with granite blocks, in the river beds, fallen from the

peaks, except in the neighbourhood of Muldrf where argillaceous and

* N.B. All our snowy range galena ores have a good proportion of silver in

them? Would this be worth extracting by chemical process? Could not you

come and visit all our mines? [Capt. Drummonp and an experienced miner

have since been deputed to the district.—Ep.]

+ N. B. The Chila pine grows up very near to the upper limit of birch. At

Nits it is found at 11,800 feet; the birch only goes to 12,200 feet. At Badrindih,

the limit of wood is lower, as the snow comes down lower. Both Badrindth and

Nits are within the Himd/laya, and have snowy peaks to their south : Kedarndth, is

on the contrary on the south base of the peaks and snow is met with at 10,000

feet. Gangaviri and Badrindth are in the north of the peaks. Jamnautrl and

Kedérnath, on their sovth.

1858. ] in the Himalayan range. 313

taleose schist is the chief rock. At Gumsali the granite is met with:

in sttu, pervading gneiss and mica schist, exactly in the mode shewn

by Lye in his picture of Cape Wrath in Scotland. The breadth

of the veins is sometimes very thin, but sometimes the granite spreads

into great broad patches. It isa reddish variety in general, but a highly

quartzoze variety with large schorl (?) or tourmaline (?) crystals is very

common. Just above Gumsali the river runs through tremendous gneiss

and granite precipices, and the road is carried along scaffoldings, now

quite passable for a poney, hamare agbdal se. After turning this corner

and ascending to (Viti village the Himélaya peaks are all turned, not

one is left to the north, though some of the northwest and northeastern

heights are within perpetual snow limits. At ti limestone (not crys-

talline) and argillaceous schist, chiefly the latter, are the rocks. Néti is

11,500 feet above the sea, and when I arrived no snow was to be seen

even in the river bed. On the 10th October, I left the Nitians cutting

their barley and ph4phar harvest, and proceeded on to the junction of

the Gunés with the Dhauli. I met with the first snow near Gilding,

more than 14,500 feet high, and this snow was merely a snow-cave

in the river, the leavings of last winter. A few masses of gneiss and gra-

nite were still to be seen in the bed of the Dhauli, the debris of some

‘of the southern precipices through which I could see the granite veins

running along; but argillaceous schist and quartz were the rocks of

the surrounding hills. There is one very bad gorge between Gothing

and Gilding pastures, where I shall have some trouble in making my

road, but after Gildung the hills are round and smooth up to the pass.

They were covered with grass and sausstire flowers, the grass of very

peculiar kinds and noted for its goodness. The pastures were covered

with yaks (chowra-gaies) and jubboos, the mule breed. These animals

retreat of their own accord to the villages on the setting in of the winter

just before the villagers depart for the southern parganas. I carried up

firewood and other loads on the backs of yaks, and my servants rode

on others. Very few are white, except at the tail.

The rivers Gunés and Dhauli are mere streams, and were half frozen

above Gilding at their junction, but between Gothing, the Rylkanda

joins the main river with a large body of water, arising at this season

» from a glacier, and up to this point the Dhawlh may be said to be unford-

able, except at one or two rocky points near Nitt. The Gunés may

be said to arise from a snow-bed, for I saw snow-caves towards its

source, but the Dhawili or furthest branch of the Ganges certainly rises

from a spring at the southern face of the pass where on the 11th Oct.

there was not even a speck of snow. My camp on the 10th, was at

| 2R 2

314 Visit to the Niti Pass (Aprit,

14,500 feet of elevation, and I was sufficiently wretched and cold ; the

wind on the open downs being terrific, and blowing from the southern

peaks. At this point juniper was still plentifel, but no other shrub,

and the grass was excellent, though coarse. On the Ilth Oct. I started

very early for the pass, being carried ina dandi. The first part was all

smooth-going, but the rarity of the air became very distressing, after

entering the 15,000 feet line, and parting with the juniper.

After leaving the source of the Dhauli, the aseent was very steep a

through crumbling crags of blue limestone which now succeeded to the

round clay-slate hills ; but the top of the pass was round and open, the (

limestone lying about in stones as far as the eye could reach, interspersed

with arenaceous quartz rocks. ‘There was not a cloud in the sky or on

the mountains far and near, and I obtained a full and undimmed view into

Thibet. ‘The wind had not yet got up, but the cold was terrific, 14° in

the shade, and 30° in the sun at8 a.m. The first object that caught my:

eye was the one Kailds Peak standing up in the E. N. E. among a

row of not very peaky snowy heights, whieh terminated that end of

the picture like a white kanradt. Right in front stretched a dreary —

plain, shrubless, treeless and houseless, terminated along its whole

northern side at a distance of about 20 miles from my position by a low

range of rounded brown hills, utterly without shrub or tree or jutting

rock, but very broken into ravines and perpendicular faces on this their

southern side. The E. N. E. peaks towards Manasarovara Lake of

which I spoke, stand up close behind this range, to all appearance, but

there are 20 or 30 miles of plam between them, I am told. The plain

is broken into ravines and river courses running down to the Satlej

which flowed (not visibly as to water) in a deep ravine not far from the

base of the round hills. I saw this ravine distinctly. Ddpa was not

visible even with a telescope, there being no smoke, and it lying among

the ravines. It has no bazar and is only a row of mud huts. Démpu was

pointed out to me on the south slope of the hills to the northeast. The

Kailas peak did not appear to be higher than 5,000 feet (if so high) above

my position, but its distance I do not know. It appeared hardly higher

than the lower range appears from Sahdranpix. No snow was visible

except on the Auilds range and on the top of the highest portion of

the intermediate hillocks, just behind Dapa. Travellers were passing

over the plain with loaded sheep going to and from the pass, but there

were no cattle visible at pasture. The whole country looked something

like that Ward of Lanarkshire (I forget whether north, east, south or

west) in which Tintoch peak is situated, and the distant hills looked like

1838.) in the Himdlayan range. - 815

those of Peebleshire. Had there been heather instead of stone and

brown grass, it would have resembled a highland moor. Its level was

hardly any where lower than the pass!! but immediately below the pass

was a deep ravine which might deceive some people into the idea of a

descent, whereas the opposite side of the ravine was certainly within

300 feet as high as this side and thence the plain begun. I descended

into this ravine, saw the source of the Sidnki river and some green ponds

on one side of it, thence ascended the opposite banks, keeping to the

northwest for two miles till I came to what was called the fossil ground,

(Chakra patharke makdn.) During this walk I was almost killed by

mere pain. The rarity of the air along this high road to Ddpa (nearly

17,000 feet) was perfectly awful. My dandi people would not go on and

returned to the crest of the pass. One man accompanied me and he and

I went groaning along, ata snail’s pace; on a level, and yet in great

agony. (Angina pectoris I now consider nothing in comparison).

The Mitt Bhotias regularly educate for the endurance of this air,

( Bish ke hawd, ) and some cannot learn to bear it during their whole

life. At Dapa I am told that in the morning and evening people feel it

most, and an universal headache prevails. I felt the pain most at my

chest, and suffocation seemed to threaten me at every step. There was,

thank God! neither snow nor wind to add to my sufferings. I found’

the ammonites lying about in hundreds on the top of a small ascent just

as the road wound through a kind of pass between two hillocks, before

it descended to aravine. ‘The distance from the Nié pass was about

three miles, but at this point the continuation from that pass of the crags

forming the first rise of the Himalayan mountains was not very distant.

The rocks surrounding the fossils were a kind of mottled grey limestone,

i.e. the white veins were more frequent than in ordinary limestone.

The hills seemed all to be decomposed hereabouts: and from the glen

of the Stanki river, I observed that the limestone was in almost per-

pendicular strata, dipping to the northeast where a dip was visible ; but

the strata seemed to be the effect of a convulsion and not to be natural-

ly formed. Indeed, the quartzoze masses on the south side of the

pass were all ofa similar appearance, and some hills were composed

entirely of white decomposed soil; as others, on both sides, were of a

black soil. I was too ill to stay long picking up ammonites, and,

moreover, I can always command a good supply from the Bhotias. I

shall send you a present of specimens. To my surprise, I found in return

that the whole ravine down to the Sianki river was equally full of

ammonites, but that being round and uncovered from their matrix, the

natives did not generally observe them so well as the broken ones high-

$16 Visit to the Niti Pass. [Aprit,

er up. Wedged in the blue limestone in the ascent back to the crest

of the pass, I observed a large bed of thinly laminated and contorted

argillaceous schist. The round quartz stones are every where scattered.

I see no difference whatever either in the geological character of

the hills or the form of the ranges, between one side of the pass and

the other. . Tartary is in fact entered very soon after leaving Nit

village, and the peaks seen so grandly towering in the south are the

teal beginning of the Himdléya mountains, and not the crest of the

pass. Pray come and see whether I am not right in conjecturing that

fossil ammonites can be found on the south face of the JViti pass,

which is in my idea, only the highest portion of the Tartaric plain,

running up to the Himalaya peaks. Even at Viti, there are peaks

23,000 feet high due south ; and there as well as at the pass itself the

spectator wonders how one is to thread one’s way into Hindustan

through them, no gorge or glen being visible, that seems to be like an

introit or exit. Behind Malari the hills become round and Tartarie .

also, as well as behind Viti, but being higher and within the limit of

perpetual snow, they are difficult to cross, and the pass following a

river bed is preferred. The time to visit Nii is from the 20th Sept. to

the 10th Oct. In May, Maliri even is hardly reachable, and the snow

does not melt in any part of Upper Pynkanda till the end of that

month. The pass is not open till July, and it shuts now. On the

evening of the day (11th Oct.) on which I visited the pass, the first

snow fell. All night it snowed heavily and next day I could hardly

reach Niti/ Such are the vicissitudes at this season. At 3 Pp. M. when

the wind got up, the thermometer was 30° in the shade and 42° in the

sun at the crest of the pass. On the morning of the 12th, in my camp at

14,500 feet, the thermometer was 16° in the air and 22° at my bedside! _

I shall wait till I get back to send you specimens. I havea good

many fossil bones brought from the interior of T’hibet, and from the

Ména pass. They are however very broken and small.

P.S. The Hindu pilgrims who visit Manasarovara Lake go up

by the Mana pass, which is merely the continuance of the glen of the

Saraswati above Badrinath, (as the Witt pass is of the Dhauli river,)

and they return by the Nelang pass behind Gangautri or by Niti.

These two last are the easiest of all the passes, Nelang being without

much ascent and being the course of the Jhannabi river, which rises on

the Thibet side. The Juwdéhir pass is the most difficult, but being

near Almora the greatest traffic, nevertheless, is carried on in that

pass. The Neipdl passes are all easy. The pilgrims leave Ména in

July, and return to this side in the beginning of October.

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{6 Thai Map of

] 4 COCHIN CHINA

TABULA GEOGRAPHICA I[MPERM ANAMITICT

of the Righh Ree. ean Louts Bishop of saurepolis

—Aa

71838.

ainih thi

G ~

Carte cate

a :

MhkNRRR NSO

1838. ] : Geography of Cochinchina. 317

1V.— Additional notice on the geography of Cochinchina. By the most

Rev. Jean Louis, Bishop of Lsauropolis.

Although I have already given you a short account of the geography

of Cochinchina, I think it is advisable to add a few more remarks

because in the first place, I have recent intelligence from that country

that various changes have taken place in the divisions or limits of the

empire ; and in the second place, because I have made,—and in some

eases I have not made,—the consequent alterations in the map which

I am about to publish.

The letters to which I have above alluded inform me that the king-

dom of Cumboze, henceforth will only, have a local habitation and a

name in our old maps. This kingdom so ancient, known in the

Chinese annals by the name of Chén lap and of Chiém lap, was originally

tury and perhaps even before, it was divided into two parts, one named

Chiém lop (maritime). This part was the nearest to the sea and has

the appearance of an immense lake. It is the division now known by

the name of Gia dint, or the province of lower Cochinchina. The

northern part which is very mountainous was called Chiém lap ‘ of earth’

(inland). This denomination ceased about the year 606 of the Chris-

tian era, when the general name of Chiém lap or Camboze embraced

the whole. This kingdom was bounded on the north by the kingdom

of Laos, on the west by the kingdom of Stam, and on the south by

the sea, for it is within the last century only that lower Cochinchina

has formed one of its limits to the south, for the latter country was itself

formerly one of the finest divisions of the Camboze kingdom. Its true

limits were the mountains inhabited by savages called Moz, and those of

the ancient kingdom of Ciampa. This country is situated in a long

plain between two ranges of mountains on the east and west.

Camboze, from being one of the most flourishing kingdoms of Indo-

China has undergone the same fate as all those great empires of Asia

of which nothing remain but the name, while Cochinchina has been built

upon its ruins. For along period the king of Camboze was tributary

to the kings of Siam and of Cochinchina. The king of Siam had taken

all the country which bordered his kingdom to the west even as far as

Battambong. The king of Cochinchina extended the limits of his domi-

nion to Chdndoe, a fortified place, situated on the canal of Ha-tién, about

three days’ journey from the capital of Camboze, named Nam-vang, by

the Cochinchinese, Penompeng by the Cambogiens, from whence, the

Europeans, who have a facility of corrupting names, have made Columpé.

318 Geography of Cochinchina. [Aprit,

The effeminate king of Camboze (he deserved this name for his escort was

composed of nothing but-women) for a long time found himself between

two zealous protectors, who, while they were encroaching little by little on

his dominions, were always feasting him with the titles of noble and power-

ful majesty. In a word, the situation of this phantom of a king resem-

bled that of the unfortunate individual in the proverb who sitting between

two stools soon found himself on the ground between them. The king of

Cochinchina always placed near his majesty several mandareens to pro-

tect and direct his politics. For a long time this king had no male child,

and although in that country the Salic law was not in existence, the

Cochinchinese king only waited for the favorable moment to put into

execution the project he had “privately entertained for many years of

adding to his kingdom what little still remained in the possession of the

king of Camboze. About the end of 1835 or beginning of 1836 the

king of Camboze died; immediately the king of Cochinchina gave the

daughter of the defunct monarch in marriage to a Cochinchinese man-

dareen and proclaimed Nam VAnc one of the protectors of the em-

pire of Annam, and also of the country in the vicinity of the sea, under

the title of Protector (prefect?) of Gosat. 1n order not to terrify the

neighbouring kings and principally so as not to excite the jealousy of

the king of Siam, the Cochinchinese king gave the title of Nu Vuong,

that is to say Queen, to the Princess of Camboze. If I were asked to

say in which kingdom she reigns, as all her dominions have been

added to the Cochinchinese prefecture? I should answer that I do not

know; but in the same manner as small bones are given to amuse chil-

dren, so sometimes fine titles are given to amuse grown up people. These

are my reasons for having only placed the name of Camboze in my

map and reduced the country into prefectures.

This is what I have done:—now what I have not done is the changing

of Nam Vang the capital. Has it changed its place? Certainly, and

what to us appears so extraordinary is not so to those who know the

customs and superstitions of the Indians and of the Indo-chinese. In

your journal for September 1837, it strikes me that I gave the reasons

for these different changes. About the end of December 1833, this

town of Nam Vang was entirely destroyed by the Siamese. The king

of Camboze has had another town built at a short distance from the

former one, and on the opposite bank of the same river, but being igno-

rant of its right position I have not altered it. I may say as much regard-

ing the position of Saigon, in lower Cochinchina ;—it is no longer in its

ancient place. Some day looking at this map, people will say that there

are mistakes, but these errors are known and announced so as to enable

1838.] Geography of Cochinchina. 31g

persons who visit these parts to rectify the same. In drawing the map

of this country I am guided merely by the interests of science and must

openly say what I think of the work, and of the ameliorations or changes

that I have thought proper to make. .

One of the most essential alterations and which I had the greatest

hesitation in adopting, was—what do you think ?—to change the course

of one of the finest and largest rivers in Asia. The present map is alto-

gether different in this respect from the ancient ones. In all the Euro-

pean maps this great river of Laos is represented throughout the whole

_ of its course as strait as an arrow until it reaches Cochinchina. I think

it a decided mistake ; I will give you my reasons for thinking so. I was

always persuaded that in regard to a geographical map, the same rule

holds as for a geographical dictionary ;—one copies the maps of another

and enlarges it more or less, and adds a few more names, and it is lucky

if in thus copying the errors are not augmented. The geographical

dictionary of VosGIEN offers an example. For his day it was a very good

work ; since then new editions have been made, enriched, augmented, im-

proved, &c. and nevertheless the greater part of the original mistakes

still remain, and what was really the case in the time of VoscrEn, but

has disappeared within the last 50 or 60 years, is not corrected : v. g.

the town of Chandernagore is always the same ;—it is said that a great

quantity of velvet, silk, brocades, saltpetre, &c. are bought and sold

there: I could give further examples of this, but it would be superfiu-

ous. |

_ I return again to the geographical map of Cochinchina. I have given

to the river which flows through Laos a course quite different from that

in all the other maps, because the two maps I had with me drawn

~by engineers of the country gave it this direction. They know the

country, they visit it every day and have measured all the windings of

the river Laos which is also called Meykon or Mecon. ‘To lay down

interior of Camboge, Laos and a part of Thon-king, I have used an

ancient and a modern map of the country designed by his majesty’s engi-

neers ; for the coast I have used a map made by Mr. D’Ayor, a French

officer, formerly in the service of his majesty the emperor of Cochin-

china. I think it the best map for the coasts that I have as yet seen: in

truth no one had such a good opportunity, for Mr. D’ Ayo7’s occupations

obliging him often to pass and repass this shore, he could make his ob-

servations and rectify them often. The knowledge I have had of the

greater part of the places of the interior of Cochinchina properly called has

greatly aided me in placing them on this map. You would probably

wish to know if any confidence is to be placedin the map made by these

| :

320 Geography of Cochinchina. [ Arid;

engineers, and if ‘they were capable ofmeasuring distances and finding the

latitude and longitude of places. The different engineers ahd drafts-

men belonging to his majesty with whom I was acquainted were not: .

then conversant with the details of the art ; they merely used the chain

and could find out the points in the horizon by means of the compass.

In drawing their maps they used those made by Europeans which they

either reduced or enlarged in scale; then they added the different

places omitted or unknown to the Europeans. Although this map is

not without errors, yet I think it is and may be, unfortunately for a long

period, the best and most detailed that has as yet appeared.

For 200 years a number of Europeans of different nations have inha-

bited Cochinchina, others Tonguin, and others again Camboge. Some

had factories and were occupied with commerce; others were mis-

sionaries and attended to the instruction of the infidels and to the relief.

of the Christians. How happened it that in those happy times, when

these strangers were protected and even enjoyed liberty, none of them:

have given us any knowledge of the geography of the country? About

this period the Jesuits at the court of Pekin were giving to the enlightened

world the most exact and most complete plans of an immense empire.

In my opinion if the different kingdoms that I have enumerated had had

as their chief a man like Cane H1, who protected the fine arts, we should

have enjoyed the same advantage. But to the eyes of an ignorant

prince and people he who dared to construct any geographical instru-

ments so as to make observations, might have paid rather dear for such

a temerity, either by death or at least by exile. I will give you an

example of what I have just said. In the year 1818 or 1819, the offi-

cers of a French frigate “ Ze Henri,’ which was anchored in the river

Hué, and who had been very well received by the king Gia Lone

father of the reigning prince, wished to regulate their chronometers

and had come ashore and prepared an artificial horizon. The day after

the king having been informed of the preparation of these extraordinary

instruments, had called into his presence the two French mandareens

Messrs. VannieR and CHAGNEAU, who were in his service, and said

to them in the presence of the assembled council : “ It appears that the

officers of the frigate are making a map of the country, order them to

discontinue their attempt.” If G1a Lone, whose sentiments towards

Europeans were so different from those of his son, acted in this way,

what hope can we have of being better acquainted with the interior of

this country so long as things are in this state ?

It was a pity that Captain Mactzop was unable to carry his

researches beyond the 3rd degree of longitude. His services would have

1838. | Geography of Cochinchina. 32}

been of great use, had he been able to have come down the Me

kong river from the 18th degree to the 11th of latitude north. But

let us hope that what is delayed, is not altogether lost. Captain

Mac teop has opened and cleared the road. Under the present cir-

cumstances it appears to me to be the best and only route to be taken ;

as neither the Siamese nor Cochinchinese will allow Europeans to

enter their country to go and visit Laos, and much less to prepare in-

struments to make observations with.

About the year 1770, Mr. LEVAvassEuR, a missionary at Camboge,

well acquainted with the different localities, informs us; “that the town

of Columpé, which some geographers have placed on the western branch

of the Mécon, is in reality very near to this river, but on another river

nearly as large which flows from a large lake from Camboge, and after

passing Columpé enters the Mécon.” The same person in another place

says ‘“¢ after passing Columpé we soon arrived at the place, where the

river, which flows past the royal town, enters the Mécon.” Here the

bishop of Canathe remarked to me that the river that enters Cochinchina

is one of the branches of the great river, which after having been sub-

divided in Cochinchina enters the sea at two different places; adding

to these two the mouth of the Bassac is the cause of geographers say-

ing that the Mécon enters the sea at three different places: it is as well

to add that the ancient geographers made no mistake in placing the

three mouths of the Mécon in the Camboge, for in former days this

kingdom extended as far. (Nouvelles lettres edifiantes, tom. VI.)

In the days of this missionary, the dominions of the king of Cochin-

china did not extend so far as the country watered by the western

branch of the Mécon. It is surprising that the greater part of our

geographers have not profited by these observations, and that the route

traced out by the ancient geographers should still be followed without

trying to amend it. MaxrTesrun says that one can only guess at the

right situation of Lac-thé which a recent traveller says is situated to the

north of Laos, between Tong-kin and China. I have tried to find its

situation and I think I have succeeded. From the narrative of the

missionaries, this country of Lac-thdé, which isnothing more than a

- eganton, contains about 1500 inhabitants, and is situated at the extre-

mity of Zong-kin towards the west, is dependent of the province of

Thanh-hoa-mgoai, and is situated on the borders of the provinces of

Hiing-héa of Soutdy or Doai and of Nam-thiiong. I think Mat-

-TEBRUN was wrong in only seeing in the Lac- a the Laos by the

Chinese name of Lac-tchoue.

. 2s. 2

822 Geography of Cochinchina. [ Apri,

At present a large country is designated by the name of the kingdom

of Laos, or more properly Luo, because a number of towns or small

states bear that name. For instance in the Cochinchinese map there

is a great kingdom called Zao long; its capital town is near the river,

called Mécon when it approaches Camboge; but near the capital itself

this river bears the name of Ciu long giang, which signifies, the river

of the nine dragons. I think that from the word Lao long, the extent

of country situated between two chains of mountains and watered by

this great river has been called Zao. I was unable to place in my map

this town of Lao long as it appears to be between the first and second

degrees of longitude east and about the 22nd of latitude north. I was

surprised at not finding this capitalin Mr. Macneon’s map. Mat-

TEBRUN and many others have placed the source of this river in the

province of Yun-nam in China. But I am persuaded that this river

flows from the mountains of Thibet. Ina short time I have no doubt

that we shall obtain proof of what I have advanced. It is indicated in

the map of Cochinchina and the extraordinary inundation of this river

about the month of September proves also, that the melting of the ice of

Thibet, is the cause of its overflowing its banks and spreading its waters

over Camboge and lower Cochinchina, and causing the same fertility as

the Nile does in Egypt. What Matresrun speaks of a traveller

having arrived at Laos from China by descending one of the rivers and

crossing a lake, does not prove that the Camboge river has its source in

China; this on the contrary accords exactly with the Cochinchinese

map ; about the 23rd or 24th degree of latitude one of the rivers, which

flows from the mountains of Ligum-nam, enters the great river of dl

Camboge.' This Portuguese traveller must have taken the junction of *

these two rivers for a lake.

The Dutch ambassador, GeRARD VAN WotTuoF visited Laos im

1641, and if we exclude Lz Marini whose works 1 was unable to

procure, it is to the Dutch we are indebted for what little we know of | {

Laos. They embarked on board small boats at Camboge, and were :

eleven weeks reaching Viénchau, the capital of one of the states of Laos,

In the Cochinchinese map this town is called Ban chuu, but the

Siamese call it Vien chaw and I think this its real name. I do not

know why some geographers call it Lanchaing or Luntchung, others

Langyone which is not a bit better. Others have at a short distance

from Vien chau added the town of Sandepara; I have not mentioned

this place because I could find no trace of it in any of my maps. The

greater number of the small kingdoms composing the country of Laos

{ have included in the Cochinchinese empire, because I think them all

1838.) | Geography of Cochinchina. 323

tributary to that empire. Some pay their tribute in gold, musk, gum,

lac, &c.; others again in elephants’ teeth, rhinoceros’ horns, skins of deer

and other animals, aromatic gums, &c. The Cochinchinese sell their

silks, but salt is the most profitable substance ; formerly this commodity

used to be sold for its weight in gold. .

The language and customs of the country of Laos resemble in a

great measure those of Siam and Camboge. The religion of Buddha is

in the same state of veneration as in these two countries, but a few

changes have been introduced by the Bonzes. There are in this

country a number of idols and Bonzes ; one scarcely finds a village with-

out them. Near the residence of the princes there is generally a mag-

nificent temple and a gilt idol of an enormous size. Each prince as

he succeeds to the throne has it re-gilt. The custom of burning the

dead bodies near it is still kept up, and of preserving the ashes in an

earthen vase placed in the temple of the idol. Their Bonzes have

however broken the law of abstinence; they leave this part of the rites

to their brethren, while they themselves eat indifferently all sorts of

meat. They themselves have ordained that they may marry ; this is not

allowed in Camboge of Siam and Cochinchina, where if they do not wish

to remain in celibacy they are obliged to quit the pagoda,

The Dutch who ascended the Camboge river on their way to Lo, found

this river very broad in some places and very narrow and full of rocks

in others. The most remarkable places they saw were Lowm, Gocke-

lok, Looim, Simpou, Sombok, Sombabour, and Baatsiong. Out of

the whole of these I only meet with Sombok and Sombabour which

were formerly towns of Camboge. I have not placed either of them in

my map, because in the last century the frequent civil wars have caused

great ravages, and the constant incursions of the Cochinchinese and

principally those of the Siamese have ruined many towns and changed

the face of the whole country. A great number of the inhabitants

were killed ; others again were taken into captivity. The Cochinchinese

seeing that a part of these territories was uncultivated, advanced little

by little to cultivate a land, the fertility of which was surprising, and

at last ended by being the only masters of this part.

The empire of Anamite, which at its origin, was nothing more than a

small state has bécome a vast and powerful empire by the conquest of

Ciampee of Tong-king and of Camboge ; this empire might be compared

at its foundation toa small rivulet that becomes larger as different streams

enter it.. If the geography of this country and of its neighbouring

kingdoms has become obscure, it is not, as MALTEBRUN says, from its

having been treated of by numerous writers who contradict each other,

324 ~ On the Reg-Ruwan. . [ApRig,

but owing to the numerous changes that have taken place in conse-

quence of fresh conquests and usurpations. A scientifie and clever

traveller who would penetrate into these vast and almost unknown

countries would render a great service to science.

V.—On the Reg-Ruwan or moving sand, a singular phenomenon of

sound near Cubiil with a sketch. By Capt. ALex. Burnes,

In the vicinity of Cabdél there is a phenomenon similar to what occurs

at Jabal Nakous, or the sounding mountain, near Tor in the Red Sea.

It is called Reg-Ruwun or the moving sand, and is thus described by

the emperor Baser. ‘‘ Between these plains there is a small hill in

which there is a line of sandy ground, reaching from the top to the bot-

tom of the hill. They called it Khwaja Reg-Ruwan. They say that

im the summer season the sound of drums and nagarets issues from this

sand.” The place has been seldom visited, being in the Kohistun or

troubled part.of the country, but the power of the present chief of

C.biél has subdued the rebellious tribes near, and an opportunity was

thus afforded us of visiting it, which we did in October last.

The description of BaBER above given, though it appears marvellous,

is accurate ; Reg-Ruwan is about forty miles north of Cabél towards

Hindu, kosh and near the base of the mountains. Two ridges of hills,

detached from the rest, run in and meet each other; at the apex of

this, a sheet of sand, as pure as that on the sea shore, with a slope of

about 40°, forms the face of a hill to its summit, which is about 400

feet high. When this sand is set in motion by a body of people, whe

slide down it, a sound is emitted. On the first trial we distinctly heard

two loud, hollow sounds such as would be given by a large drum. On

two subsequent attempts we heard nothing, so that perhaps the sand

requires to be for a time settled before the curiosity is displayed. There

is an echo in the place, and the inhabitants have a belief that the sounds

are only heard on Friday when the saint of Reg-Ruwan, who is interred

hard by, permits! The locality of the sand is remarkable, there being

none other in the neighbourhood. Reg-Ruwan faces the south but the

wind of Purwan (badi Purwan) blows from the north for the greater

part of the year, and has probably deposited it by an eddy. Such is the

violence of this wind that all the trees in the neighbourhood bend to the

south, and a field, after a few years, requires to be recleared of the

pebbles and stones which the loss of soil lays bare. The mountains

here are generally composed of granite or mica, but at Reg-Ruwan we

had sandstone, lime, slate and quartz.

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1838.] Description of the Stah-péshis. © 325

In a late number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of

a letter from Lieutenant WeELLSTEAD of the Indian Navy, described

the mountain in the Red Sea, which has also been mentioned by Gray

and SeetTzen. ‘There would appear to be some variation in the kind of

sound issued, but both are, I suppose, explained by one theory and that

given by Mr. James Prinsep, regarding Jabal Nakous, being merely

‘a reduplication of impulse setting air in vibration in a focus of echo.

At all events Reg-Ruwan is another example of the phenomenon, and

the accompanying sketch of its locale may please those interested in

acoustics,

- Reg-Ruwan is seen from a great distance, and the situation of the

sand is so curious that it might almost be imagined the hill had been

cut in two, and that it had gushed forth as from a sand bag, though the

wind could have brought it together. Convulsions of nature however

are exceedingly common in this part of the world. BaseE mentions

one to have occurred in his time and in this very plain, so “that, in some

places, the ground was elevated to the height of an elephant above its

old level, and in others as much depressed.” A severe earthquake took

place in Cabil six years ago and shocks happen so frequently as twice

or thrice in a mouth. We had no less than three of these on the 14th

of December last, and many before and since, but they were all slight.

A passing shake, with a rumbling noise, is called ‘ goozur” to distin-

guish it from “zilzillee” or earthquake, which the inhabitants denomi-

nate a motion that is tremulous. A Cashmerian lately asked me to

inform him what was the cause of the series of earthquakes that con-

tinued daily without intermission for six successive months in Cashmeer

about four or five years ago. If these reports be true, Cashmeer may

have been a lake as is generally supposed, or it may have been any

thing. The frequency of volcanic action in these countries is deserv-

ing of much attention.

VI.—On the Stah-pésh Kaffirs with specimens of their language and

costume. By Captain ALEx. Burnes*.

_ The extreme interest which attaches to the history and condition of the

Kaffirs, who occupy the mountainous regions of northern 4fhagnistan,

has excited much curiosity, which it is my endeavour to gratify, having

* Captain Burnes in the letter to Mr. Secretary MACNAGHTEN, forwarding this

interesting note, writes :—

‘““Tearly determined either to attempt in person to enter Kaffiristan or to send.

one of the gentlemen along with me, but the services of all being disposed of elsc-

§26 Description of the Stah-pdshis. [Aprrt,

just met several Kaffirs in Cabiil, who had been captured at an advanc-

ed age, and were still familiar with the language and manners of their

countrymen. I have also of late seen people both Hindu and Muham-

madan, who had visited the habitations of the Kaffirs and have thus had

the opportunity presented of hearing what these people thought of them-

selves and how they were viewed by foreigners. ‘The account of the

Kaffirs, given by Mr. ELPHINsTONE, renders it unnecessary to repeat

the many details which will be found in his work ; my object being to

improve our present knowledge and clear up, if possible, some of the

existing obscurity.

In speaking of their nation, the Kaffirs designate themselves as the

Muhammadans do ‘ Kaffirs’ with which they do not couple any opprobrious -

meaning though it implies infidel. They consider themselves descended

of one KomxsuAt,and their Muhammadan neighbours, either corrupt the

word or, assign them a lineage from Koreish, one of the noblest of the

tribes of Arabia, to the language of which country they further state

that of the Kaffirs to be allied. They have no distinction of black and

white Kaffirs that I could hear of; and one of the Kaffir informants

assured me that his tribe looked upon all as brothers, who wore ringlets

and drank wine! They have however no definite idea of the surround-

ing countries, Bajour and Kuner to the south being the limits of their

geographical knowledge. They have no books, nor is reading or writ-

ing known in the nation, so that they have no recorded traditions.

Their country has many table-lands some of which extend for fifteen or

twenty miles, and on these there are always villages; Wygul and

Camdesh are on one of these plateaus, and eastward of the latter lies the

country of the Muhammadans. ‘The winter is severe, but in summer

grapes ripen in great abundance.

The words of a young Kaffir, about eighteen years of age now in

Cabul, will afford the best explanation of many of their customs. His

name as a Kaffir was DEEABUR, as a Muhammadan it has been changed

to FurEEpDoom. He fell into the hands of the Muhammadans eighteen

months since, by losing his road when passing from his native village

of Wygul to Gimeer, to visit a relative. He is a remarkably handsome

young man, tall with regular Grecian features, blue eyes and fair com-

plexion, and is now a slave of the Ameer. Two other Kaffir boys, eight

where, no opportunity has been yet presented of hearing how a European observer

would regard that singular race. As there is much curiosity, both on the contineat

and in our own country, about the Kaffirs, and we are naturally looked to for in-

formation regarding them, I have transmitted this paper to Government that his

Lordship the Governor General may be pleased to dispose of it as he deems proper."*

1838.] Description of the Siah-péshis. 327

and nine years old, who came along with him, had ruddy complexions

hazel eyes and auburn hair. They also had less beauty and high cheek-

bones, but they were still handsome, and extremely intelligent. Their

Kaffir names were TEENGEER and CHoupurR, and that of their mothers

RaAJMAL and BraoraGty. None of these Kaffirs, nor two others which

I saw, had any resemblance to the Afghans or even Cashmerians.

They looked a distinct race, as the most superficial observer would

have remarked on seeing them.

DerEnsur said that there was no chief of the Kaffirs, but that great

men were called Salmunash. They do not appear to carry on any

combined operations against their neighbours, but they retaliate, when

an invasion of their frontier takes place, and are very inveterate against

the Muhammadans, and give no quarter to captives. They possess great

agility and activity, qualities which their enemies accord to them.

Muhammadans seldom venture to enter their country as travellers, but

Hindus go as merchants and beggars (fakirs) and are not ill used. I

met a Muhammadan who had passed into Budukhshan and was not mo-'

lested. In killing their food, the Kaffirs have no ceremonies, they

sacrifice cows and goats to Docuan, the Supreme Being, particularly

at a great festival which occurs in the beginning of April and lasts for _

ten days. They have idols and know the Hindu god Mauna'Dzo by name,

but they all eat beef and have either lost their Hindu belief or never

had any thing in common with it. They neither burn nor bury their

dead but place the body in a box arrayed in a fine dress, which consists

of goat skins or Cashgar woollens ; they then remove it to the summit

of a hill near the village where it is placed but never interred. Kaffir

females till the ground, and in eating the men sit apart from the women.

They have no tables, the dish containing the meal is placed on a tripod

made of iron rods of which DezNnBur and his companions made a model

for-me with twigs. They assemble around this and eat sitting on stools

or chairs without backs. They are very fond of honey, wine and vine-

gar, all of which they have in abundance. ‘They have no domestic fowls,

nor is there a horse in their country ; wheat and barley are their grains,

¢here is no juwaree. ‘They are very found of music and dancing but,

as in eating, the men separate from the women, and the dance of the

one sex differs from that of the other. Both were exhibited to me»

that of the men consists of three hops on one foot, and then a stamp ; the

women place their hands on their shoulders and leap with both feet»

going round in a circle, They have a two-stringed instrument and a

kind of drum for music.

328 Description of the Stah-pédshis. [Aprin,

DsENBUR described the mode of life among the Kaffirs to be social,

since they frequently assemble at each other’s houses or under the trees

which embosom them, and have drinking parties. In winter they sit

round a fire and talk of their exploits. They drink from silver cups,

trophies of their spoil in war. The wine, which is both light and.dark,

will keep for years and is made by expressing the juice under the feet

into a large earthen jar, described to be of delicate workmanship. Old

and young of both sexes drink wine, and grape juice is given to children

at the breast. A Kaffir slave girl, who became a mother, shortly after

her arrival in Cabél, demanded wine or vinegar after the birth of her

child, the latter was given to her, she caused five or six walnuts to be

burned and put in it, drinking it off and refusing all the luxuries of }

Cabil. The costume of the nation is better shewn in the accompany-

ing sketch than by description ; a successful warrior adds to it a waist- —

band ornamented with a small belt for every Muhammadan he has killed.

The daughter of such a one also, has the privilege of wearing certain

ornaments entwined in her hair, made of sea shells or cowries, which

no one can usurp without signal punishment, A Hindu, who was pre-

sent at a Kaffir marriage, informed me that the bridegroom had his food

given to him behind his back because he had not killed a Mubammadan.

Enmities frequently arise among them, but the most deadly feud may be

extinguished by one of the parties kissing the nipple of his antagonist’s

left breast, as being typical of drinking the milk of friendship. The

other party then returns the compliment by kissing the suitor on the

head, when they become friends till death. The Kaffirs do not sell theiy

children to Muhammadans; though a man, in distress, may sometimes

dispose of his servant or steal a neighbour’s child and sell it.

I asked my oldest Kaffir informant if he regretted the loss of his _

country and he, at once, replied that their Kaffir customs were best but,

here, he preferred those of Muhammad. He had, however, imbibed a

taste for Js/am, and observed that here there was religion and there

none. He told me a singular fact of a Kaffir relative of his own, named

SHuBOOD, who had been captured and, becoming a Moollah, travelled,

under the name of Korosn, into India, returning about three years ago,

to Kaffiristan when he made known many things to the Kaffirs which ~

they had never before heard of: after a short stay, he wished to quit the

country but he was not permitted. The names of places which Drzn-

BuR remembered were Wygul, Gimeer, Cheemee, Kaygul, Minchgul,

Ameeshdesh, Jamuj, Nishaigram, Richgul Deree, Kuttar, Camdesh,

Douggul, Pendesh, Villegul and Savendesh. It is however, believed

that all the inhabitants of Durai Noor, and other defiles of Hindu

1838. ] Description of the Siah-péshis. 329

koosh north of Cabil and Julalabad, are converted Kaffirs, which their

appearance and mixed language seem to bear out.

The language of Kaffiristan is altogether unintelligible to Hindus

and their Uzbek and Afghan neighbours; some of its sound, soft labials

are scarcely to be pronounced by a European, but the accompanying

specimens will illustrate it. They were taken from Deznspur. The

sentences that follow bear, however, an evident affinity to the languages

of the Hindu stock. As the Kaffirs have no written character, I give

them in an English dress. When in the Kohistan of Cabil, near

Punjsheer, I had an opportunity of meeting some of the people, who

speak Pushye, which resembles the dialect of the Kaffirs as may be

supposed from their proximity to them, and as will be seen in the annex-

ed vocabulary. Pushye is spoken in eight villages, named as follows :

1 Eeshpein, 2 Heshkein, 3 Soudur, 4 Alisye, 5 Ghyu, 6 Doornama,

7 Durat pootta and 8 Mulaikir, all of which are situated among

or near the seven valleys of Mwrow (huft dura i nujrow). The

Pushyes are considered a kind of Tajiks by the Afghans.

I have stated the account which the Kaffirs give of themselves. I

received the following additional particulars from a Muhammadan, who

had visited four villages named Kutar, Gimeer, Deoos and Sas, all of

which are beyond the frontier hamlet of Koolman, which is inhabited

by Neemchu Mussulmans and lies north of Julalabad. He described

the Kaffirs as a very merry race, without care, and hoped he would not

be considered disrespectful, when he stated that he had never seen

‘ people more resembling Europeans in their intelligence, habits and

appearance as well as in their hilarous tone and familiarity, over their

wine. They have all tight clothes, sit on leathern stools, and are exceed-

ingly hospitable. They always give wine to a stranger and it is often

put in pitchers, like water, at public places which any one may drink.

To ensure a supply of it they have also very strict regulations prevent-

ing the grapes being cut before a certain day. My informant consider-

ed the country of the Kaffirs quite pervious to a traveller if he gat a

Kaffir to be his security. They have no ferocity of disposition, however

barbarous some of their customs appear; and, besides the mode of

ensuring pardon already described, he stated that if a Kaffir has killed

ten men of a tribe, he can secure forgiveness by throwing down his

knife before his enemies, trampling on it and kneeling.

Besides my Muhammadan informant I met a Hindu at Peshawur,

who had penetrated into the higher Kaffir country, about twenty-five

miles from Chughansurall where he resided for eleven days: some of

his observations are curious. He was protected by a Kaffir and expe-

a y2

330 Description of the Siah-péshts. (Aprit,

rienced no difficulties, but he would not have been permitted to go

among the more distant Kaffirs: had he attempted it, he either would

have been killed or compelled to marry and live for good among them.

He was not however convinced of the journey being impracticable.

He was kindly treated as far as he went, and admitted to their houses.

He saw them dancing and describes the race to be of exquisite beauty,

with arched eyebrows and fine complexion! These Kaffirs allow a lock

of hair to grow -on the right side of the head, and'the Hindu declares

they were of his own creed as they knew Stva. They had bows and

arrows for defence, they pulled the strings of the former with their toes

and their arrows had heads like drooping lilies. Their country had many

flowers and much shade. Many coins are found in it resembling those

to be procured about Bajour, and some of which have Grecian inscrip-

tions. The worthy Hindu insisted upon its being a fact that the Kavffirs

sold their daughters to the Muhammadans according to their size, twenty

rupees per span being a fair valuation! There is certainly no difficulty

in procuring Kaffir slaves, and the high prices which are readily given

may have induced these poor people, who closely adjoin the Muhamma-

dan countries, to enter upon this unnatural traffic.

But by far the most singular of all the visitors to the Kaflfir country —

of whom I have heard was an individual, who went into it from Cabiil

about the year 1829. He arrived from Candahar and gave himself

out, to be a Gubr or fireworshipper and an “ Ibrahime” (follower of

AxBRAHIM) from Persia, who had come to examine the Kaffir country

where he expected to find trace of his ancestors. He alighted in Cabal]

with the Armenians, called himself SauwRyak, which is a name current _

among the Parsees of these days. His hosts used every argument to

dissuade his going on such a dangerous journey, but he proceeded to

Julalabad and Lughman, where he left his pony and property, and

entered the Kaffir country as a mendicant by way of Nupil, and was

absent for some months. On his return, after quitting Kaffiristan, he

was barbarously murdered by the neighbouring Hazdras of the Ak

Purust tribe ; whose Malik, Oosman, was so incensed at his country

men’s conduct that he exacted a fine of two thousand rupees as the price

of his blood. All these facts were communicated to me by the Arme-

nians in Cabil, but whether poor SauHRYAR was a Bombay Parsee or

a Persian Gubr, I could not discover, though I am disposed to believe

him the latter as he carried along with him “arukum” or document

from the shah of Persia. The death of this successful sojourner among

the Kaffir tribes is a subject for deep fegret, but it holds out a hope

that some one may still follow the adventurous example of this disciple of

-1838.] Description of the Siah-pésis — 331

ZoROASTER, and yet visit the Kaffirs in their native glens. I know not

what could have given rise to an identification of the Kaffir race with

that of ancient Persia, but the mode of disposing of their dead on hills,

without interment, but there are certainly traditions all over Afghanis-

tan regardiug the Gubrs or fireworshippers, and one of their principal

cities, called Gurdez, in Zinnué south of Cabul, yet exists, which even

in Baser’s time, was a place of considerable strength. ;

The country of the Kaffirs has also been entered by many wandering

jewellers who pass through it, which brings me to make mention of its

adjoining districts and their peculiarities. One of these individuals had

visited Cashgar beyond Deer, and proceeded thence to the town of

Shah Kuttore under Chitral and on to Badukhshan, habited as a

fakiv. He always received bread when he asked for it, but could not

have, with safety, made himself known. The account of this man’s

journey is curious as well as what he saw during it. Near a “ zyarut”

or place of pilgrimage at Bayour there is an inscription which, from

the specimen shewn to me, I take to be old Sanskrit. About two miles

beyond there is another inscription ; between the village of Deer and

Arabkhan, there is a third, towards Cashgar, where the road is cut

through the hill for some yards, the fame of the artificer being com-

memorated. Katigiram is an ancient place a day’s march from Deer.

Two days’ journey from Bajour, there is a small idol cut in black stone

and attached to the rock. It is in a sitting posture, about two and a half

feet high, and is said to have a helmet on the head similar to what is

seen in the coins from Bajour. It may be a Hindu figure for that tribe

hold it sacred, but idols are to be dug up throughout all this country and

a small one, eight or nine inches high, was brought to me from Swat

which represented a pot-bellied figure cut in stone, half seated, with

crossed arms and a hand placed on itshead. Such idols are also found at

the “ tope” in the plain of Peshawvur, and, whether they represent

Baccuus or some less celebrated hero, antiquarians must determine.

But to continue the jeweller’s rambles. At Cashgar he purchased rock

crystal (beloor) from the shepherds, who, simple men that they are,

believe it to be the frozen ice of an hundred years! In siéw a maund of

it costs twenty rupees and he doubled his outlay on returning by mak-

ing it into seals and armlets. It is exported to China as buttons for the

caps of the Mandarins. From Cashgar the onward journey was made

for lapis lazuli and rubies which he found in Budukhshan. Leaving

Cashgar he crossed the river that passes Chitral, and which is here

called the water of Kuner; in three days he ‘came toa hill called

“ Koh-t-nigsan” or the hill of injury, down which he slid upon the

332 Description of the Siah-péshis. [ APRIL;

frozen snow in a leathern shirt and came to a bridge, but this is not on

the high road. I was so much pleased with the novel account of his

journey, that I prevailed on the man to repeat it and attend to such

instructions as I should give him regarding copies of the inscriptions,

&c. but he has not yet joined me. _ |

Vocabulary of the Kaffir language.

English. Kaffir. English. Kafr.

God Yamrai, Doghan |Wheat Gum

Sky Dilla Barley Yu

Star Tarah Grass Yius

Sun Soe Flour Bre

Moon Mas Bread Eu

World Danyé or doonya | Milk Zor

Earth Palal Cheese Kila

Water Aut Jar Sha

Wind Dama Pot Siri

Fire Ai Salt Vok

Lightning Pulak Man Naursta

Thunder Trankyas Woman Mashi

Clouds Mayar Son Dabla

Rain Wash Daughter Dabli

Snow Zim Father Tala

Tce Achama Mother Hai

Moist Ashai Brother Bura

Hot Tapi Sister Sosi

Cold Yoz Uncle Kench taulé

Spring Vastinck Priest Deshtan

Summer Vasunt Ink Kacha

Autumn Shari Tongue Jip

Winter Zuin Hair Kech

Kill Da Forehead Taluk

Plain Galulé Ear Kar

Pond Aza Eye Achén

River Galmulé Nose Nasa

Canal Shueléw Mouth Ash

Tree Ushtun Teeth Dint

Desert Ghatad4 Chin Deli

Fruits Deraz Heart Zudiwan

Green Yuz Hand Chapal pain

Horse Goa Finger Agun

Ass - Ghuda Nail Nunché

Bullock Ga Foot Kur

Cow Istriki gao Cotton Poché

Sheep Vami Wool Varak

Goat Vasru Cloth Kamis

Dog Tan Shoe Vachai

Shepherd Pashka Quilt Brastan

Herd Icho Iron Chima

Tiger Se Silver Chitta

House Ama Gold Soné

Door Do Soldier Oatah

Window Dari Chief Salmanash

Rope Utrek Troop Katki

*SPin Kakhche Fort Qila

1838. _] Description of the Stah-péshis 333

English Ka ffir. English. Kaffr.

Wall Barkan Fi ve Pich

King Pacha Six Shu

Bow Shindri ‘Seven Soti

Arrow Kain Right Osht

Sword Tavali Nine Nu

Shield Karai Ten Dosh

Spear Shel Twenty Vashi

Armour Jirah Thirty (not known only

Axe Chavi even tens)

Knife Kalai Forty Dovashi

Tobacco Tamékut Sixty Trevashi

One Ek Eighty Chal

Two Du Hundred Chatavashi

Three Tre Thousand Hazar

Four Chata

Questions in the Kafr Language.

What is your name? Too ba nam kussoora ?

Where is your country? Eema ba desh akineora ?

Where are you going ? Akeeny gayish ?

In your country do they dance? Eema ba deshakna natee chaol?

Do you drink wine? Chookrye piash ? |

I do not understand. Yai na piam.

Give me water. Keu an as.

Is the road bad? Poout awaiwa.

-Are there bears in Kaffiristan ? Eema ba deshukua broo wa?

How many days’ journey from Wygu/l Wygul oshtee kittee wass ka dunooa

to Camdesh ? Camdesh ?

Who lives in Shah Kuttore’s country? Shah Kuttore bu deshunaki visheen

ust mom ?

Muhammadans reside there ? Moosulmannis heen ust mom ?

Is there any king in Wygul ? Wygul pucha waist a nuwair ?

How many towns are there? Kitee shuhr war?

Specimens of the Pushye Dialect. -

English. Pushye. English. Pushye.

Bread Aoo Foot Payam

Water ‘Oorgai Waist Gamum

Mother Ai Breast Simoom

Wife Ishterkoom Belly Koochun

Son Pootram Thigh Dawaram

Forehead Tili Knee Kareem

Eyebrows Kash Fingers Angoram

Nose Nost Ear Kaiam

Lip ‘Ooshtam Hair Loom

Mouth Gilamam Butter Ghoost

Beard Darim Flour Aboee

Hard Hustam Meat Pe

Questions.

Are you hungry?

Are you thirsty ?

The sun is hot.

Have you fever ?

What is your name?

Where are you going?

When will you return ?

Is it snowing?

Awa tooma?

Tunooma ?

Soora gurma,

Pare jech ke?

Name kera ?

-Kuro shart ke ?

Kima le yai?

Lange tareo?

fal

VII.—Fxamination of the Inscriptions from Girnar in Gujerat, and

Dhaulit wn Cuttack, continued by James Prinsep, Sec, As. Soc.

Sanskrit Inscription, No. 1, from Junagarh.

After the announcement made in the proceedings of the Society,

published in the present journal, that the Governor General has acced-

ed to my request for the deputation of an officer to take exact facsimiles.

of the several inscriptions in Gujerat which have turned out to be of so

important a nature, it may seem premature or superfluous to continue

the publication of the analysis of the less perfect document now in my

hands. But it is only in a few uncertain passages that the expected

corrections are desired. The body of the matter is sufficiently intelli-

gible, both in the Pali edicts of Girnar published last month, and in

the Sanskrit inscription from Junagarh, which I have chosen for the

subject of my present notice.

I should indeed be doing an injustice to Captain Lane who executed

the cloth facsimile for the President of the Bombay Literary Society,

and to Dr. Witson himself, who so graciously placed it at my disposal,

when doubtless he might with little trouble have succeeded himself in

interpreting it much better than I can do, from his well known proficiency

ix the Sanskrit language; it would, I say, be an injustice to them, were

I to withhold the publication of what is already prepared for the press,

which may be looked upon as their property, and their discovery,

and to mix it with what may hereafter be obtained by a more accurate

survey of the spot.

Before, however, proceeding to the inscription itself, I have much

pleasure in inserting Dr. WiLson’s account of his visit to the place,

and of the mode in which the inscriptions were taken down under his

instructions. It was printed in the Bombay Christian Spectator, whence

the author has kindly extracted it at my request, in a letter first receiy-

ed from Bombay.

Account of a visit to Girnar by the Rev. J. Wizson, D...D. gg

It was on the 13th of March, 1835, that I visited the Girnadr moun-

tain. The following is the extract from my journal which you have

asked me to send to you.

“ After leaving the Nawab of Tanieod (with whom and his darbar

I had spent the preceding night in keen, but friendly discussion),

I rested for a little, and then proceeded in a dolé to the celebrated

Girndr hill. I found myself at the base of it (the road leads

through thick jangal) about day-break. The ascent is very difficult,

834 Examination of the Inscriptions — [ APRIL,

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Tourn. As

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1838. Srom Girndr in Gujerat. 335

and in some places, from the precipitousness of the mountain, rather

trying to the nerves. The rock is of granite, containing, particularly

near the summit, a large quantity of mica. There is scarcely any

_ vegetation upon it, and indeed from its steepness, no possibility of

the formation of a. soil. The largest temples are at an elevation, I

should think, of about 2000 feet, estimating the greatest height at 2500.

They are built of the granite, though some of the steps and staircases

are formed of sandstone, from the plain below. They are works of pro-

digious labour, and are executed in excellent taste. They are at pre-

sent appropriated by the Jainas ; but the most ancient and remarkable

of them appear to me from the Dhagob, and other arrangements, to be

undoubtedly Buddhist. The most remarkable Jaina images in them,

are those of Nemindtha, not much exceeding the size of a man, black

and ornamented with gold, and at present worshipped ; and Aishabh-

deva, of a colossal size, of granite, covered with white chunam ; and

Parasnétha. In the inferior parts, there are the images of all the twen-

ty-four ZTirthankars. There are numerous cells inthe courts of the

temples, and places adjoining, which were probably formerly used by

the priests. At present, the only persons who live on the hill, are the

sipahis who guard the temples, a few pujdris, and pilgrims who come

_ to worship, and who may sojourn for-a night or two. I was allowed to

go through all the temples, and even to enter the shrines, and measure

the idols. When I had finished the inspection of them, a large com-

pany of Yatis and Banias came to perform their devotions ; and as soon

as I could command their attention, 1 preached to them the words of

eternal life.......

« After taking a little refreshment, I proceeded to the temple situat-

ed at the summit of the hill. Though goodlooking in the exterior, and

evidently of Buddhist, or Jaina, origin, it is very filthy within. In

one extremity, there is an uncarved block of granite, with huge eyes

and a monstrous mouth depicted upon it, sacred to Devi under the

name of Ambdémd. I found a good many people around it, to whom I

spoke on the folly and guilt of idolatry. There are two other peaks on

the hill, from one of which the Hindus, who get tired of life, throw

themselves down in the hope of making a speedy journey of it to heaven.

I did not think of visiting them, on account of the difficulty of reaching

them. There was, however, a staircase leading to them, as to the peak

on which I stood.

“ The view from the top of Girndr is one which is not dearly pur-

chased at the expense of ascending it. It embraces the adjoining hills

(of granite), and one of which, the Dhdtar, vies with it in height, and an

336 | Examination of the Inscriptions { Aprity

immense range of low country extending in all directions, and toward

the west, reaching to the sea. There is much jangal on the lower hills ;

and cultivation, from the want of water, is not very extensive in the

low country. Villages appear scattered only here and there.

“I made as quick a descent of the mountain as possible, that I

might reach, before the darkness of night settled upon me, the block. of

granite near Junaga%, which contains the ancient inseriptions which,

though never deciphered, have attracted much attention. I was able to

accomplish the object which I had in view. After examining the block

for a little, and comparing the letters with several ancient Sanskrita

alphabets in my possession, I found myself able, to my great joy, and

that of the brahmans who were with me, to make out several words,

and to decide as to the probable possibility of making out the whole.

The taking a copy of the inscriptions I found, from their extent, to be

a hopeless task ; but as Captain Lane (of the Kédtiawdd Political

Agency), had kindly promised to procure a transcript of the whole for

me, I did not regret the circumstance. .....”

‘‘ T suggested to Captain LANG, a plan for taking a facsimile of the

inscriptions. I recommended him to cover the rock with native paper

slightly moistened, and to trace with ink the depressions corresponding

with the forms of the letters. The idea of using cloth, instead of paper

was entirely his own ; and to that able officer, and his native assistants,

are we indebted for the very correct facsimile, which he presented to

me, and which I forwarded to you some months ago for your inspection

aid use. During the time that it was in Bombay, it was mostly with

Mr. WaTHEN, who got prepared for yourself, the reduced transcript,

and with a native, who at the request of our Asiatic Society, and with

ry permission, prepared a copy for M. Jacquet of Paris. I had

commenced the deciphering of it, when you kindly communicated to me

the discovery of your alphabet ; and I at once determined that you, as

was most justly due, should have the undivided honour of first promulgat- —

ing its mysteries. Any little progress which I had made in the attempt

to forge a key, was from the assistance which I had received from the

alphabets formerly published in your transcendantly able work, Mr.

Evviot’s Canarese alphabets, and the rigid deductions of VisHnu SHAS

TRI, my quondam pandit to whom Mr. WatTueEn has expressed his obli-

gations in his paper on some ancient copper-plate grants lately sent by

him to England. Visuwu’s paleographical studies, I may mention, com-

menced with Dr. BaBineTon’s paper, which I showed to him some years

ago; and they were matured under Mr. WatHeN. I mention these

facts from my desire to act according to the maxim, Suum cutque tribue.

1838.) from Girnér in Gujerdt. 337

“ The rock containing the inscriptions, it should be observed, is about

a mile to the eastward of Jundgad, and about four miles from the base

of Girndr, which is in the same direction. It marks, I should think,

the extremity of the Maryddé of the sacred mountain. The Jainas,

as the successors of the Bauddhas, greatly honor it. They maintain

pinjardpurs, or brute hospitals, like the Banyas of Surat, in many of

the towns both of the peninsula and province of Guwjerdt ; and practise

to a great extent the philopsychy of the long forgotten, but now restor-

ed, edict of Asoka.”

The rock or large stone above alluded to, appears to contain all three

inscriptions. Qn the eastern side facing the Girnar hill are the edicts

of Asoxa in the old character :—on the western side the Sanskrit inscrip-

tion which I have selected as my theme for the present occasion; and

on the southern side a third inscription longer even than either of the -

others, but somewhat more modern, and less distinct.

The western inscription, then, is near the top of the stone :—it covers

a surface of ten feet and a half in breadth, by five feet in height. The

stone is a good deal cut or worn away in two places, but it does not

seem that any thing has been lost on the outer edges, the irregularities

there visible proceeding from the contour of the stone. Capt. Lane’s

facsimile is lithographed on a very reduced scale in Pl. XV.

The character is only one remove from the Buddhist alphabet of

Girnar, It has the same mode of applying the vowel marks e, a, and

0, in particular to those excellent test letters n, n, and m. The vowel z

is still formed of the three dots: but I need not more fully dilate upon

its peculiarities since I have already inserted the whole alphabet, as No. 3

of the comparative table in last month’s Journal. A few also of the

principal passages I now subjoin on a larger scale in Pl. XVI. as upon

them rests the value with which this inscription will doubtless be regard-

_edin Europe as well as in India, on account of the historical information

it is calculated to afford.

Once transcribed into modern Nagari a Sanskrit inscription becomes

easily intelligible through the aid of a skilful pandit. In the present

Istance it has only been necessary to change two or three dubious

letters to enable KamMALAKANTA to explain to me the contents of all

the continuous passages which still exist on the stone, and it is fortu-

nately not very difficult to imagine from the context what must have

_ occupied most of the spaces now eroded or mutilated,

I have contented myself with a very small copy of the original text,

| because hereafter it may have, like the Allahabad inscription, to be

_ done over again ! |

v2 2

338

10.

Examination of the Inscriptions [ APRin,

Transcript of the Junagarh inscription. No. 1.

fag scaea qewd fafcaneretute (15 letters) Hua ?

fawicarateat: afaaeraaatferames aut (a)

(at) eufaefey (30 letters) (S) waa afaaa qa.

aTquaeefafaaaraetare at (=)

gb fauta (35 letters) (fa) atfeftzanwaeaTTs

qua afc UTS ASTAAIWAIAS ()

ante: afaaetrwy (34 letters) YAR Usl Aeasy

ve qefeoumnacfiers safsanta a <= z |

AAW sas IIA (30 letters) eaten UST ATMA |

yatatfaavfyst—aarat frtasaa: gqafaitwatat

watatinedtaiaciniatiarsteseameaga (20 letters)

Tarararaayfantcaty faf< fawcaaqersaagaaae

wearmafaafaat vatawaqa

We HAL quam aqava faa afas fitemeaboend

(14 letters) Fanta qanweaad gactastuagr —

feaafe ware eanatia Gwtrsaciwrada cada

afaeitara |

Uwatawaa—aAIISa Hea faqaaddraneaast *.

afasines (10 letters) wre Alaa ts: WHT waa (Ae)

UIYUATVAA VATA Aiea HATA Alay aaara4rsia

quaafusat

amifucsad aatfeaat 7 crIatrencafaeraat ate

(mia) eeateratfaqaa(g) (9 letters) at WAHT YS

fasaaafea TITTacUTMaMATaT fay TAUTY

ufaa gaa QRarBrearqeaaulagiaaat

aastaat Bt) AHWMAHASAITATATALT ©

1838. ] From Girnar in Gujerdt. 339

}1.

12.

13.

14,

15,

16.

faacuafarafe (10 letters) atau quatre

gfaqdian(a)ancaed (2) w yea nagiiefucaqag

yea aactaaTA

TAIAASANASHaAaATTHIATAA AT = WATTTALT

aitaa ATTAT GUE A (5 letters) acqgqer facrafauer

(eye aagtat waqyara (7 letters) atafaqatat faaatat

ufaat Haaataeya

Pua aAVyarataawarat vegas ches

mumaaanatecte faisiaaharisaday fax

TIETTUAATATTAALET AT (10 letters) tle saray

weaT UPASlaAA SITU SUT

SRISasaVwHTLIAN WeArsaraearararatat frat

at aedtat meager frarrraiafaqaatiiat gor

racuyaifaae fyEReT (10 letters) aTMAT Stsa

faa Secectaaraa (Feat)

faraMlss WesMT aad TRG AIT IAAL TT

aq ay acutauay fawqumaaniita (3) eqewaaTT

farsa wes aaifeacaAaTA ATAWAAT

wal qiafaad acaante ti:

WAIAMA_I aa Ayala Wacyal wT aAETAAT

ATALALHA AAI GCIICUAI VI ARIAAUA UH

. STAT (25) eum a gee atuefaarqztafea

wuaautt: eam (aad) ward Arerawaaatea

wafaremaget «= 6fanucuacfaecarataadfaa—

(20 letters) cuxatatfcatafa

ARM AAA AAAT aaHA TA ACAI AMAA AMAT AST

@quzeraenfanacatats: vay_aets

3-10 Examination of the Inscriptions - [Apart

18. yuu CEe saat GuaTE TUrysls WesaTe

AUATES Saaa waa ales soratafarafes

MEAT TATA ATA

19. Wea Fe valaaaa ufrada qaractradaa

PCeNacquamaayaal Waa ead ufuateaaral

Hea

20. afufasaradattd anife udcfagaatateafata |

Translation.

(Be it) accomplished!’ This very impassable bank atthe foot of the hill.

city,( Girinagara’ )...... (15 syllables) with wide expansion and with great

depth of strong masonry® carried all along the bottom of the said hill,

filling up the interstices or irregularities in even layers up to the height

of the bank ...... (30) ....c..00scesseee. DY @& Chosen -(arehitect?) the

foundations of the bridge being completed most substantially by, em-

banking off in-various ways the water .........sscssseeons (BO) .2...0ccd cee

by workmen cheered on by kindnesses, and with a vast abundance of mate-

rials was in progress. ‘Then the work continued under favor of the raja

Mahakshatrapa (the great patron of the warrior class) who was named

Swami Chastana ...... (and was completed) in the seventy-second year of

his son, the Kshatrapa, mindful of the lessons of his instructors, the raja

named Artpa'Ma” in the dark half of the month of Margairsha.........

veeeese (afterwards) by an immense inundation brought on by

heavy rains converting the whole surface of the earth into an ocean,

and making a mass of mud of the hill of Urjayata (?)—...... by the

tempestuous waves of the Palesiné river, and its several tributaries, the

bridge ‘s...5s (was carried away. Subsequently) ...... in conformity with

the original design (it was) repaired with blocks of stone from the hill,

remedying the difficulties of the passage way with numerous long

beams and trees laid across,—and skilfully uniting them............ (A

second time) by the force of the waves in a fierce hurricane and flood

1. The same invocation, s’ddham, is used in the Skandagupta inscription, Pl. I.

2. The vowels of the word Girinagar are wanting, but the name cannot be mis.

taken, being modern Girndr.

3. Ofer af, the joining or cementation of masonry, is now called by a similar

name jordi. I suppose the piers or foundations to be intended,

4. araciiara (sic)—if this is correctly traced it contains a grammatical error

in the substitution of q for: after «, The name might be read Atri ; or Rudra, were

the preceding word namno. The date may be read eithef varshe dwisaptatita (me)

followed by numerals,—or Ari damni nashte dwisaptati vatsare, in the 72nd year after

the death of Aridamd. As there isa space after dwi, sata may be also supplied,

making the date 270.

van. As Sac. Vol. VIL. PL XIX.

— Beber Names in the Junagar A lnscriplion M2

ry NPS YAN, SRPoRNY, A] Je

nd mah Svami Chasta Nasya 7 ‘ano maha kshabr ‘afia or namna rate < Damneae

ads 55" Ou yc ata ode Pusu

my ser 2 pi Saaetioma es Pace

i ~s“ MaAuryasya Zo Yavana ra ye na Lushaspena- adh shlagea

#59 Ey Hop japan hae &.. rach

} malya raft ic ranaaee: maha kshatr 7 foEerta KRiuicdbra Dea mea re a. Baran ty HEY Veer le ey

: Bethe coins) JR* 4, a4 UN hj 2¥Y NSN

Mpecimen of the Junagarh inseriplion M3.

where 7205 2 gga ae :

{cE EA Rd ye yesy Ox t ; eOlW (End af second line)

pe a sane Lu veryo rea Lf inate! asx

Bq aS: AF 4549 AiO 9 of de AAD

| Seer “okanda Guplah prifnu Gi hatara .. 0 2 Ue Aiphetet J)

Sate

4 Insc rifateconr ona syrall Slonre near Lhe large i fan easlerly .

Sree re ratha Swame . (Me last ¢ seryes also tor St,

Legend on coins (6, W, Plate XL. Eid om Surashbtra, Sochige

obverse

“ UJ VAFOFPEOTERT MIT WU3 ay sumdat sh OHdHO

Parame bhonuytra, ray ool raga Srikumdra Gupla mah endrasye

au MANUAL SE QRS TUF ECA symbol * 2, GO

Beat 90.955 ce bhae< cdatamea Raye Sve Skanda Guple kraemads Ga J Prirscp Lad

1838. ] from Girndr in Guyerat. 341

(it was) broken down and much damaged, ............ (after which) with

stones and trees and piles ® and massive beams ® stretched across it was

again put into complete repair, with an indestructible embankment

having a length of four hundred cubits, and in like manner having

a breadth of seventy-five cubits, in a wonderful manner taking out all

the water and laying dry the bed of the river " ............ by Pupya

Gupta, the territorial treasurer of raja CHANDRAGUPTA Maurya,

(this) was caused to be done: and by the Yavana raja of Asoxa Mau-

RYA, (named) TusHAsPa, it was ornamented with cornice and parapet,

and with an artificial canal visible there, over which the bridge also ex-

tended, in a manner worthy of the approval of the raja.......( Afterwards)

by him, who, being predestined from the womb to the unceasing and in-

creasing possession of the fortunes of royalty, was invited by all classes

waiting upon him for the security of their property—to be their king :—

who from clear intelligence has not suffered the sacrifice of animal life ;—

who is faithful to his promises—who is courteous in speech,—who in bat-

tle opposed face to face with an equal antagonist and threatening to dis-

charge his weapons,—compassionates his yielding foe,.............. who

gives hope to those of their own accord repairing to him to beseech for

succour......preserving the ancient customs of the town uninfringed by

the proud and insolent ;—who is lord of the countries® of Avanti, Anupa

(?) Vrija, Anartta, Surashtra, ......... Savara, Kukira, Kiréta,

Tishat and others, all conquered by his own might, and maintained in

their former prosperity, and all their inhabitants both high and low

converted into obedient subjects—all these countries, under his majesty

(forming one empire) and furnishing every object of desire and gratifi-

cation :—who is the powerful leader of an army obeying him fondly as

one born with the title of a renowned hero;—who, after more than

one conquest of SATKARNI the, king of Dakshinapatha by merely a

5. BPAUFITATCT, the introduction of Dwdra here is hardly intelligible, per-

haps we should read anutalpat vari sarana ucchraya vidhansind—the remover of the

impediments to the flow of the current from the beams and materials that had fallen

into the river.

6. Waa a1—the distinction of golas and latfas in the modern wood market is

that the former are unsquared, and the latter, squared timbers.

7. Ihave given to this obscure passage the best sense in which I think it expli-

cable, asthe breadth, 75, cubits could hardly have been that of the bridge itself.

8. Most of the countries enumerated here are to be foundin the Purdnas. Avanti

is well known as Oujein; Vrija is the country about Mathura ; Anartta is mentioned

with Cumboja, Sindhu, and Yavana Margana, (As. Res. VIII. 339, 341,) and is there-

fore probably in the Panjab :—Kukura is enumerated in the same list with Benares:

Savara is called a wild tribe in the southeast :—there are three Kirdtas named—two

(Chaiada and Rajya) in the northeast and one in the south (pp. 339.41)—Tishat

may perhaps be read Toshali in Cuttack of which more hereafter.

342 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

threat (of attack), concluded a peace (with him) for the security and

protection of his country,. .........and again set up his royal banner ;—

who has a natural taste for exercising and improving the strength of

his hand, according to the rules* ;—who is renowned for his skill in the

practice of all the celebrated sciences, of grammar, of polity, of singing,

of expedients (mechanics ?) and the rest, the theory of which he has

gone through and thoroughly retained;—who powerful in horses,

elephants, chariots, oxen, weapons, and armour ........... exceedingly

clever in breaking down the strongholds+-of his enemies;—who is

every day happy in the bestowal of alms and mercy ;—who is affa- -

ble in manners ;—whose treasury is abundantly filled with gold,

silver, tin, and the lapis lazuli jewel, brought as tokens of his great-

ness, offered to him as his just and proper measure of tribute; who

(understands) the precise etiquette of (courtly terms,) their sense,

measure, sweetness, rarity, ......... who is of correct bodily proportion,

excellent in gait, color, vigour, and strength, &c.; in form and limb

of most auspicious aspect ;—who of his own (merit ?) has the title of

‘ patron of warriors and king of men ;—who is crowned with the garland{

of flowers won in the Swayamvara ceremony (or tournament) ;—by

this great patron of the warriors (or Satrap) RuUDAR Da’Ma’...... cs. +0000

zealous for the increase of his religious fame and in kindness and

compassion for females and the lame and sick : and with a most liberal

expenditure from his own treasury (for the people ?) ;—consenting at

once to the petition of the chief citizens ;—the construction of this

bridge with threefold strength............... after due inspection was

ordered to be done ;~—thus.

By the dignified in virtue, the chief minister of the great Satrap......

......the road was also lined with trees conferring pleasure (on the pas-

sers by ).—

Further, by him who out of favor to the inhabitants of town and

country restored with substantial repairs the excellent condition (of the

bridge) to the good subjects of this metropolis,—-who made it impregna-

ble to the torrents of water...... ..? by the descendant of the Pahlavan

tribe, Ma vyaA, the contractor, who has finished his work precisely on the

terms of his estimates and plans, so. as to give satisfaction,—the strong

* By inadvertence I have omitted the repetition of the word arjita =p fSafsa

at the beginning of the 13th line in the lithograph.

+ Reading UW4STAHY, but the text may he read beh bu making it ‘ destroying

his enemy’s force,’ or again it may be Utaeeeaaeatmaa, well skilled in

diminishing the power of his enemies. (The Nagari text has been altered thus).

t In former times, Hindu maidens chose their favorite among a band of suitors

by throwing a garland over his neck. A play on the name Ddméd is intended.

aS oe:

1838. ] Srom Girnar in Gujerat. 343

man and overcomer of difficulties, surrounded by his overseers (pattis ),

—by him, the establisher of religious fame, and the increaser of the

glory of his master, was this work executed*.”

Observations.

I have already remarked that in this inscription for the first time we

find the name of the great CHANDRAGUPTA the contemporary of

ALEXANDER recorded on a genuine monument of antiquity. There

can be no doubt of his identity because his family name Maurya is

added, and further the name of his grandson, the no less famous Asoka

immediately follows designated also by the same family cognomen of

Maurya. (See Pl. XIX. for the passages containing the two names.)

On first discovering this important fact and perusing the mutilated

fragment with KAMALAKANTA pandit, as well as we could make it out,

I thought myself in possession of a record of the time at least of Asoka,

by whose deputy or viceroy the bridge seemed to have been completed.

The long string of complimentary epithets which fill up the bulk of the

inscription being in the instrumental case, and thus agreeing with the

Yavana rdjena of the upper sentence.

This turns out not to be precisely the case. A considerable period

is embraced in the history of the Garnar bridge—partly anterior and

partly subsequent to the time of CHanpRAGUPTA :—thus it seems

originally to have been erected by a prince named Swa’Mi CHASHTA'NA

a name rather Persian than Indian :—it was then either repaired or more

probably completed by his son Aripa’ma’ or ATRIDA’MA’ in the month

of Margasirsha or Agrahayana—in the year 72, but the letters which

follow are unfortunately illegible, and we are left in the dark as to the

era then in use for recording events.

The bridge was then totally destroyed by an inundation of the river

Paleshint, aname I cannot discover in the map of Gujerat. Thus tem-

porarily repaired perhaps by the inhabitants it was again carried away ;

_and a more thorough reparation was commenced under orders from

CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA by his prefect of the province PupyacupPTa,

and completed in the reign of Asoxa his grandson thirty or forty years

afterwards by his Greek officer, for so I think we may understand Yavana

raja. The brahmanical population of the distant province of Surdshtra

probably had but little affection for the Buddhist monarch who is not

even honored in the inscription with the title of raja—being simply styled

_ Asoka the macrya! The name of his Greek employe is not very

* Anushthitam wafea, accomplished. ‘The same word is used at the foot of the

Allahabad inscription—(vol. VI. 978). But I know not how it there eluded the

apprehension of the pandit who made me write in lieu of it wafayaq ‘ remaining

firm or fixed.’

344 Evxaminanion of the Inscripitions [ APRIL,

plain on the cloth; it may be read qua@a— by Tushaspa’ a name

evidently of Persian termination like Gushtasp, Lohrasp, &c. from asp

a horse (Sans. asva). Were the name written Tushasva we might have

supposed it a translation of the Greek name Philippos, having precisely

the same meaning ; and we might have argued that some adventurer hav-

ing from his military prowess obtained service under Asoka, had added

those new provinces to his empire, which we find noticed in his religious

edicts, and had at length usurped a considerable share of power to

himself; being in fact the very Yona raja whom the Muhammadan

historians state to have dispossessed SinsAR Cuanp’s grandson. But

I am sensible that I have beem frequently guilty of running ahead of

prudence with my deductions, and I must consequently draw in a little;

for it may be possible after all that the word yavane does not exist.

It is preceded by the letter @ which I have rendered q < further’ ‘ too ;’

but the expletive is somewhat out of place, and some may prefer the

reading YRTHY ATATATIZA, ‘ by AsoxKa’s raja (or lord) of the floods

and forests.’

_ To continue my history of the bridge:—after the last repairs

although no accident is mentioned, we must conclude that such had

eccurred, and that the bridge was rebuilt by the prince upon whom the

largest share of the eulogistic inscription is lavished. The opening

passage may perhaps be recoverable on a careful re-examination of

the stone. Towards the close it does indeed mention that on

the petition of the inhabitants (backed by female imfluence ?) he

strengthened the structure three-fold at his own expense. Now the

name of this prince is RupDRADAMA, destined, it says, from his

cradle to be elected to the throne,—his title is Raja Maha Ksha-

trapa the same as that of ARrpAmé and Swami Cuasnran. We may

therefore view him as a scion of the old dynasty replaced on the throne 4

after a temporary subjugation of the province by the Mawrya sove- —

reigns of India proper.

It is curious and most interesting to those whose attention is engaged

in the subject to observe how different ancient monuments throw light

upon one another and help to their mutual development. ‘The name of

RupDRADAMA recals to our memory the series of Surashtra coins —

described in my journal hardly a year ago. Among the eleven names

there distinguished, RupRADAMA was conspicuous as following just

such a break in the line as would be made by the cause above alluded

to. Again, the title then read as Maha Kritrima, the elected king,

on second examination agrees precisely with the present more palpably

developed Maha Kshatrapa. On referring to the plate of Mr. Sreu-

ART’s coins sent tome by Captain Harkness I find that I so read the

1838. ] From Girnar in Gujerdai. 845

word at first and noted it im pencil, but gave it up on the pandit’s ignorance

of such having ever been a titlein use. Had I possessed at that time a

comparative alphabet to consult, I should immediately have perceived

that the right hand twist at the foot of the & (see pl. XIX) did not then

denote as it does now the vowel ri, which was formerly turned in the con-

trary sense; but that it was the cerebral sh subjoimed to the & (forming

&sh), exactly as it occurs on the Junagarh* inscription. The p also de-

ceived me, being more pointed than the same letter in the word putra ;

but on examination of the coins in my possession I find it generally round-

ed off as U, and never crossed below as the m(x). (See the plate.)

The word @qaqy : kshatrapas, although wholly unknown as a sove-

reign title te modern Hindus, ard not to be found in their books;

is familiar to the reader of the Grecian history of ancient Persia,

with merely a softening of the initial letter, as sarpanns, Satrapa,

the prefect of a province under the Persian system of government. I

do not believe that the etymology of this name has ever been traced.

It is called a Persian title, but the Persian dictionaries only contain

2 yaw Satrab, as an obsolete term for the governor of a province,

without explanation of its origin. In Sanskrit it signifies the ruler,

feeder, or patron of the Xshatra or military class ; and now that we

know the ancient language of Persia east of the Euphrates to have been

a near dialect of the Sanskrit, we may conclude that Satrapa had the

same signification in Ariana. It is not for me in this place to specu-

late on the purport of the term in the Persian polity, but it is a fact

well known that the effeminate Persians at a very early period were in

the habit of governing their numerous tributary provinces by mercenary

troops. The same system, and the same denomination of Satrap, was

adopted and retained by the Macedonian conqueror, both when Greek and

native officers were employed: and instances are frequent enough of

the Satraps assuming to themselves independence and a regal title.

The Satrapies of the ancient Persian monarchy are not supposed to

have extended across the Indus. If i ALEXANDER’s time this limit

was first transgressed, it was not long before the Bactrian Greeks or

the Parthians made themselves masters of Sindh, Cutch and Guzeratt.

The present inscription may incline the learned to conclude that Su-

vashtra was before then one of the Satrapies of the empire, from the

name of CuasTan, the Satrap, who is stated to have first erected the

bridge, and who must have preceded CuanpracuptTa. Rvupra, VIs-

* I have before remarked that this town seems called after the Greek prince,

Yavanagada,

+ See J. A. S. vol. VI. page 385 for VINCENT’s authority on this subject.

2 Eo

346 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprir,

wa, and others of the list are more Indian in sound. It. is re-

markable that in the long string of epithets applied even to RupRa-.

pAmA the chosen Satrap, there is none which bears the slightest

allusion to Hindu mythology ; while on the other hand the coins of the

whole dynasty bear an emblem which we have hitherto considered either

of Mithraic or of Buddhist import. The name Jinadami (wearing

Buddha as a necklace) is decidedly Buddhistic ; and the epithet applied

in the inscription to Rudradamd,—‘ who from right persuasion never.

put any living creature to death’—proves that Rupra’s opinions were

at any rate influenced by the proximity of the important Buddhist

establishment at Gurndr.

' The style of prose eulogy employed by the composer of the inscrip-

tion puts us much in mind of our old friend, the Allahabud column. It

has its corresponding list of countries conquered and equitably ruled:

but few of the names are, as might be expected, the same in the two.

Avanti or Ujjayani, and Vrija (if the latter name be correctly read)

are of the anost importance as implying that the elected kings of the

Sah family, or the Satraps of Surdshtra as we may now more properly

call them, had acquired dominion over all the central portion of India,

driving back the Magadha sovereigns, (who had previously spread their.

hands to the farthest west,) into their own Gangetic limits. The other

places Anartta, Kukura, &c. are probably provinces to the northwest, out

of India proper. One other name however deserves our particular atten-

tion ; the king of the Dakhan (Dakshinapatha), who was twice threatened.

with an invasion, and brought to sue for peace. His name is SATA

Karn, the same which occurs several times in the lists of the Andhra

kings extracted by WILForD from the Bhagavat, and other Purdnas.

It is a patronymic, from waafw ‘the hundred-eared’ which was doubt-

less the name of the founder of the family : and SArakK Arn was _proba-

bly the surname of all the line, though not repeated aNOny where in the —

versified enumeration of the Puranas. .

The locality of the Andhra dominion has hitherto been as uncertain

as the period of its sway. W1LFoRD says in one place that the Andhra

princes ‘made a most conspicuous figure on the banks of the Ganges.

for above 800 years* ;—again that Andhra and Koshala (near Kalin--

ga) are used synonymously by some Hindu authors :—again that Srr’

Carna pveEva took the title of king of Zvri-kalinga, or of the three

shores, to the east and west and south of India+. From our inscription

we perceive that the general term of Dakshinapatha agrees well with

the latter definition, and we may rest content with denoting the See |

karnis-as kings of the Peninsula. |

* As. Res. 1X.101. ‘ Ditto, 104.

Journal: As. Soe. Vol. VI. FEE

SAURASHTRA COINS. |

spl

Kasinath Sculpe

1838.] Srom Girnér in Gujerat. 247

Further, as to their age, we find one of the name contemporary with

RupravDAMA who followed Asoka (we cannot say at what precise

distance.) WILFoRD, brings them much lower down, from the third to

the sixth century after Christ, in order to square the last of their name,

Pulomarchi or Puliman, with the Pulomien* of the Chinese.

He is forced to confess however that there were Andhras at the

beginning of the Christian era, when, says Piiny, ‘the Andare kings

were very powerful in India having no less than 30 fortified cities, an

army of 100,000 men and 1000 elephants+.’

We must therefore consent to throw back the Andhras ; and, instead

of requiring them to fall into a general and single line of paramount

Indian kings as WiLForp would insist, let them run in a parallel line,

along with the lines of Surdshtra, Ujjain, Magadha and others,—indi-

viduals of each line in turn obtaining by their talent, prowess or good

fortune a temporary ascendancy over his neighbours: thus at length we

may hope to fulfil Captain Ton’s prophecy,—“ let us master the charac-

ters on the columns of Indrapreshta, Poorag, and Mewar, on the rocks

of Junagarh, at Bijolle on the Aravulli, and in the Jain temples scatter-

ed over India, and then we shall be able to arrive at just and satisfactory

conclusions (in regard to Indian history )t.”

As an atonement for leading my readers into this long digression,

I now present them with an engraved plate of all the varieties of the

Surdshtra group of coins yet found. There is one new name added

through the diligence of Lieut. E. Conotty. The rest are already

known, but I subjoin their corrected readings for the satisfaction of my

numismatical friends. The fact of their having a Grecian legend and

head on the obverse is now explained ; and the date of their fabrication

is determined so far that we may certainly place some of the early

reigns in the second and third centuries before Christ : to what later

period they descend we may also hope to ascertain through the means

of other coins which will come to be described along with the third in-

* Quere. Is not Brahman written with this orthography in Chinese ?

+ The name Séragan given in the Periplus as of a sovereign that had formerly

reigned at Kalliena (near Bombay) has some resemblance to Sdtakarni, but I will

not build upon such uncertain ground.

t Ton’s Rajasth4n, I. 45, he gives a curious derivation, by the way, of the name

of Junagarh :

‘6 The ‘ancient city’ par éminence, is the only name this old capital, at the foot of

and guarding the sacred mount Girndr, is known by. ABUL FAZL says, it had long

remained desolate and unknown and was discovered by mere accident, Tradition

even being silent, they give it the emphatic name of Juna (old) gurh (fortress), I

have little doubt that it is the Asildurga or Asilgurh of the Grahilote annals; where

it is said that prince Asx raised a fortress, called after him near to Girnar by the

consent of the DABI prince, his uncle,’’ (See note to page 345.)

“'

348 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

scription from Junagarh, as soon as we obtain a correct facsimile of it.

I may here so far satisfy curiosity as to state that this third inscription,

the longest and in some respects the best preserved, though from the

smallness and rudeness of the letters it is very difficult to decipher,—is in

a more modern character—that alloted to the third century after Christ —

or the Gupra alphabet: and that in the opening lines I find an allu-

sion to SKANDA GuPTA one of the GuPTA family, whose name has

also been found upon a new series of the Surdshtra coms. The words

are... Hifa faaw eafe: Sete: TIM Ws......(vide Plate XIX.)

We shall thus be able to string together by means of the inscriptions

and coins of ancient Surdshtra a continued series of names and dates

from the time of the Maurya dynasty to that of the Gupta dynasty of

Canouj which terminates the catalogues of the Puranas.

Dates too did I say ?—Yes I am in hopes of adding even actual

dates to the series, for I have been fortunate enough to light upon a

clue to the ancient forms of the Sanskrit nwmerals, and to discover

their presence on the very series of Swrdshtrian coins to which I have

been just alluding. But here again I must solicit a little patience, while

I describe the grounds of this new assertion.

§ On the Ancient Sanskrit Numerals.

The most ancient mode of denoting number in the Sanskrit languages,

as in the Greek and Latin, was by the use of letters in alphabetical

order. This system we find prevalent in all ancient Sanskrit works, as

well as in the Pali, the Tibetan and other derivate systems. There do

not indeed appear to be any numerals peculiar to the P4li. In their

sacred records, the words are always written at length; they have also

the symbolical words of the Sanskrit astronomical works, and what is

called the Varna sankhya, or numeral classification of the alphabet.

The numerals now employed in Ceylon, Ava, Cambodia, Siam, have

hardly the slightest affinity to one another.

When this system was exchanged for that of the decimal or cipher

notation does not appear to be known, or to have been investigated by

the learned. Up to the ninth or tenth century of our era, the Nagari

numerals extant on numerous monuments do not differ materially from

those now in use.

In the Gupta class of inscriptions, as far as I know, no numerals had

as yet been found until I noticed some doubtful and unknown symbols

on the Bhilsa monument. In the Buddhist pillar inscriptions the

dates where they occurred, were uniformly expressed at full length.

A few months ago, I was engaged in transcribing and reading with

my pandit, some copper-plate grants supposed to be of the third cen-

tury, found in Gujerdt by Dr. Burn, whose beautiful copies of them, I

Journ.As. Sec. VolVa PL MX

Sanskrit Numerals.

DY A a a A A=

> ‘

BM Fercndgere TAR BY “4 9c Q

De yanagart of 10” century 4 Xx v. % sq 4 ? ‘) Cc ow y

Be agate , rockers 5 i 9 g S_ 4 | t- pa t ©]

A ssanivese Cvtns Lteent g 2 § 3 Ry Ny) 2 6 ) fe)

NWepalese coins alle 4 4 a4 + 5 & a] Li ~ °

ae ee A a) i

Sezbelar " oe = c lj ~b 9) js ‘ a 0

Burmese te eT ema a Sa AS o

Ceylonese GY Gv Gru CE Gre £) oy C2 CON Coy

Karn be fez and Lelenga Cy. 29 a yy A oy Qo) —¢ re O

Pali letter numerals Olt Rie ae RR Opi Gy 2

in the Burmese character. ; 8 S = bs Pe Denes ? ?

SS aE 1S SO: a ee

Beet A Yt & DS U SYN YHAY

Tritécal tellers é at: ren thea fa chhash sa ah? n nf?

aa Z&€ Za UHH RARQAT

Arabce numerals { V i 1S <4 y V OA 9 +

Ancient Vumerals on Copper plale Grants.

MMP Aarra, D° Burn. .:.words, ND UJ H53ZGSy $3 5)0F (Samvat 394)

repeated cn 1 fog “res i UIA it kB

H2, in words and pgures a @* (340) - W235, “Da Ad 5 pas).

| WN 4 pe only in figures x FAY. A? 5, (elo TAS ELST DO

MC mig ..-- xy 2 AN A ap A q= = Samvat 375 Por 30 ardha pausha

Bhilsa Inscription N°7.7A8.v1.48— N @= aeue oo 79? Bhad: ogee

oO” Sam.

De. MB Second, lo fs perfect. NK “t ay a =, je Be ay .

: Numerals on the Satrapr Coins of Surashtra.

Silver CONS, 9 Ker, as &- =) to kx Woy 7] a | DO 9 /2 4: @ 43 OS >

Copper do 73 (Stacey) WwhHKO ? S4 (Coucky) py | WN : 3

“Uw

Lead cdo IS :yoot 16 yes 17 a tag witoutdale as QS

ANCIENT NUMERALS restored y) Fs Hi | 4y Y oc Ni CO &B :

SJ Pinsep “ith.

1838.] from Girndr in Guyer dt. 849

hope shortly to make public. In one of these, the date was entered at

full in the words daqt waasaqarafy & ‘in the samvat year three

hundred and ninety-four.’ A few lines below this, the word || Haq |j

again occurred, followed by three symbols “T8 ‘ which must of

course be numerals : they are more exactly copied in Plate XX; and

according to the preceding statement should be 394.

On a second plate in the same manner, the date in words was ¥q@M<

na aafuafya aifia Vageeui, ‘in the 15th of Kartik, samvat 380,’

and in figures 4 yO aifua w 5 .

On a third plate the date in words was waaqugiiuafea afar

TraAe, ‘Kartik full moon, samvat 385’ and in figures THs and

5 as before: in both of which the same symbols occur for 1, 3, 8,

and 5; and the latter figure, much resembling the ancient letter na, but

slightly altered was again observed on a fourth plate sent me by Dr.

Burn from Gujerat, which did not contain the date in words, thus,

“TAG.

Much pleased with this new train of discovery, I turned to Mr.

WatTneEn’s paper in the fourth volume of the Journal, in which I

remembered his interpretation of the date on a similar grant by Sri

Duara Sena, as being in the ninth year of the Valabhi Samvat of

Top, corresponding with A. D. 328. Here the translator had no

written entry to guide him, nor had he any clue whereby to recognize

the numerals which followed the abbreviated Samvat, thus, a | |

which we now perceive to be 300, + some unknown unit. I immediately

wrote to Mr. WaTHEN and to Dr. Burn, requesting them to examine

carefully the dates of all other plates in their possession, and from them

in return I received all the examples which are inserted in the accom-

panying plate. From the whole series combined we may venture to

assign a certain value to the 1, the 3, the 4, the 5, the 8 and the 9.

The last of these, [ could not but remember as the symbol on one of

the Bhilsa inscriptions which led to so many conjectures a year ago.

In the form of @ we have evidently our § , or the year 9, but the

three strokes at the side would appear to modify its value, or to be

themselves a numeral, perhaps the 0. Then, as we find the preceding al

has not a dot above it, we may use that also as a numeral and under-

stand the whole A/QBR as 2 or 6 or 790 according to the value to be

hereafter assigned to AJ,

Again in the second Bhilsa inscription (page 458, pl. XXVI.) the

figure 3 with another is perceived, following the word ara and

850 Examination of the Inscriptions (Apri,

the last letter may possibly be a numeral also. In Mr. OMMANNEY’S

Multay inscription, two numerals of the same class were observed

(VI. 868.)

It may also be remembered that in my notice of the Surdshtra coins,

vol. VI. p. 389, I remarked behind the head on the obverse, besides a

legend in corrupted Greek characters, a few strange marks not at all

like either Greek or Sanskrit, alphabetical characters ; to these I now

redirected my attention and was happy to perceive that they too were in

fact numerals of the same forms and of equal variety with those on

the copper-plate grauts.

I have arranged at the foot of Plate XII. those specimens in my own

cabinet on which the figures are best developed.

Upon bringing the subject to the notice of Dr. Burn at Kaira, he

wrote me that he had already remarked these symbols on another very

numerous class of old coins found in the ruins of the Gujerat towns.

They are made of lead or tin; and have on one side, in general, a bull,

and on the other the triple pyramid which forms the central symbol of

the silver hemidrachmas of the Surdshtra satraps. I have not found

space to introduce them into the present plate, but fig. 22, will serve

as a representative of the whole class. It is a finely preserved copper

coin most opportunely discovered and presented to me by Lieut. E.

Conotty, from Ujein. It bears the numerical symbols TN very

distinctly marked under the symbol §. Among the facsimiles of the

leaden coins, I find git siee and TB: with barely room for a third

figure, but in one the reading is yor LC so that we may venture to

place them all in the fourth century of some yet unknown era.

Among the silver coins the variety is greater: fig. 23, which I find

by the reverses is a coin of RupRa Sau, has the year "¥()G,

Another fig. 26, also of Rupra Sau, has the third figure well de-

veloped “J()).

Fig. 24, of the son of Rupra DAMA (the repairer of the Girndr

bridge), has apparently the numbers, “TB: or 390.

Fig. 12, from Ujein, Rupra Séu II. has “TTA the first 3 rather

faint. Ina coin of Viswa Sdn, given to me by Mr. WATHEN, similar

to fig. 9, of the plate, the date is OL.

Fig. 25, is a well brought out date “TOC: on a coin of Arar D&ma,

son of Rupra Su, in my cabinet: the coins of the same prince

in Mr. Stevarzt’s plate, and one also of Aca DAMA shew traces of the

same second figure.

tan}

LEP IELSSd fARO

1838. ] Jrom Girnar in Gujerat. 351

Now, although the succession of the Satraps or San family, as

given in last volume, page 338, rests but on slender evidence in some

points ; still where the names of father and son are consecutive, we may

rest with confidence on it in fixing the priority of such of our newly

found numerals as occur on them respectively.

We must for the sake of perspicuity, repeat the list with the addition

of the dates as far as we have traced them :

Regal Satraps of Surashtra.

K. Rupra Séu, son of a private individual Swkm1 Jina DAmd

K. Aca D&mai, his son.

(Here the connection is broken.)

MK. Démi Sdu, (no coins.)

MK. Visaya Su, son of Dama SAH.

K. Vira D&ma, son of DAM‘ SAH.

? 2

MK. Runpra Sdn, son of Vira Dam, Samvat, 6 mM) and TT

K. Viswa SAu, another son of ditto, ..... ditto, TAG

K. Ruvupra Sdu, son of M. K, Rupra SAzu, ditto, TTA

Mk. Are Dimd, son of ditto; «....4.. «.. ditto, is he :

10 MK. Viswa S&u, son of Atri DAMA.

(Here the connection is broken.)

11 MK. Swami Rupra Dds, (no coins.)

12 MK. Swami Rupra SAu, his son, Samvat, “OG and ol sR:

__ The two last names being insulated from the rest were on the former

_ occasion placed by me before DAMA SAu, because the form of the letter

| j seemed of the earlier type. Since then, I have learnt that the turn-

ing up of the central stroke of the 7 constitutes a vowel inflection. I

| now therefore bring the two SwAmis to the foot of the list on the plea

tS =

oe oN DD K&R OO

| that all figures must have precedence of the 9 or §3. In the same

| manner we may now argue that Q precedes "Y, this figure OC and the

datter again ().

| To aid in prosecuting my inquiry, I begged KAMALAKANTA, to

| point out any allusions to the forms of the ancient numerals, he might

| have met with in grammars or other works; but he could produce

but very few instances to the point. One of these is to be met with

in the Kdtantra Vyakarana, a work of BeLALA Sena’s time, where

the conformation of the four is alluded to in these words,

| aa aMatawgqrel favre

Like a woman’s breast is the figure four, and like the visarga;

2 Y

352 Examination of the Inscriptions (Aprit,

and the visarga is further explained by a passage in the Tantrd-bhid-

hana, amore modern work still, dated in 1406 Saka.

fea: wrerqufiat srituawayia aaa

The name of visarga is ‘two ths,’ ‘ Swdhd,’ analapriya,—because the visarga

has the form of the letter {A(O).

This merely alludes to the modern form of the 4, which exactly

resembles the Bengali visarga.

The oldest allusion he could furnish, was the following on the form

of the 6 from PrncGava’s Prakrit Grammar.

SILA TAA BH USMT FATT F at

“The guru mark* is Jike the figure 6, crooked, und of two strokes: it is called

also lahu (lughu), it is also denoted by one stroke or one minute.”

This passage evidently alludes to a form of 6 more resembling the

Bengali than the present Nagari type.

Another channel through which I was in hopes of tracing the ancient

ciphers was the numerical system of tltose Indian alphabets which bear

most resemblance to the forms of the earlier centuries, such as those of

Cashmir, &c. In the specimens of these, which I have introduced into

the plate for the purpose of comparison, it will be seen that the three has

certainly considerable affinity to our i ; while the one, and five ap-

proach nearly to our Y and b. There is a faint resemblance, in

others of the group ; but some again are totally changed.

The Tibetan numerals (of the seventh century) do not yield much

more insight into the matter. They are, we may say, one remove back-

wards from the Bengali numbers—the 1, 2, 3 and 5, only agreeing

better with the Nagari forms. The 1, however, agrees exactly with

one of the ancient figures on the coins, and this has been my inducement

to consider the latter as 1. ;

Upon regarding attentively the forms of many of the numerals, one

cannot but be led to suppose that the initial letters of the written names

were, many of them, adopted as their numerical symbols. Thus in the

Tibetan 5 > we see the Q or p of the same alphabet, the initial of

pancha. ‘The same may be said of the Cashmirian, and the modern

Hindi form y andindeed in some measure of the ancient forms [and d “

Again the Tibetan 6 %, resembles the ch x of that alphabet: the

Ceylonese form is exactly the ch of its alphabet ; and there is an equally

marked connection between the Nagari ¢ and the @ chha, which is the

common name of this numeral.

* i.e. The mark used to denote a short quantity in prosody and in music, which

is formed ¥-

1838. Srom Girndr in Gujerdt. 353

On the same principle in the absence of other argument, we may set

down the AJ of our new series as 7, being identical with A) the initial

of sapta.

The modern 3 3, has no small likeness to the ér of the older Nagari

alphabets : nor does the 2 differ much from d; but these resemblances

may be more ideal than real ; for by an equally facile process of com-

parison they might be both derived from the Arabic figures, as might

other members of the series, as 7 and 8, in the Nagari of the Nepalese

coins particularly.

The 9 of the Tibetan, Bengali, Nipalese and Burmese numerals is

precisely the / of the ancient alphabets. | Now in the allotment of the

vowels numerically, the /¢ represents 9; but it would appear far-fetched

to adopt one insulated example of derivation from such a source.

The 9 however of the Surdshtra grants and coins is totally of a dif-

ferent order. It resembles the four-petalled flower of the bé/ or Indian

jasmine,—and in the copper plates we find it absolutely represented

with a stalk, (see No. 1, of Pl. XX.) Seeking the name of this flower

in Sanskrit, mallika, the pandit reminded that one of its synonymes

was nava mallika, which the dictionaries derive from naéa ‘ praised,

excellent’—but which may now receive a much more natural definition

as the ‘ jasmine flower resembling the figure 9.’ |

It is further to be remarked that in many of the ancient systems,

separate symbols were used to denote ten, twenty, &c. in combination

with the nine units severally. The curious compound figure seemingly

used for the 1 of 15 in the two cases quoted above cf may be of this

sort :—indeed it somewhat resembles the Ceylonese ten (see Plate.)

On this point however I can offer no demonstration, nor any other

argument, save that we have already more than nine symbols to find

accommodation for as numerals.

With all these helps, and analogies, I have endeavoured to arrange the

nine old numerical symbols in their proper order in the accompanying

plate, so as also to meet the conditions of the succession of dates on the

coins of the satraps of Surdshtra. In this I am far from being confident

of having succeeded ; but having once as it were broken the ice, we may

soon hope for a more perfect solution of the curious problem, through the

multitude of new, or rather old, monuments which seem to emerge from

oblivion just at the time they are wanted, under the united efforts of the

Society's associates in central India. Once having proved that it was

customary to date the coin of that early period, we must direct attention

again to the monograms on the Bactrian, Indo-Scythic and Canouj

coims, which may turn out to be also used numerically,

2y¥ 2

304 Examination of the Inscriptions [Aprit,

The numbers then which form comparison with foreign and modern

native series as well as the other considerations above given, I have

finally adopted are as follows :—

i _ 3 4

5 6 7 8 9

PGE Hurl Oe aA) an gel

varieties? OF QQ O£ 5 a]

Before concluding this division of my theme, I may be expected to

explain in what era the dates of the Suwrdshtra coins can be expressed,

so as to place SwAm1 Rupra DA&m4, whom we perceive in the inscrip-

tion to have followed at some reasonable distance AsoKA himself, at the

end of a fourth century or about the year 390. If the Vikramdditya

or Samvat be here intended, he will fall after the close even of the

Arsakian dynasty of Persia, when the Greek was disused, and the arts

had greatly deteriorated; when moreover the form of the Sanskrit cha-

racter had undergone considerable change. If we take the Seleucidan’

epoch, which might have been introduced in the provinces tributary

to Syria, Rupra will have reigned in A, D. 89. If lastly out of

deference to AsoKa’s temporary supremacy in the Gujerdé peninsula,

_we take the Buddhist era, then 543—390 will leave 153 B. C. about a

century after Asoxa, and in every respect the period I should like to adopt

were it ‘possible to establish any more certain grounds for its preference.

The most perplexing circumstance is that the grants of Balabhi dynasty

are also dated in the third (or fourth) century—and that it is hardly

possible to consider their dominion as contemporary with those of the

satraps. For them indeed we must adopt the Vikramaditya era, what-

ever may be determined in regard to the one before us.

Explanation of Plate XII.

Fig. 1, (from Srevart’s plates,) a silver hemidrachma.

Fig. 11, a coin belonging to Mutza Feroz of Bombay.

Fig. 13, a coin found by Capt. Prescorr at Palhanpur in Gugerdt,

presented to me by Mr. WaTHEN.

These three coins have all the same legend, but No. 11 exhibits the

application of the vowel ¢in two places, which the others want: the

10? 0

legend thus completed is,

Rajna Kshatrapasa Rudra Sdhasa, Swami Jina Damdputrasa ;

‘Of the Royal Satrap, Rudra S&h, the son of the lord Jina dama.’

The title of Jina DAMA < votary of Buppua’, is a better reading than

Jina dama, subduer of that sect, formerly adopted.

Fig. 2, (from Stxvart’s plates,) a coin of Aca D&md, son of Ru-

DRA SAH.

1838.] from Girndr in Gujerdt. 855

. Rdjna Kshotrapasa Aga Damna, Rdjna Kshatrapasa Rudra Séha putrasa.

Fig. 3, (ditto) a coin of Visaya San, son of DAMA Sau.

Rajna Kshatrapasa Vijaya Sahasa, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Dama Sha putrasa,

Fig. 4, (ditto) a coin of Vira Dama4, son of Dama S&u.

Rajna Kshatrapasa Viraddma, rdjno maha Kshatrapasa Dama Saha putrasa.

Fig. 5, (ditto) a coin of Rupra Sdu, son of Vira D&ma.

Rajno mahé Kshatrapasa Rudra Sahasa, rajno Kshatrapasa Viradama putrasa.

Another coin apparently of this Rupra, in my possession, fig. 26,

has a date which may be read 283, I find I have two coins of this prince,

(one given me by Mr. F. Starnrortu.) Colonel Stacy has also two

of the same; they may be known by the epithet maha.

Fig. 6, (ditto) a coin of Viswa SAu, son of Rupra SAu,

Rajna Kshatrapasa Viswa Sdhasa, rdjno maha& Kshatrapasa Rudra Saha putrasa.

Fig. 7, (ditto) a coin of ATR1 DAmAanother son of RupRa SAu;behind

the head, but more distinctly in my own coin (fig. 25) is the date 360 ?

Rajno maha Kshatrapasa Atri dadmna, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Rudra Séha (2)

putrasa,

This name is the nearest approach to the Art DAmMA of the inscrip-

tion, who, however, was the same of SwAmi CHasTANA. Colonel Stacy

has also a coin of Arri DAMA.

Fig. 8, (ditto) of the same prince introduced as shewing more clearly

the name of his father.

Radjna Kshatrapasa Atrt.sececcccees sees trapasa Rudra Séha putrasa,

Fig. 9, a coin of Visva San, son of BHatri DAMA.

Rajno Kshatrapasa Visva Sahasa, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Atri Damd putrasa.

This coin has a date, which may be read 328, in which case it must

precede the last two—the father’s name was before read as ATRI Dama,

whence the misplacement.

Fig. 10, a coin of Swami Rupra, son of SwAmr Rupra DAMA, in

the obverse, the figures 39 (perhaps 390). Another has 385.

Rajna maha Kshatrapasa Swami Rudra Sdha, rajno maha Kshatrapasa Swami

Rudra Dama Saha putrasa.

Fig. 12, a new name, or new as to the second title; Rupra SAu,

son of the great Satrap Rupra Dama was presented to me by Lieut.

E. Conotty, from Ujein. ;

_ Rojna Kshatrapasa Rudra Sdhasa, rajna mahé Kshatrapasa, Rudra Damd (?)

Saha putrasa.

This is the only coin which bears the name of the repairer of the

bridge, and that rather dubiously as the father of the prince who coined

the piece, It has a date on the obverse which I have interpreted, 390

like the preceding.

856 Examination of the Inscriptions, &c. [AprRIL,

Fig, 15, a silver coin belonging to Mutia Feroz of Bombay, simi-

lar to Mr. Stevart’s coin, fig. 3.

Réjna maha Kshatrapasa Vijaya Séhasa, rdjna maha Kshatrapasa Dama Saha

putrasa.

Fig. 14, a copper coin, unique, discovered by Lieut. ConoLLy at

Ujein, and placed in my cabinet through his kindness. Obverse, a bull,

with a marginal legend apparently Greek, some of the letters seeming

to form the word Lastleus, &c.

‘Rajno maha Kshatra (pa)....the remainder of the legend lost.

The letters are larger and better formed on this than on the silver

coins. Most copper coins of the series exactly resemble the silver ones —

with a head on the obverse. Col. Stacy has a good specimen, of which

the obverse (fig. 27) has apparently a date.

Fig. 16. In this silver coin found in Cutch in 1837, and presented to

me by Mr. Warnen, the central emblem of the reverse is changed to

a kind of trident: the legend is also altered from that of a Satrap to

one of a paramount sovereign :

ULA WAAC CST Bl FAIA ASAT

Parama Bhanuvira Rajédhiraja Sri Kumara Gupta Mahendrasya.

‘¢Of the paramount sovereign the heroic king of kings Ski KUMARA GuPTA MA-

HENDRA.”’

Fig. 17, another of the same kind, having the same Sanskrit legend,

but behind the head the Greek letters may be read oNnonov, OF

RAO NANO? it was presented to me with the last by Mr. WATHEN.

Figs. 18, 19, 20 and 21, have the same symbol, but the workmanship

is very much deteriorated. The legend on them all has at length been

deciphered by the collation of several specimens presented to me by Mr,

_ WatTHuEN, and found in various parts of Cutch, Kattywar and Gujerdt,

by Capt. Prescott, Capt. Burnes, Dr. Burn; as well as the few

inserted in the plates of Mr. Srevart’s coins*.

Wa Wigds UBS HAfey

Parama Bhagadata ma (ha) Réja Sri Skanda Gupta (vi) kramaditya.

But as I have a larger assortment of the coins of the same king, to

introduce into a future plate, I will postpone further mention of this

series for the present.

* By a letter from Professor Wirson I learn that Mr. Stevart’s Plate is to

appear in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal ; but that it had time to journey

to India and back before the outcoming number went to press! I regret I] am

thus deprived of the power of adding to this note the observations of the learned

in England on the Surashtra coins.

1838.] On the Zoology of Tenasserim™ 857

VIII.—A letter to Dr. HELFER, on the Zoology of Tenasserim and the

neighbouring Provinces. By Assist. Surg. J.T. Pearson.

In compliance with the commands of the Right Honorable the Go-

vernor General, I have much pleasure in offering the following remarks

upon the points to which your attention may be usefully directed during

your expedition to the coast of Z’enasserim and the neighbouring pro-

vinces. And I do this the more readily, that I am satisfied, from my

own experience, the hints of a long resident in a country may almost

always be of use to a new comer in the prosecution of his researches into

its natural history.

The first grand problem of natural history, beyond doubt, is the dis-

covery of a new species of man. This, however, the naturalist will be

fortunate beyond all others who is enabled to offer any but negative

evidence to solve. But it is not impossible, perhaps not improbable, that

some variety but little known, or which we are totally ignorant of may

exist among the forests of the country ; in like manner as the Papuas of

New Guinea, and the Shaw halla of Abyssinia live wild and remote

from other men*. Accurate observations upon any portion of the human

race are valuable, especially upon those who are little known to their

civilized brethren.

Jn the next order of mammalia, the Quadrumana, a wider field will be

open before you. Many unknown species or varieties of species are

probably to be found in the forests with which those coasts are covered :

and the discovery of another specimen of the gigantic ape, found by

Captain Comeroort in Sumatra, and described by the late Doctor ABEL

in the Researches of the Asiatic Society, may be made. This animal

seven feet in height, would be valuable to the naturalist, and a well

preserved specimen the greatest ornament of any museum.

Among the Cheiroptera any species of the genera Galeopithecus and

Pteropus which you may meet with, will very likely be new, and con-

sequently well worthy of preservation, and, indeed, the chances are, that

in this family the greater part of the species on the coast of Tenasserim

are altogether unknown.

At Malacca there is said to be a Hedgehog with pendulous ears:

but the species is not well authenticated. If it really exist at Malacca,

it will also, I should think be found in Tenasserim.

In the order Rodentia the researches of the naturalist will, it is pro-

bable, be richly rewarded. An animal, somewhat between a mole and a

vat in form was found by Doctor Ricitarpson, I imagine in no very

_® J believe Dr. HELFER has actually done what is here pointed out, by discovering

a new race in the jangals of Tenasserim.

£58 Letter on the Zoology [ APRIL,

great scarcity, for he mentions two specimens as having been among his

collections, but which he unfortunately lost. He states that it is called

poe, by the Burmese-; that the head is large and round, like an otter’s ;

the cutting teeth like a rat’s; feet slightly webbed, somewhat resembling

in appearance, though not so strong as, the moles, with fur exactly like

the moles but larger in the staple, and, as he thinks, even finer ; that it

is little larger than an English mole, and burrows with great rapidity.

Dr. Ricuarpson further says, that, there are two kinds of the same

animal, one being longer and covered with harsher hair than the other.

As the animal is probably a new one, and the two kinds he mentions

distinct species, it should be sought for and described, and specimens

procured. The squirrels of that country probably bear a resemblance of

those of the Islands of the Eastern Archipelago, of Arracan, Assam,

and the lower ranges of the mountains of continental India ; but some

new ones must be met with. I have lately had one pointed out to me

as an inhabitant of Assam, by Dr. McCLeLxyanp. He described it,

as a very large black squirrel; much larger than the Scturus masi-

mus ; and he states, that it is an inhabitant of Baugmaurea in Upper

Assam; frora which place’ he has given it the specific name of Baug-

maria. I am not sure if Dr. McCLeLLanp brought a specimen

with him, but I rather think he did; and I am almost sure he has

described it; nevertheless the arrival of other specimens is desirable,

and they may be procured, it is likely, in the countries you are about

to visit: as may also various species of flying squirrels, whether of the

genus Sciuropterus or Pteromys.

Of the Pachydermata, the elephant and-rhinoceros seem to be com-

mon in the provinces to the north and east of Tenussertom; and the

Malay Tupir or that of China if there be such an animal, may also be

met with. Of late a question has been raised as to the existence of the

Hippopotamus in the rivers of India. Lieut. Ticket of the 31st Regt.

N. I. has stated, that while out with his regiment against the Coles, in

1833, he received intelligence of a large animal, said by the natives to |

be amphibious ; and which from the description they gave him, he be-

lieved to be the Hippopotamus. If this be so, that animal may be found

in our eastern Provinces ; at all events, it is desirable to ascertain the

existence, or probable non-existence of an Asiatic Hzppopotamus.

Reasoniny from analozy the point is very doubtful; for if the Tapir of

the east and south America, fill the place of the Hippopotamus of

Africa, in the list of Puchydermata, then we have no reason to expect

it here ; but, on the other hand, the zoology of Africa is too little

known to allow us to conclude, that the Zupir does not also exist upon

$s,

1838.4 of the Tenasserim Provinces. 359

that continent: andif so, the Hippopotamus, or some analogous species

will probably be discovered in Asia and America.

But one animal, though infinitely less in size than the Hippopotamus,

is perhaps quite equal to it in point of importance; and may admit of a

fanciful. analogy in its habits. I allude to the mole the well known

dweller under the earth, as the Hippopotamus is the dweller under the

waters. The mole in its varieties seems to be common in most parts of

Europe, though it is said not to be found in Ireland, and to be scarce in

Greece} while its congenera Chrysochlorus and Condylurus inhabit the

Cape, and North America. But as far as I am aware, no example of it

‘occurs in Asia, within the limit of the tropical rains. It is possible this

ignorance may be owing to a want of research; my own journeying in

India having been confined to a small portion of Bengal, Behar and

Orissa; where I may almost venture to say the mole does not exist.

But [have made many inquiries of men likely to have observed it if

present ; whose marches have been extensive, and whom I have requested

to inquire into the subject. Among these Ensign PHayre of the 7th

Regiment N. I. has travelled through a great part of India from Med-

napore to Goruckpore, the Terai, the. kingdom of Oude, and Assam ;

and he informs me that he never met with, or heard of this animal, or

any of its affinities, though he inquired of intelligent natives of those

countries, and made careful observations himself. This is also confirmed

by Dr. McCLeLianp, and Lieut. TicKELL, and by Mr. Benson of

the Civil Service, whose researches into the molluscous animals of India

are well known. It will therefore be an object worth inquiring into,

whether or not the mole or its affinities, is a native of the countries you

are going to visit. 5

The Chlamyphorus truncatus of South America, in habits somewhat

analogous to the mole, seems to have in others an affinity to the Arma-

dilloes of the same continent. If, as has been said, it take the place of

the mole in the tropical regions of the west, it is not improbable that

some animal having an analogy, or perhaps an affinity to it, may be

found in the east. In like manner, as you are aware the Pangolins

of this country take the place of the drmadilloes and Ant-eaters in that,

and the animal which forms the genus Orycteropus at the Cape, where,

as I before said, the place of the mole is filled by the genus Chryso-

chlorus.

To return however to the Pachydermata: Ensign PHAyRe during

his residence in Assam, met with a single specimen of an animal which

appears to unite the genera Sus and Dicotyles, possessing the incisor

360 Letter on the Zoology [ Aprit, q

teeth of the hog, and the molar teeth of the Peccary*. It was without

tail, and although a female, no mammez were discoverable, while the vulva

was so with difficulty. The hair was exceedingly coarse, much more

so than that of the hog generally is ; the eyes strongly resembled those

of that animal, the ears more rounded than his, and deeply seated ina —

kind of groove iu the head. The height was about 105 inches, and

the length from the tip of the tail to the vent 224 inches, measured in

astraight line. It is to be regretted that the feet of this animal did not

accompany the skin; but, as it is, there are sufficient grounds to con-

jecture the existence between Sus and Dicotyles. It was shot at Bish-. |

nath in central Assam, where it was discovered among some long grass,

in which it ran, and from which it could not be driven: in this respect —

differing altogether from the manners of the hog, when similarly hunted.

While at Maulmain, the same gentleman was informed of the exis-

tence of a black tiger. This may be the Felis melas, which has been

supposed to inhabit the Island of Java only; and which Mr. Temmincx

according to Lesson, for I am at present unable to consult TEmmrncx’s

monograph of the family}, believes to be a variety of leopard. Hs

discovery in a new locality is to be desired.

The wild cow is also a native of Tenasserim. ‘The species may be

the same as the Bos frontalis of Sylhet. Of other Ruminantia, deer

are met with in great numbers, and probably new species, of their kind, ;

and of the antelope may be discovered. Mr. PHAyreE was also told of a

goat with one horn, resembling the celebrated unicorn (it may be of — q

fable) ; a hint worth following up, for should there after all be no such

animal, yet itis very likely some species will be discovered whose pecu-

liarities gave rise to the story.

Of herbivorous Cetacea, the Halicore or Dugong is known to be

a native of the seas of our southeastern provinces: and specimens of

this animal would be valuable ina museum. Of piscivorous Cefacea,

various species are also inhabitants of those seas, and probably new

ones may be discovered, should you have the means of searching after

them. The Chinese, dubious, and black Dolphins ( Delphinus Sinen-

* After this letter was written and sent to Dr. HELFER I have been able to

examine minutely the dental system of this specimen ; and find that the last molars

are present in the jaw though yet undeveloped, thus making the molars the same in

number as those of the hog. The specimen may nevertheless be a distinct species

though it cannot form a separate genus.

tT 1 have since seen this monograph as given in the Zoological Journal, according

to which M. TemMMINCK states, that young have been found in the leopard’s lair,

one black and the other of the usual color.

1838.] of the Tenasserim Provinces. 361

sis, dubius et niger), are possibly there, if any where; as is also the

Oxypterus Rhinoceros, a species, like them, not well authenticated.

The Birds of Tenasserim appear in some respects to resemble those

of the Islands, and of the continent of India. But the Dodo, called

by SwAINnson the rasorial type of the Vulture family, and supposed

by him to belong to the African races, may possibly be found there : and,

if so, I need not point out the honour which will belong to the dis-

coverer of this long contested species. The Vultures and Hagles of

that country are but little known so that researches after them must be

rewarded by the discovery of new or rare species. Birds of the genus

Buceros are there in perfection: the Rhinoceros Hornbill the most

striking; and the Concave Hornbill (Buceros Homrai of Hopeson)

the largest, being natives of the country. The Cassowary (Casuarius

Emu, of some authors, the Struthio Casuarius of Linnaus) may per-

haps be met with. Among the Psitthacide are many species; some

perhaps, intermediate between those of New Holland and India. Gal-

linaceous birds abound in southern Asia, and in the Islands, and many

rare, and no doubt some new species will be brought to light by a dili-

gent inquiry after them. Among these the beautiful Columba Zoe, an

inhabitant of New Guinea, may extend to the coast of Tenasserim ; the

magnificent Argus Pheasant is supposed to be found there; and the

same may be expected of many other species in this, the most impor-

tant to us of all the families of the feathered race. Wild poultry should

be particularly sought after, and living specimens of them and of the

various species of Pheasants procured.

As objects of curiosity the Esculent swallow, its nest, eggs, and

young should be sought after. Mr. PHayre presented to the Asiatic

Society, nests which he brought from Zenasserim. He also heard that

the breeding of adjutants takes place there: a fact it would be well to

ascertain as well as its manner: and various species of that beautiful

family the Crimyrides the humming birds of the east, are there to be

met with.

The other Vertebrata, reptiles, and fishes, of that country are so little

known as to give a fair promise of almost all that are caught being new

species. Of the Saurian Reptiles the flying lizard (Draco volans of

Linnzvs) was brought from thence by Mr. Paayre, and presented to

the Asiatic Society, and Col. Burney, Political Resident in Ava, pre-

sented me with several specimens he brought from Pegue. ‘To the

latter gentleman I am also indebted for a curious species of Chelonian

reptile, a tortoise with a tail, as long, or longer than the body, which

222

362, On the Zoology of Tenasserim. ce. q

seems to be new. But, as I before said, almost every reptile and fish

of the Tenasserim coast must necessarily be so.

In the Invertebrata, a still wider field opens before the enterprising

naturalist, in the seas, and on the coasts you are about to visit. The

Cephalopodous and Pteropodous Mollusca may be said to be unknown.

The terrestrial and fluviatile Acephalous, and Gasteropodous sections of —

the same class are equally so. So extreme is the ignorance of naturalists

of the Indian animals of this class, that one of the most eminent English

writers in a late work expresses his surprise that the rivers of the east

should have produced but six or seven species of shells, while those of —

America are known to contain upwards of 150. In my cabinet there

are not less than 28 species of fluviatile shells, 20 of which I have found

in the tanks and nullahs in the neighbourhood of Calcutta, and*in the

river Hoogly, a fact sufficient to prove the fault is not in nature.

In marine Mollusca the rarest, and most beautiful, genera are natives

of our Indian “ narrow seas” as well as of the Indian ocean. The genera

Conus, Voluta, Harpa, Scalaria, Dolium, Venus, Isocardia and many

others are to be found there, rich in species, which require only a careful

collector to bring them to notice. Many species of the genus Patella

and its congenera from the coast of Arracan, were presented to me by

Mrs. Hatuep. And, not to dwell upon this part of the subject, we

may venture to say, that by a careful dredging for marine, a diligent

search for terrestrial and fluviatile shells, and by hanging out a tow line

on your voyage for Pelagic mollusca, you will be able to make a splen-

did collection of new genera, and new species in this most beautiful

branch of natural history.

Of the Crustacea, Arachnida, Insects, and Zoophytes upon our coasts,

our ignorance is more than equal to what it is of the Mollusca, while to

attempt to enumerate even the genera you will meet with, would extend

this paper beyond all reasonable limits. Besides, my remarks must be

for the most part merely conjectural, and you will, of course, gather all

you meet with, and particularly inquire after any curious in themselves,

or useful in medicine and the arts. Among the former the phospho-

rescent Pennatule are natives of the Straits of Malacca; but whe-

ther of the European species or not, I am not informed. Of the

latter, some species of Cantharide are met with, in numbers suffi-

cient to be used in blistering ; and other insects may be known to the

natives of real, or fancied, specific virtues : if so, such should be inquired

after: I may also mention the Cochineal insect ( Coccus cacti, Linn.) _

which some think may after all be found in India, though from its place

1838.] Manufacture of Salumba salt. 363

being apparently filled by another species* of the same genus, I have

little hope of your discovering it.

With regard to the internal parts of animals; those of Vertebrata

should be preserved, as well as the animals themselves of those Jnverte-

brata which are provided with a shell. Of the importance of these in

systematic classification you are well aware.

The little time I can command must be my apology for not entering

here upon the subject of the preservation of your specimens. All I

know, however, about it is fully detailed in a paper I published last year

in the Journal of the Asiatic Society ; a copy of which | have the plea-

sure to annex. In that paper you will find the method I have been

induced, by the experience of several years in this climate, to recommend,

and which has been practised in my own cabinet, and in the museum

of the Asiatic Society, with the most perfect success.

In conclusion, permit me to congratulate you upon an appointment

which promises so fair an opportunity of distinction to yourself; and

such great advantage to zoological science.

IX.—Mode of Manufacture of the Salumba salt of Upper India, ea-

tracted from a Report by C. Guspins, Esq. CLS.

The Noh Mehdi situated below and to the east of the Mewdt hills,

and between two jheels, that of Kotela to the south and that of Chun-

dainee to the north, comprizes 12 villages,

Chundainee, Baee, Bas,

Noh, - Selumbah, Boutka,

Khairlah, Salaheree, Lildbur,

Mulub, Ferozpore, Murara.

The area of these villages is about 394 square miles.

The salt is made by solar evaporation from well water, exposed in

pukka vats or reservoirs of an average of 3} cubits deep, 70 cubits long

and 40 cubits broad. ‘These reservoirs are built in sets of six, and are

filled from wells, one of them is chosen which is always kept full from

the remaining five, while these again are refilled from the well as often

as they empty. ;

Two years is the usual time for the first collection of salt (this is

however often retarded or accelerated by a heavy or scanty fall of rain,

during the wet months) : when a red scum begins to appear on the sur

face of the water fresh bushes are thrown in, chiefly of thorny plants, ©

such as the Keeker, Jhoud, Joankur and the Joasa plants, and by the

* Further reflection has led me to think the Sylvestre, or C. Tomentosus is a variety

of and not a distinct species from the C, cacti,

364 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [ APRIL,

time that the bark decomposes the salt has completed its crystallization.

The pits last, without requiring repair, for about six years ; and yield

salt every year after the first produce.

The following is an average account of expense and produce.

Produce of first 3 years Expence.

from outlay,......... mds. 1,500 Outlay for 6 pukka reservoirs at 50 300

Pu See cage ee Osa 830 per each...........00s nab ogee-ssepeemuseee .

5th ........000.. 830 Expence of drawing water for 6 yrs. 150

GER 55238. desidean « 830 ab 25 Rs. per ann. .cesnsersccocraoseae

Mds. of 92 Sa. Wt.... 3,990 | Sa. Rs.... 450

The salt is stored without any care or trouble, a pit is dug as close to

the salt pans as possible averaging 8 cubits deep and*— diameter, into

this the salt is thrown ; tenacious clayey earth is then spread over it and

the outer surface of the pit raised slightly higher than the surrounding

ground,

X-—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, 2nd May, 1838.

The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryan, President, in the chair.

Dr. Chas. Hurrnae ue, proposed at the last meeting, was elected a mem-

ber of the Society. .

H.V. Bayury, Esq. C. S. was proposed by H. T. Prinsep, Esq., second-

ed by Sir E. Ryan.

Lieutenant C. B. Youne, Engineers, was proposed by the Secretary, se-

conded also by the President.

Letters from Dr. C. J. Macponatp, M. C. Ommanney, Esq. and Lieut.

H. Bieer, acknowledged their election. —

Establishment. :

The Secretary announced that Mr. Kirror’s appointment to the survey z

of the new line of dak road to Bombay, had left the curatorship and libra.

rianship vacant, whereon =

Mr. ALeExaANDER Csoma, KOr6si, was unanimously elected Librarian, —__

on the arrangement formerly offered him.

After some discussion as to the best mode of conducting the manage-

ment of the museum, it was proposed by Professor O’SHauGHNEssy, second. __

ed by the President,

That Mr. Greorce Evans, be appointed Curator on the same allowance

as was granted to Dr. Pearson.

The Secretary further stated that the repairs of the house, which he

had intended to have committed to Mr. Kirror’s care, now required a pro-

fessional superintendance, when it was determined to employ Mr. Rows

of Surerirr and Co.’s establishment.

Library.

A letter was received from Dr. Joun Repman Coxe, Prof. Mat. Med.

Univ. Pensyl. forwarding the following publications in which he had been

engaged at different periods, for presentation to the Society. Some of

them had previously been presented through the late Dr. Hunter.

hd eaory into the claims of HARv£Y to the discovery of the circulation of |

e blood.

* The diameter is always proportioned to the quantity of salt to be stored.

—

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 365

Philadelphian Medical Museum, vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, (the first out of print.)

The emporium of arts and sciences, conducted by Dr. Coxe, Philadelphia—1812-

13, Nos. 1 to 12 forming two vols.

Practical observations on vaccination—by the sume.

fEsculapean Register, 1824—by the same.

Observations on combustion and acidification, Pamphlet, Philad, 1811.

Observations on a letter from Dr. N. CHApMAN to Dr. W. B. Tyurr on cho-

lera, Philad. 1833.

Some observations on the Jalap plant.

An introduction to solid Geometry and to the study of chrystallography by N.

J. LARKIN, M. G. S. London, 1820.

Appeal to the public from the proceedings of the Trustees of the University of

Pensylvania.

A letter from J. Vaueuan, Esq. librarian of the American Philosophi-

cal Society was read, forwarding the following works.

Darlington’s Flora Cestrica, or description of the flowering and filicoid plants of

Chester county Pensylvania.

American Almanac and Repository of Useful Knowledge, 1838.

Notice of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia by Dr. HARLAN—

presented by the author.

The following wére also presented :

The proceedings of the Bombay Geographical Society, for February 1838, for-

warded by the Society.

Radde-u-din-musalmani or refutation of Muhammedanism, by the Rev. J. WiL-

son, D. D. Bombay, 1836—by the Author.

Proceedings of the Agricultural Society—by the Secretary.

Colonel MActEop, V. P. Chief Engineer, presented GReGory’s Highland and

Isles of Scotland.

Dorje-ling, a compilation of all the official information, respecting the capabilities

of that station, as a Sanatarium—by H. V. Bayley, Esq. C. 8S.

Kirby and SPENCE’S Entomology of Insects, 2 vols.—presented by W. Cracroft, Esq.

Museum of Antiquities.

Lieutenant-Colonel Sracy, submitted for inspection and temporary

deposit in the Society’s Museum, a female image procured at Muttra ;

supposed to mark an epoch in Hindu sculpture, on which subject a note

by the proprietor was read.

Captain A. CunnincuaM, presented two fragments of sculpture procur.

ed by him in his journey to Simla ; one of them bears the following date.

7a (VCR Ture afe 2 cfs fea—the name of the maker of the image is

worn and illegible.

On the top of this fragment are two feet of a female with bangles.

The other fragment (in mottled sandstone, is of Devi holding a child

(Gangs) in her lap.

The Secretary read the following reply from the Secretary to the

Governor General, relative to the further examination of the antiquities

of Junagarh and Girinagar in Gujerat.

To J. PRINSEP, Esq.

Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Sir, .

I am directed. to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, dated the 28th ultimo,

to the address of the Right Honorable the @overnor General, and in reply, to

transmit for your information copy of a communication this day made by me under

the instructions of His Lordship, to the Acting Chief Secretary to the Government

of Bombay, to depute a qualified officer for the purpose of taking a facsimile of the

inscriptions alluded to, and generally, to collect all information which can be had

regarding them, as suggested by you.

I have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed) W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

Simla, 18th April, 1838. Secy. to the Govt. of India, with the Govr. Genl.

To L. R. Rep, Esq. Acting Chief Secy. to the Govt. of Bombay.

SIR

I am desired by the Right Honorable the Governor General to forward to you

for the purpose of being laid before the Right Honorable the Governor in Council

366 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. _ [Aprit,

of Bombay, the accompanying copy of a letter to the address of His Lordship from

Mr. J. PrinseEp, Secretary to the Asiatic Society, dated the 28th ultimo.

2. Iam directed at the same time to express the wish of His Lordship, should

the Right Honorable the Governor in Council be aware of no objection to the mea-

sure, that an officer qualified for such a duty and interested in it, may be deputed

for a limited period without loss of allowances, and with power to incur some

reasonable amount of contingent expense, to take a facsimile of the inscriptions

alluded to, and generally, to collect all information which can be had regarding

them, as suggested in Mr. PRINSEP’s letter.

3. It will be observed that the names of three officers have been indicated by

Mr. PRINSEP as being peculiarly well qualified for the duty in question.

I have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed,) W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

Simla, 18th April, 1838, Secy. tothe Govt. of India, with the Govr. Genl.

By permission of General Court, the facsimile of a circular copper-plate

on its way to M. Jacquet of Paris was exhibited ; also drawings of two

coins of Undopherres or Gondopharés of new types, in which the letters of

the name were very distinct. .

The circular plate is a kind of primer, containing the Nagari Alphabet, arranged,

the vowels in the centre and the consonants in their several classes around, with

the letter Sré in a cipher, and the Buddhist invocation WAlTHCSAI namo Arahan-

tanam, between each compartment.

The margin contains a family pedigree in three lines, in a kind of vernacular of

which the following is a literal transcript.

siwanitia daq yese atfawagfe. yx Weare argraa

ATLAS VRCAT, AUazcH Waway ameaica BH

GRIGH ATLA WUAR TUATARASl Grea. fedtars

BUG ACSA TUS. ATR ATSTAU AAMT WAgaA

AMIGA Gd HAST TITAERY. Uadaseta. fadiawsasa

a1y. US Tae cra aa zesis fagua aacfanaaary

SIG. AUS AVS LaGTararst WaT |

Prosperity, glory and fame...... Samvat 1681, in the light half of Kartik, 5th,

Thursday. Kddyasingha (?) native of Mathura in Pushkara gaon (?) in his succession

was Sri Guna Chandra whoses uccessor was Sri Sakala Chandra ; his successors

were two sons, the first own son was Tulsidas ;—the second son Surahantri,—his

successor was Mohan Sain, of whose descent, in the Gohila tribe, a village was

named after him Japdlu. He had two sons, Ist Chanchala dds, the 2nd Dharma

dds ; by whom this jantra or Siddha chakra (magic circle) for the reward of the

virtuous acts of Tulsi dds is made, and on the margin the names of Tulsi dds’s

ancestry are written.

Literary.

A letter was received from Mr. Sec. H. T. Prrnsep, forwarding by

desire of the Hon'ble Mr. Ross, President in Council, a Pushto or Pan.

jabi Grammar, prepared by Lieutenant Lercu, of the Bombay Engineers,

The Secretary explained that the Committee of Papers had determined

that the two former grammars (Belochki and Baruiki) by the same intelli-

gent gentleman were not adapted for publication in the Researches, but

would be more useful as a separate volume.

Resolved that with reference to the Pushto Grammar of Dr. Carey,

already in existence, the works be referred to the librarian to consider on

the mode of their publication.

The President in Council likewise presented for such notice as the

Society might think fit, a paper on the Siahposh Kaffirs, with specimens

of their language and costume, by Captain A. Burnus.

[Printed in the present number. ]

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 367

Dr. A. Burn, presented facsimile of a fourth copper-plate gr:

at Kutra in Gujerat, which in all but the names hives a be dis guneeis

of one formerly submitted.

Lieut. Postans addressed to the Society, some further extracts from the

Tohfat ul kiram and the Chach Nameh, bearing on the history of Sinde.

[Printed in the present number. ] .

Physical.

The Rev. J. McQueen, presented on the part of Dr. Dunpar, Ram-

gurh battalion, a second series of geological specimens collected in the

Cole country. He begged they might with the former collection be re-

served at the owner's disposal after examination.

Dr. R. Haran, transmitted from the Philadelphian Museum, casts

made by himself of the remains of the Basilosaurus of Alabama, a fossil

animal described and depicted in his ‘‘ Medical and Physical Researches.”

: The fragments comprise the jaw, a humerus, a vertebra and some other

ones.

Dr. G. G. SpinsBurRy, presented a large mass of indurated clay, contain-

ing fossil shells, with a note on the various sites in which the same species

have been discovered, with drawings by Lieut. P. A. Reynoxps.

Also, a specimen of Nerbudda coal from Major Ousrtey.

Notice of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, by Dr.

Harian—presented through E. Ryan, Esq.

Lieutenant Hutton, forwarded specimens of the lichens of the Himd/aya,”

with solutions in ammoniacal liquid for comparison with those received

from the Royal Asiatic Society. The following note accompanied them.

: , Meerut, 23rd February, 1838.

The accompanying specimens of dyes from Hill lichens, I had lately the honor to

submit for inspection to the Governor General, and I am requested by his Lord-

ship to forward them for examination in Calcutta. In order to afford you all the

information I can, regarding them, I have taken the liberty of repeating the sub-

‘stance of my communication to his Lordship, during his recent visit to Meerut.

‘¢ During my rambles in the neighbourhood of Simla, and especially in a hurried

trip to the Burenda Pass, I noted an immense variety of these plants, both on

rocks and trees, but not knowing at that time that information regarding them was

required, I neglected to secure specimens of the greater number.

‘¢ Some few, however, which attracted notice from the beauty of their forms, I

collected, and having since subjected them to the usual test of diluted liquor am-

monie, 1 find that out of eight plants, six yield coloring matter.’’ These

species might be procured in any quantities from the forests of the interior and from

the rocks at the Burenda Pass. In collecting the plants much care and attention

would be necessary, in order to ‘ ascertain at what stage of their growth, or at

what season of the year, they produce the greatest quantity of coloring matter,’’ by

which knowledge all unnecessary waste of the plants would be avoided, and also a

better article furnished to commerce.

‘¢ It is probable that the higher and more arid tracts of country in Kunawer and

Spiti, beyond the influence of the periodical rains, may produce some valuable

lichens as, I believe it to be a fact, that the drier the climate, the more rich and

valuable are the dyes.”’

You will find that the plants have been left in the solution; this is because of

some of them I have no more left, to show the species.

~ The vial No. 1, contains a species which is very abundant, and appears to yield a

large quantity of color. (This orchilla seems equal to the canary specimen.)

No. 2. Is I think the same plant in a different stage of growth. Both are

_ abundant on trees.

No. 3. Is from the Brenda Pass, where itis very abundant on rocks near

the snow.

No. 4. From forests of the interior ; found both on rocks and trees.

No. 5. Is very abundant in the forest of Muhassti, one march from Simla.

No. 6. From Simla to the Bérenda Pass on trees.

The other two plants which I submitted to the same test, did not even discolor

the solution in the least.

368 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (APRIL, © -

These specimens have been very roughly tested, as I knew not what were the

quantities of ammonia and water.

You will greatly oblige we by letting me know as soon as possible whether any

of these are likely to be of use, as his Lordship the Governor General expressed

a wish that I would inform him of the result of the examination as soon as I could. —

In addition to the foregoing, I have the pleasure to senda few specimens from —

Subathti which I have not yet tested. -

Nos. 7, 8 and 9, are abundant on rocks and may possibly prove to be the same

species. No. 10, on rocks, not so abundant.

Of No. 1, I have put a small quantity in the box also.

The specimens will be forwarded home without delay.

Mr. C. Symes, Branch Pilot, presented a stuffed specimen of the sword

fish, on the part of Mr. J. T. Twisren,

Extract of a letter from Captain Jenxins, furnished the following infor-

mation regarding coal and iron of Assam, from Captain Hannay.

SIR, _ Jeypore, the 1st February, 1838,

With reference to your letter of the 15th December last, enclosing letters regard.

ing coal, I have the honor to state that since my arrival here I have discovered

several beds of workable coal, and that I have already commenced clearing a large

vein about 2 miles distant from this.

As I wish to collect the coal at as little expense as possible, I have commenced

working the vein nearest to Jeypore, and before I came to this determination]

employed myself on exploring the neighbourhood, and have been very successful in _

finding coal and iron in great plenty.

The coal is generally in veins of considerable size and is turned in all directions _

without reference to any particular bearings. The outcrop of the different strata or

vein may, I believe, be seen in most of the small ravines or water-courses which

come from these hills.

The coal which has come under my observation appears to me to be of a descrips

tion between, slate coal No. 1, and canal coal. The best of the bed being as yet

unseen, however I cannot speak correctly of its qualities for manufacturing purposes,

In the soil of the hills generally, large and small amorphous masses of clay iron _

ore are found, some of the masses of a size sufficient for two men to lift, and onone _

of the hills, the soil of which is highly red colored, mines or wells are still visible

of a considerable depth from which the above description of one bed been extracted __

many years ago.

Nodules of iron ore are also abundant in the strata above the coal barring only

a stratum of blue sand of 3 feet in depth separating the two.

Varieties of this ore are found in several other localities in the hills as alsoin the

bed of the Dehing and on both banks, for some distance above this ;some of the _

specimens are apparently brown and red hematite, and as an opportunity offers, I —

shall have much pleasure in forwarding specimens of the whole. .

Petroleum is also plentiful, and it here presents itself rising from beds of coal —

which are visible ; the description is of a thicker consistency than what I had before -

seen in this country ; the color is also dark brown, and it does not possess so pun= —

gent an odour.

I have also to state that in one of my excursions in the neighbourhood, I walked

through a tea tract of considerable extent, contiguous to what | believe had been __

pointed out to some of Mr. Brucr’s people. tes

What I have seen is entirely on hilly ground, and it seems to me to present some ~

peculiarities which I think necessary to mention. The hill is about 80 or 100 feet

high, the soil is of a deep-red color, and a portion of the tract is the locality of the

iron ore, which had been dug for in former years, some of the tea trees growing

out from the mines or wells.

The tea trees are tall and slender with a whitish bark, and the leaf does not ap- __

pear to me to be so coarse or of so dark a color as I had before observed, and the

seed is very small: the soil is no doubt congenial to the growth of the plant as

seedlings are plentifully scattered about. The jangal is bambu*.

This tea tract in its general appearance comes nearer to the idea I had formed of

the localities of this plant in China, than any I have hitherto seen.

I have, &c.

f (Signed) S. HANNAY.

Captain Liovp, presented 22 birds and 1 squirrel obtained on the Sun-

darban coasts. ;

ebepunene of Caoutchouc, manufactured by Dr. Scorr, were laid on the

table. :

* Generally with exception of a few very large trees.

ve sae

- |

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 369

One of these in the form of a large cylindric boot was claimed by Dr. Spry, as

having been intended for transmission by him to the English manufacturers. It

was explained that the cylinder or bottle form was the most convenient for the

makers at home, who place the cylinder on the lathe and cut off by machinery a

continual thread therefrom. This use was as yet unknown to Indian cultivators

who imagined the Caoutchouc was only intended for solution.

Captain Luovp, presented through Dr. McCLenuanp, a specimen of the

mud brought up from the Swatch, or place of no soundings at the top of

the Bay of Bengal. The following note by Dr. McCLEeLuanp was read.

- The specimens were brought up from 200 fathoms on the north side of the Swatch

at a short distance from shoal water by which it is said to be surrounded; but

Capt. LLoyp supposes from the eddy that here appears, though slightly, to run

against the tide, that the Swatch is open to seaward.

These are the deepest soundings that have been made, and the texture of the

deposit brought up bears a singular resemblance to that of the upper beds of primi-

tive clay-slate*, though it possesses all the characters of a deposit now forming.

Compared with specimens brought up from less depth, those from the Swatch are

more compact, and show a more luminated and finer texture.

Their color is also more uniform and unlike deposits that take place at ordinary

depths ; itis a greenish grey, similar to that of the peculiar slate to which it has

been compared.

The Swatch has been supposed to be a circular basin, bottomless, though sur-

rounded with sands and shoal waters. Capt. LLoyp however suspects that shoal

water is not to be found to seaward, and he was disposed to countenance the opinion

that this trough may be occasioned by the back currents caused in the Bay by the

two great currents from the Hoogly and Megna between which it is situated; but

the number of other outlets from the Sundarbands by which a great portion of

Gangetic waters escape opposite to the Swatch, and the absence of any general

retrocession of currents between the estuaries of the two great rivers, induced him

to repose little confidence in the opinion.

It may however be remarked in favor of the above opinion, that Capt. LLoyp’s

observations were made during the dry season, when the peculiar influence of the

rivers on the Bay may be supposed to be least. At all events we must ascribe the

Swatch to a comparative interruption of deposits at the spot, and if the force of the

two great bodies of fresh water falling into the Bay from two parallel directions be

sufficient during the rains to cause an opposite current of sea water to rush back

between them, a trough similar to the Swatch would be the natural consequence.

We might even conceive the volume of sea water which would be thus driven back

by the impetuosity of the two great river currents, to be so assisted by the S. W.

monsoon and the peculiar conformation of the Bay, as to overcome the compara-

tively weaker currents from the Sundarbands opposite to the Swatch, directing them

on either side to the currents from the two great rivers.

The following extract of a letter from Dr. Cantor, dated Cape, 17th

January, 1838, was read.

Cape, 17th January, 1838.

‘‘T have spoken to Sir J. HERSCHEL, about our museum, andI hope that your plan

of exchange may by and bye be realized ; it will however take some time, because the

Cape museum is very poor in every branch, except in the ornithological. A single,

half-cleaned skull of a rhinoceros was the only osteological preparation I observed,

As for a skull of the Hippopotamus, Sir JoHwn told me that he has constantly been

looking out for one but without success ; in the Cape district they are nearly ex-

tinct and although they swarm in the interior, the dutch Boors cannot be prevailed

upon to preserve any other part of the skull but the tushes. I am about making

out a list of such duplicates which I know you are anxious to get rid of, and Sir

JOHN, who embarks for England two months hence, is goiag to give the list to M,

VALETTE the curator.

He inquired very anxiously about the fossils, which Mr. Pope (he was never able

to find him out to deliver your message) discovered at the Cape (query where ?) of

course I could not tell more than [| had heard from yourself, and the short note in

your Journal. The following anecdote will I think prove of interest to you. In the

interior is found a great number of isolated blocks of iron, which Sir J. by analysis

found to contain nickel, and they are meteoric, of course. Some time ago Captain

ALEXANDER brought: samples of iron from an ore in the interior which Sir JoHN

found also to contain nickel, and to be identical with meteoriciron. So addio to

all theories upon the formation of ‘ meteoric’ iron. You will however ina short

time see more about it from Europe.-

* It struck usas resembling more in colour and texture the greenish clay ejected

from the mud volcanos of Rdmri island, see FoLey’s Desc. J. A. S. IV., 28.—Ep.

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JOURNAL

OFr

fer ASIA TIC SOCIETY.

No. 77.—May, 1838.

1.—WSecond Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mac-

kenzie Manuscripts. By the Reverend Witu1aM TAyLor.

A Palm-leaf MS. No. 165, Countermark 64.

A:—TAMIL.

1.— Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record.

This is a large Tamil manuscript containing 48 Palm-leaves in the

introductory portion and 219 in the remainder. It is perfect as regards

the numbering of the leaves, and is generally ina good state of preserva-

tion: a few of the leaves are a little damaged, but these, having been

restored, the whole will last in good preservation, for several years.

Brief Abstract.

Reference to inscriptions at Conjeveram, and to VIKRAMADITYA the

son of GovinDA, slain by SAtivaHana. It states that SALIVAHANA

was born in the country of Ayodhya, in a potter’s house, under the

influence of ATHI-SESHAN. He acquired great skill and prowess ; and

conquering VIKRAMADITYA, subdued also the Ayodhya* country. An

era was formed termed the era of SALivAnyana. In his time there

was great disorder, Hindu fanes, rites, and institutions, all were neg-

lected. SALIVAHANA was a Samana (or Jaina) a worshipper of Sar-

vésvarer of a venomous spirit, and in these he gloried. He destroyed

the fanes and secred edifices of the Hindus of five classes, without favor

or distinction. He overthrew all privileges which Hindus derived from

VIKRAMADITYA. He persecuted and oppressed all who would not

* Whence it appears either that theauthor made a mistake or else that there

was a second Ayodhya. VikRaAMA’pITYA ruled over Gujerat and Malwa, and

derived tribute extensively from other countries. Ayodhya may however, be

viewed as an epithet, ‘‘ exempt from war.”

“

872 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,

enter into the Samana religion, of which he was a devotee. If they —

entered the way of Sarvésvarer, he protected them ; but punished them

if they refused... Through his wickedness there was no rain, a great a

famine, much distress, and one house distant ten miles from any other —

house: the country little better than a waste benighted wilderness. The ‘

ascetics retiring to wildernesses, in secret made murmuring complaints —

to Siva, and Visunu, Srva to avenge the desolation, solicited from

the Athi-Pariébaram (Supreme Being) a fire rain. ATHI-SESHAN before- ;

hand apprized SALt1vAHANA of its approach in a dream. SaALIVAHANA 3

announced to all the followers of Sarvésvarer, the coming fire rain, and —

recommended them to build stone houses, or to remain (on the day q

fixed) in rivers, by both of which means they would be preserved unin-

jured by the fire ram. ‘They followed his advice, some quarrying stonés |

and building houses, others watching on the banks of the largest rivers ; a

and they were all on the alert. Srva opening his frontlet eye, sent a rain

of fire. SALrvAHAna’s people took refuge in their stone houses, and —

he himself with his army on the banks of the Caveri (here used to de- 3

signate a river in general), avoided it by plunging in the water. Siva —

seeing this, by recourse had to the Supreme Being, and by meditating on :

the five lettered mantra, sent down a shower of mud. Those in stone —

houses were thereby blocked up and suffocated ; those in rivers came q

out and escaped, and thus SALivAuawna (here also termed Buosa ), with —

his army escaped. Siva now took counsel within himself. The first —

reflection produced Vira Cholan, (the thought of him was born in his f

mind:) the second reflection produced Ula Cheran of the Léda coun- 4

try, and Nanda Gopala Yedvar (or herdsmen class or tribe): the third q

reflection produced Vajranga Pandiyan of the fisherman’s class. Siva 4

then, with a regard to VisHNu, meditated the eight-lettered mantra ; y

and through it designated these three to their respective offices, it being F |

the special lot of the Cholan to kill SAutvAuana. The three kings

came together to take counsel so that the three crowns became as one _

crown, and they bathed together in the river at Tirumukudal*. After”

making a vow to destroy SALIVAHANA, and taking means to assemble 4

money and troops, they made a pilgrimage to Kasi. At that time Kast

was neglected, and it was merely a wilderness of banyan trees. They

are represented.as discovering an inscription deep hidden in the earth, —

stating this to be Kasi, &c. (Hence it is not Benares, but some ficti- —

= a

Pee -

See 9 ark i .

ede a 4 ae

f he

O * - % Leet >. 3s »

1 oe ere * a.)

* This is a place where three rivers became one, said to be not far from Con-

jeveram. Hence the name, implying, ‘‘ the sacred triple union.’? Another such —

place is celebrated.in a book called Mukudal pallu and is said to be near Alagan

kavil, in the neighbourhood of Madura. :

1838.] Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record: 373

tious dst, that is designated.) They subsequently came to Canchi-

nagara ( Conjeveram. ) The same process as before is represented to

have been repeated. Here also an inscription was found. (It is to be

noted that the original name is Cacht ; Canchi being a modern addi-

tion.) They were referred for further information to Cacu1 Vira Cé-

MACHI RAYEN, of the weaver tribe. They cleared the forest ; but were

opposed by a local Durea who threatened to sacrifice them for trespass-

ing on her domains. There follow various details needless to state

minutely, SALIYAHANA is again designated simply by the name Buoga.

The aforesaid CacH1 Vira CAMAcHI appears as a negociator with the

local Durea, and promises her one thousand and eight human sacri-

fices, from among the people of his tribe, and the title of “ War god-

dess ;’ so that when the tribe should rule, and fight with other kings,

her appetite for human blood should be abundantly satiated: with these

terms the Durca was satisfied and gave consent to the building of a

town, and establishing a monarchy. (If this be ornament it is still

startling in its indications as to by-gone days.) She then took him

to the tank of her local residence, and explained to him that after Vr-

KRAMADITYA’S defeat by SAL1VAHANA, all the former inhabitants of the

place had collected their jewels and other valuables, which were put

into a copper chest, and that this chest was buried, deep under the bed

of a tank (reservoir), in a cave closed by a door, which was locked, and

over it the stone bed of the tank was relaid. She pointed out to him

the spot, and put him in possession of the chest. She also directed him

to another spot where ancient records of the place, when the country

was ruled by Devenpra were deposited, and shewing him where it

was she disappeared. Cacui Viran returned to a locality where

the three kings were waiting for him. There follows some more

fable, and then an order from Siva in the form of a guru, to open the

chest. A detail of its contents—a smaller chest, a weapon, a sacred

‘utensil or weapon, another weapon, a brass vessel, a key of the mferior

regions, five other keys, an iron crow-bar, a hammer, ten thousand pieces

of gold coined in the age of the great king Santanu. The smaller

chest being opened contained images of G'anesa, Kartikeya, Valliyam-

ma, (the female image at Chillambram,) a trinetra fruit (the sacred ashes

of the Saivas), a sacred bead containing the image of one god (usually

jt is held to contain three, four, or five; the kind mentioned is very

yare). A chank with its windings to the right (extremely rare and

precious), a cane without joints or knots, a row of beads for prayer, a

‘seal ring of six classes of Hindus—these and the like were in the inner

box, These were given to the Sawa guru to be purified, and then

3A 2

374 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,

were committed to the care of Vira CAmAcut for the purposes of wor-

ship. He fetched a pot of water from the Cambha river, and putting

it before the chest, placed one of the weapons upright in the ground,

and paying homage transferred the divinity resident within the chest,

into the pot of water, which was daily worshipped by himself and his

wife. This was all done by instructions from the god in the shape of

a Sativa guru. He delivered the same over to his son to be so handed

down from generation to generation. The said guru further told them

to make use of the key of the inferior regions in the place before indi-

cated by the local DurGa, where a copperplate inscription would be

found. The Saiva guru then disappeared resuming his divine form

of Yegambarésvarer. The three kings were again resorted to, when

the original inscription first mentioned was once more read by them all,

and again hidden. After some other matters the opening of the other

cave is mentioned to which the mstruments before found in the first

box were necessary. ‘This was a eave which was entered by the light

of large torches, and thence another box was taken. The inscription

on copper-plates and its contents are stated to have referred to the four

ages, with the record of some leading names, and coming down to the

mention of VikramApitya’s defeat by SAtrvAHana; at which era it

would appear to have been engraved ; and its contents are said to have

contained extensive details, (certainly ill suiting a copper-plate record,

but there is much of exaggeration apparent :) the simple object of the

inscription would seem to have been to commemorate the previous preva-

lence of the Hindu faith, that the memory might not be lost, during the

greatly altered state of things under SdurvAnana. The three kings

rendered great honor to Vira CAmacur and to his son. There is a

brief repetition of matters connected with the four ages; for the pur-

pose of shewing apparently, that all the great events recorded were

preceded by the exhibition of human sacrifices; and it was again agreed

upon by the three kings that before setting out to conquer SALIVAHANA

a similar sacrifice must be offered at a place termed Czdutiuri. The

contents of the inscription, as regards the list of kings in foregoing ages

was copied out on palm-leaves, ane then the copper-plates were returned

to the place whence they had been taken. The three kings again went

to Kasi. ‘Thence they derived three crores of money, said to be dug

up from beneath the shrine of a goddess ; a variety of fabulous accom-

paniments. Nine persons in all are represented as having visited Kast,

and as subsequently returning to Conjeveram. The affair of destroying

SALIVAHANA was now entered on, and the three kings leaving Conje-

veram proceeded to Cudatturiyur. Being there Vira CuoLan wrote

page BEES es

i a

ed,

—

ee eee 2

On enee

1838. ] Chola pirva Patayam, or ancient Chéla record. 875

letters missive addressed to the votaries of Siva and Visunvu, whether

in cultivated lands or wastes; always excepting the Samana followers

of Sarvesvarer, the purport being a call to assemble at Cudatturiyur,

in order to proceed against SAnivAHANA. A great concourse assembled.

SAtrvduana heard of these preparations, (Here the manuscript takes a

retrospect in a few lines, and the passage is important.) In former days

VickamApirya ruled in the country of Ayodhya, and built a large town

with battlements and other fortifications. When SALIVAHANA BHOJA,

eonquerec VikRAMADITYA as he was not fit to rule in that town, he

constructed another town in the same country, called Bhoju raya puram

where the descendants of this SALIVAHANA Buoga ruled during 1442

years*. In their time the three kings aforementioned made their pre-

parations which (the descendant of) SALrivanana learning, consulted

about some place of refuge and hearing of Trichinopoly, inquired con-

cerning its origin and antiquity. This statement introduces the ordi-

nary legend about that place founded on circumstances connected with

the poem of the Ramayana. Assembling all his forces SALIVAHANA

set out with them from Bhoja rayapur, and overran the whole of the

Peninsula, until he came to Zrichinopoly, of which he took possession.

Ascending the rock, and perceiving the strength of the place, he consi-

dered that no one could dispossess him of it, if he made it his citadel,

which greatly added to his confidence. Residing in a palace at the foot,

he thence administered the affairs of the kingdom. Meantime the three

kings continued their preparations at Cudatturiyur. Cacui Viran

advised to send an envoy to hear what SALIVAHANa would say, and

then to levy war against him. The Cuonan accordingly sent Cacur

Viran himself, accompanied by some troops: at an interview with

* Thus in the sense of this author, Sa’Liva’HANA stands both for an indivi-

dual and for a dynasty, of which he was the head; according to a custom of

their oriental, and even scriptural, writers, as has been fully shewn by Bishop

Newton in his Dissertations on the Prophecies. The tales about VikRAMA’DI-

tya make BuoJa rédja his successor after some interval, in a different town,

and on another throve. If the Carnataca rajakal, can be safely followed the

town and fortress of Sa’Liva’/HANA was at the modern Dowlutabad, a truly sin-

gular place, according to the description given of it by Captain Serty, while

the neighbouring sculptures at Ellore (prevailingly Jaina in fashion) sanction the

idea of a great power in the neighbourhood. At that place Deva giri (or Dowlut-

abad) a long list of kings did reign down to Rama deva (or Ram deo), conquer-

ed by the Muhammadans, when the place was plundered, and the kingdom sub-

jugated. Hence I think we have some important indications to be followed out

in fuller conclusion.

[The quasi interregnum of 1442 years is evidently introduced to reconcile the

modern with the ancient epoch of the Kali yuga. See next page.—Ep.]

" — ee ne ee

ee ee eee

376 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May, | Y

SdtrvéHana, in Trichinopoly, he recited the preparations made with

the express intention of destroying the power of that ruler, demanding

in consequence that he should give up Zvrichincpoly, renounce the

Samana way, bathe his head in the Caver? (become a Hindu), retire to

his own proper town of Bhoja rayapur, and there maintain only half

his present army. SALIVAHANA, much incensed, with abusive epithets,

rejected the demand; but added a challenge if they thought themselves

strong. Cacui Viran returned to Cudatturiyur, and his opinion

being asked he advised a second embassy before making war; Cacn1 —

' Viran was again sent, An appointed time and place of combat were

now fixed, SarrvAHana engaging to come with his force to the place.

This place was Tiruvani kaval, whither the three kings, Cacut Viran,

his son, and an army repaired as appointed. There Vira Caonan

was crowned and invested with royal insignia by Cacui Viran ; thence

they proceeded to besiege Trichinopoly. Cacui ViRAN, by means of —

the copper inscription at Conjeveram before mentioned knew that by

the craft of VisBUSHANA (younger brother of RAvana) there was a

subterraneous entry into the fort of Zrichinopoly. This was passed —

by a few people with torches, who thence proceeded to open the Chin-

tamanit gate, by which the troops entered in multitudes and destroyed

SALIVAHANA together with his Samana troops, with great effusion of

blood. A pariar named VELLAN escaped on SAtivAHANa’s horse, and

with him a hundred others with their families, escaped, and went to the

sea shore, whence he proceeded to some island, so as to leave behind

the proverbial saying “ VatuLAn went to the river :

crime of killing SAtrvAnana styled Sarpa-désha- Brahm-hatti (that is,

a degree of sacredness adhering to SativAwANA as born under the in-

fluence of Athi-seshan, assimilating the crime to the evil of braéhman-

slaughter, though not the same). In consequence of this crime he be-

came infatuated, and fell sword in hand on his own troops, who onall

* The authority for this date deserves examination, as if well founded it re- — -

conciles all the difficulties of the Kali yuga epoch, which it places in 1443-78=

1365 before Christ. Now by calculation of the place of the equinoctial colures,

Davis fixes Para’saRa the contemporary of YUDHISTHIRA at the commencement :

of the Kali yuga, in 1391 B. C. And calculating backwards the Pauranic reigns _ ¥

from CHANDRAGUPTA to YUDHISTHIRA, WILFORD places the latter in 1360,—

Witson in 1430 B. C. The confirmation of Sa’LivA’HANA’s being a sramana or

buddhist is important: his name seems derived from some allusion to the sacred —

#al trees under which Sa’kya died:—is it possible that the surname of Bhaja

wrongfully applied to him, may be a corruption of Rauddha, the buddhist ?—En-

the destruction of _

SstivAwana is dated in C. Y. 1443 (in writing at full)*. The three —

kings celebrated their conquest. Vira CHoLan had to get rid of the —

Pit

“a

‘Ss

1838.) Record of the time of Cart Cala Cholan. 877

sides ran away to avoid him, besides which he sloughed his skin, in the

same way as a serpent changes his skin annually. His companions

seeing these things consulted together, and in consequence Cacut VirAN

gave instructions to his wife CamAcui to assume the guise and appear-

ance of a Curava woman, of the description practising palmistry. She

accordingly came into the town in that guise, when the three confe-

derates had her called, and first submitting their own palms, brought

Vira Cuoxan to submit to the like process. ‘The fortune-teller said

“that he had killed SAnivAwana, of such and such a race, and must ex-

piate the crime by building a great number of fanes to Siva, to VisHNnu

to SupranManya, dwellings for ascetics, and dwellings for Brahmans;

and to enforce the duty a long narration is given of distinguished per-

sonages in former ages, who had expiated like crimes, by building an

immense number of such structures. At the mere hearing of the duty,

Vira CuHoxan found his malady alleviated, and the doing accordingly

was determined upon. The Cwratti (or fortune-teller) went away and

resumed his proper form as CAmacur. ‘The kings inspected the forti-

fication of Zrichinopoly which they found only fit for a rakshasa ; but

extended it so as to be fit for a regular Hindu sovereign. They then re-

turned to Conjeveram where by their desire Cacurt Viran, read to

them the writings on palm-leaves, his copy of the before mentioned

copper-plate inscriptions ; and, according to the appointment therein

stated by Rama, the division of castes and tribes was restored. A great

number of sacred edifices of the five kinds were built. The three kings

then separated to their respective dominions. From Ularacheran there

were 26 kings down to Chengara natha cheran. From Vajranga there

were 26 Pandiyans down to Choka natha. From Vira Cholan down

to Uttama Cholan there were 25 Cholans. ‘The son of Urtama Cuo-

tan was Uriyur Cuoran, with the account of whom a new section is

made to begin.

The ancient record of the time of Cari Cata CHOLAN.

After the death of Urrama Cuouan the crown devolved on Urtyur

Cuotan in the year of the Cali Yuga 3535*. This was corresponding

with the death of Cuoxa Naruz Pandiyan of the southern Madura.

The son of this last, Minarcur Savunrira Pandiyan, was crowned C.

Y. 3537. In the Conga Dharapuram the death of Coanxara NatHA

CuERAN was contemporaneous. His son named Cuzrumat PERUMAL

was crowned C. Y. 3538. In the town of Canchi (Conjeveram) Sac-

* This date is irreconcilable with the epoch above assumed—the innovation

—viz., the astronomical fixation of the Kali yuga, as the zero of the planetary

revolutions, must therefore have taken place before it was written. —Enp.

Pe a ee

378 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

SHAMAIYA MuTHALIAR Of the race of Cacni Murruv Vira CAmicurt

RAYER being dead, his son named Cacu1 Vira VencAta Cueiia Mu-

THALI was crowned in C. Y. 3539. Some details follow connected with

the right hand class of people, to which Vencara Caexta belonged.

Reverting to Uriyur CuHonan, he is stated to have been as bad as

SAtivAHANA, which conduct so displeased Sara Siva, that he gave

permission to Cart Mant (the Durga) at Conjeveram to send a shower

of mud against Urtyur. But Sevenpxi-1svarer admonishing Urryur

CuHoLan in a dream, the latter fearing for his life prepared to take refuge

in the Conga nad, and there to keep himself concealed. His wife Sine-

HAMMAL wasin a state of three months’ pregnancy. The aforesaid

Cart MArs opening the eye oun her forehead, sent down a shower of

mud. It arrested Urtyur Conan, halfway in his flight, and killed

him. From the circumstance of Cart Mari opening her frontlet eye

she was called Cunnanur Mari. SiNecHAMMAL witha single attendant

arrived in the Conga country, and both performed manual labor in a

Brahman’s house. A son was born to her, he was well instructed and

at 16 years of age an assembly of people occurred at Zirwvatur to con-

sider the best means of remedying the evils which had arisen from the

want of aking. The principal men from Conjeveram including the

before mentioned Vencata CHELLA were present, anda white elephant

was brought from Kdsi. ‘The usual arrangements being made the ele-

phant was let loose ; and proceeded of its own acord to the Conga coun-

try, where it selected the above youth who was playing along with se-

veral Brahman boys. He was crowned and received the name of Canr

Caua Cuotan. The Pandiyan and Cheran are represented as sum-

moned to be present. The date was C. Y. 3567, (A. D. 465.) After

all things had reverted to their course, the tale is introduced of the son:

of Carr Cata Conan runing over a calf in the streets Tiruvérur.

Cart CaLA CuHoLan became troubled with the Brahmahatti, and to re-

move it, the same device as before was resorted to. Yegambara isvarer

of Conjeveram temple instructed his wife CAmAcui to assume the guise

of a fortune-teller. The remedy was to build 360 Saiva fanes, and 32

water aqueducts for irrigation. Details at great length then follow of

the founding and endowment of various Saiva fanes ; too minute for

being abstracted. Such details may have their use. (Here the manu-

script being very much injured in different places, so much as needful

was restored, on other palm-leaves.) The great prevalence of the wor-

ship of Durga throughout the Chola country is indicated. Most of the

village fanes are erected to some name or form of Durca. Besides the

intimation given in the early part of the work of human sacrifices hay-

PSA asa

_1838.] Record of the time of Cari Cala Cholan. 879

ing been offered, on a grand scale, it further appears that Samaya

- Moruaxt a manager or agent for Cart Caza Cuora offered one of his

sons in sacrifice at Trinomali, and at the demand of the Durga at Ma-

thurai (Madura) he offered another son as a sacrifice. He then insisted

that for future years human sacrifices should not be offered ; but that the

goddess must be contented with other offerings, a multitude of goats

being included. It is stated that 27 generations, and 36 reigns occu-

pied 2460 years. (in this statement and in the following ones there is

a recurrence of artificial structure.) The number of fanes constructed

by the three kings, Chola, Pandiya and Conga, is greatly exaggerated.

Among other things it is stated that beneath the shrine of. Minacshi at

Madura, there is a subterraneous way to the Vaigai river. A great

many things are mentioned apparently with the object of magnifying

the importance of Samatya MurHatrar, and the weaver caste at Con-

Jjeveram, After which Cuzrumaw Perumat being at Conjeveram with

his colleagues, the two other kings, he is brought forward as looking

into futurity, and declaring matters in the form of a prophecy. To wit,

the whole country will become Muhammadan, the gods of the chief

places will retire into concealment. The Muhammadans will exercise

great severities. The Samana religion will increase, low tribes will

prevail throughout the country. There will be want of rain ; famine,

deaths of people in consequence. Every thing will be as in the days of

SfurvAnana. The Muhammadans will rule during 360 years. They

are termed rdékshasas concerning whom the sacred ascetics will complain

to Stva. Siva in consultation with Visunu, will resuscitate VixramMApr-«

tyA with his minister Barri*, and destroy by him, the Muhammadans.

Siva will order VixramApitya, born as Vira Vasanta Rayer, to

reign with his posterity, during a period of seven generations and 540

years. After that, while performing worship with eyes closed, the

Mogul Padshah will come and destroy him. The Rasgirt Mogul and

his posterity will reign 5 generations or 360 years. WiKramApitya,

will again be born as RANA Kanor Vira Vasanta Rayer and rule with

his posterity 7 generations and 540 years. Another Padshah termed

Coa Cata will then come and destroy him, and rule for 5 generations,

and 360 years. VixeramApitya will then again be born at Raya Vilur,

and destroy the Cora Caza Padshah, and rule with his posterity 27

generations and 2160 years. After that he will be taken up alive to

* The common name of the minister on the grants and pillars of the Surd4sh-

tra and Oujein princes is Bhatti, and Vikramdditya is a title on many of their

coins. We may therefore soon hope to find who this bréhman prince over-

thrown by a Buddhist rival really was. —Ep. ’

880 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Aprir,

Kailésa. Some other similar matters being stated it is added that the

Chola and the Pandiya dynasties will become extinct, and CusRuMAN

Perumau’s race alone remain, ruling in the Conga country, Sunrarer

Murti carries CHERUMAN PeRuMAL into the presence of Sapasiva,

and there he remains in a state of beatification,

There are afew more palm leaves containing poetical stanzas on the

boundaries of the six Tamil countries of no consequence, similar ones

having been translated and printed. They are allowed to remain attach-

ed to the book.

Remarks. It appears to me that this rather extensive piece of com-

position is, in its introductory portion a species of historical romance,

but, like many other such romances, containing some fragments of real

history. The first date that is met with, fixing the destruction of SAur-

vAuana at Cal. Y. 1443, (or B. C. 1659,) is calculated to reflect dis-

grace and discredit not only on the chronology, but also on the entire

composition*. There seems however to be something more credible

when the installation of Catt Cara Cuoxan is dated C. Y. 3567,

(A. D. 465.) Just before there is an artificial structure visible in the

26 Cherans and 26 Pandiyans and 25 Cholans ; and ascending upwards

with these 25 generations from, say about C. Y. 3550 to C. Y. 1448,

the result would be 80 years to a generation, far beyond probability ;

and yet apparently to make room for so many generetions the author

threw the earlier date so far back; forgetting that the era of Sarva-

HANA by common consent, did not commence until about 77 A. D.

Besides in the artificial, and untrue, representation of the three kings

being so much and so long together, and uniformly of the same mind,

there is a violation of what we know to be history, so far as they are

concerned. The utmost that can be admitted is, that the author pus

together, in the best manner he could, the disjointed fragments of tradi-

tions which he had heard ; many of which may have been true, though not

true as he has collocated them, hence to judge of the value of any such

traditions it seems expedient to discover at what time the author wrote.

There is no trace as far as I can perceive, of his name, but he has given

an indication as to time. The book made use of, it may be observed

in passing, is from internal evidence, a copy from some other one. It

is not easy to judge of the antiquity of palm-leaf copies of works, so

much depending on the care employed in the preservation. This parti-

cular copy may be 50 or possibly 100 years old. But however that

may be the date of the original cannot I think be much less than 300

years since. I derive the inference from the latter part, wherein Visa

* See the preceding notes.--Ep.

—_—

1838.} Record of the time of Cari Cala Cholan. 381

VasanTa Rayer is mentioned as a new incarnation of VixraMApiTYa.

Up to that period the alleged prophecy is history, in the main feature

of Muhammadan rule and violence. And to the best of my judgment,

arismg from the study of similar documents, I conceive the author to

have lived and written sometime in the 15th century, probably towards

its close. Thenceforward he manifests ignorance: availing himself of

some Pauranic annunciations as to the three Vixkramas; but yielding

nothing like matters of fact. I am of opinion, by consequence, that the

author was patronised by Vira Vasanta Rayer and wrote under his

auspices. Of this Vrra Vasanta Rayer we find traces in the men-

tion made of him in the smaller local papers of this collection, as may

have been observed in those already abstracted; but from the Carnata

rajakal we learn more distinctly that he was a viceroy of Narsinca

Rayer father of Krrsuna Rayur. The former who subverted the more

ancient Vijayanagara dynasty, made a successful inroad into the Conje-

veram and Ginjee country, I believe before his conquest of Vijayana-

garam, but whether before or after he placed Vira Vasanra RAayER

as his viceroy over the country that had become subject to the kings of

Ginjee. The era of Narsinea Rayer is within the 15th century.

Now if we consider the author to have written in that century, it will

be apparent that he might have some advantage over later writers in

the matter of early tradition, and there may consequently be some cir-

cumstances in his account worthy of attention. .

The writer’s chief object seems to have been to frame an account of

the foundation of the various shrines seattered over the extent of the

Carnatic proper. The statements given concerning them form the

larger portion of the manuscript; but these of course I have passed

by, as they could only be developed by translation. In the event of

any cause occurring to require an exact account of different shrines or

fanes I presume this manuscript might acquire a measure of consequence,

not now belonging to it. Asit is, there are a few historical indications,

that ought not to be despised, because the whole will not bear the severer

tests of western historical writing. These indications are: that SALI-

VAHANA was a Samuna or Savana* (for the writer or his copyist writes

the word in both methods) that he persecuted the Brahmanical reli-

gion, and patronised another which for the present I suppose to be the

Jaina system; that an insurrection took place leading to the destruc-

* These two words are apparently the Pdli or Prdkrit forms of the common

Sanskrit terms for the followers of Buddha; viz. Sramana, a devotee, austere

‘ascetic, used by themselves ; and Sravana, a heretic, used by their opponents

the br4hmans.—Ep,

3 B2

382 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ APRIL,

tion of many of his people, but that he himself and his army escaped ;

that he over-ran the country to the south, as far as Trichinopoly,

which he probably first fortified; that he had a line of princes of his

own posterity succeeding him; that he ruled in a town and fortress of

his own construction, not being the capital where ViKRAMADITYA

ruled before him ; that Buoga raja was perhaps another name by which

he was known, or was the name of one of his successors; that as

SALIVAHANA stands for the name of a dynasty, (like Caesar, Plantagenet

or Bourbon, ) so perhaps ViKRAMADITYA may in other books stand for a

dynasty, and so help us through the fable of his asserted long reign.

These seem to me to be fair inferences for fuller consideration here-

after. I will add as mere conjecture that Samana or Savana as it is

often spelt, may possibly be none other than the change of y into 7 or s,

which is a very usual one thus giving us Yuvana, and if so then there is

a concurrence with a multitude of other indications as to the interference

of the Yavanas with the greater portion of India, inclusive of the penin-

sula. For the original of the Yavanas we must look most probably to

the Bactrians. Besides in the Banta curzis (for which see a follow-

ing page MS. Books, No. 14, Section I.) we have the remnants of

ancient sepultures of which the people of the present day know nothing

beyond conjecture. They accord with Dr. MaLcotmson’s account of

similar ones at Hydrabad, (Bengal Asiatic Journal, vol. 1V. p. 180,) and

with the contents of the mounds in the Panjub, opened by HonicBer-

Ger and others. In the Carnatic they were found in localities that

would rather indicate camps (Custella) than towns. At all events

such vestiges are foreign. All Hindu records afford traces of foreign

interference which they usually mystify. The dark and mystified pe-

riod succeeds the term allotted to VikrAMADITYA ; and the manner in

which SALrvAuana is spoken of sufficiently indicates sectarian hatred,

and resolution to conceal the truth.

The alleged flight by sea of a portion of the garrison at Trinchino-

poly, I have not before noticed. It is not however to be entirely disre-

garded. ‘Lhe peopling of Java with a race evidently from India, has te

be accounted for, and the many concurring Hindu traditions and records

that people were driven from India by wars or persecutions, proceeding

thence by sea, all require to be noticed as they occur ; seeing that m

the end they will point to some general conclusion.

The symbolical language of the Chéla purva Patayam, (the docu-

ment under consideration,) may be adverted to in passing. It is@

regular specimen of Hindu writing; and that, even in plain prose, in-

volves bolder metaphors than would enter the minds of Luropean

1838.] Record of the time of Cart Cala Cholan. 383

writers, and more than metaphors, that is symbols bordering on_hie-

roglyphics probably suggested by the use of hieroglyphical writing. The

Mackenzie MSS. have in some degree educated me to a small degree

of acquaintance with this language ; though, on discovery of this style

of writing, a previous acquaintance with the symbolic language of the

Christian Scriptures assisted me much, Generically both are the same ;

specifically they vary. Until this symbolic kind of writing is more fully

understood, we cannot come to the real meaning and contents of a

multitude of early Hindu writings.

One instance may be given in the fire-rain of which mention occurs

at the commencement of the manuscript. The Jainas have a doctrine

that a rain of fire always goes before the periodically recurring univer-

sal deluge, and this is only a slight alteration of the orthodox Hindu

statements, that before the Munupralaya, or periodical deluge, the sun

acquires so much increased power, that all things are scorched up and

destroyed ; after which copious showers, in which water descends in

streams like the trunks of elephants, involve the cinerated surface of

the earth, deep within a folding of mighty waters ; during which time

is the night of BRauma, or quiescence of the creative energy, and dur-

ing which time NArvAYANA, or the conservative energy, quietly floats

on the surface of the abyss. But though the aforesaid notion of the

Jainas may have suggested the idea of fire-rain, yet it seems in the

document under notice to be a symbol made use of to denote divine

judgments: whether the idea in this sense may be borrowed from a

well-known historical fact or otherwise let others determine. Hindu

writers reckon seven kinds of clouds which respectively shower down

gems, water, gold, flowers, earth, stones, fire, in which enumeration,

part at least must be metaphorical. In strong poetical hyperbole a

lightning-cloud might be said to rain fire. But the lightning and

thunderbolt form INpra’s weapon. The fire-rain rather seems to be a

symbol of the anger of Siva, in plainer terms, an insurrection against

SAtivAwana ; and, if so, the shower of mud, may have a symbolical

meaning also ; and may help to the meaning of a tradition which states

that Uriyur the capital of the Chola kingdom was destroyed by a

shower of sand or mud. This last event however, the manuscript in

question, aided by some others in the collection, has enabled me to

perceive is to be understood of a popular movement, beginning at Con-

jeveram against a violent Chula prince, directed with effect by a hostile

Pandiya raja: so that Uriyur was taken by force, and the king com-

pelled to flee, being arrested and killed by the mud shower; that is,

being overtaken and slain by pursuers from the hostile army. It may

384 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (April,

suffice for the present to point, in general terms, at such clues to the

meaning of symbolical writing, but to make full use of the whole can

only result from digesting and comparing all such indications together,

which, for the present at least is not my task.

It may not be amiss to show in passing, that the emblem or symbol

of a fire-shower is not entirely strange to poets of the west. Thus

Mitton, in his absurd pauranical description of war in heaven, puts

into the mouth of one of his heralds-angelic, this expression :—

‘No drizzling shower

But rattling storm of arrows barb’d with fire.”

And CaMpPBELL, a poet of our own age in his LocniEL’s warning, and in

a passage, Hindu-like, poetically predictive of a past event, that is to

say, the battle of Culloden, puts this expression into the midst of an

expostulation from a local seer of the land ; addressed to LocuiE.L.

‘‘ Why flames the far summit ? why shoots to the blast,

These embers like stars from the firmament cast ?

’Tis the fire-shower of rain, all dreadfully driven

From his eyrie that beacons the darkness of heaven,

* * * * * * * *

Heaven’s fire is around thee, &c.”’

Here the symbol is precisely the same in kind, as that which I sup-

pose to designate some battle against SALivAwana in which he was

worsted, and saved himself with the remnants of his army, by retreating

across a river. While his country being left open, those of his race

who had taken refuge in stone-houses (or forts), were besieged and

taken, possibly by starvation, emblematized by the mud shower; even

as the capture of Uriyur is handed down in popular tradition under

the veil-of that capital having been destroyed by a shower of mud.

That I formerly* took a more easy and credulous view of this latter

circumstance will be no effective argument against a more mature, and

as I think a better conclusion.

Professor Wi tson’s notice of this manuscript may be seen Des.

Catal., Vol. I. pp. 184-5.

2.—Tiruviliyadal Purana. No. 34, Countermark 84.

This is a copy of the Madura Auhalla Purdna in Tamil verse,

complete, and in very good order. As noted in the next article, it

wants some of the marks usually borne by MSS. of this collection.

3.—Tiruviliyadal Purdna. No. 35, Countermark 24.

This is a copy of the same work in prose, and on examination was

found to be incomplete; though otherwise in good order. It wants

* Or. Hist. MSS. Vol. II. p. 91.

1888.) Srirangha Mahalmyam—Abstract of contents. 385

part of the 30th section, and the whole of the three following sections.

This last manuscript retains the usual marks of having passed through

Professor WiLson’s hands, and is briefly catalogued vol. l, p. 173. No.

xxvii. under the title of Perawoliyar Purana. The preceding copy

wants that attestation, and is not mentioned in the catalogue, giving

occasion to some doubt whether it may not subsequently have been

substituted in the collection for some other work.

Observation.

Since the Madura Sthalla Purdna (from a copy of my own ob-

tained direct from Madura several years ago), was abstracted by

me, and the abstract published in the Ist volume of Oriental Historical

MSS. it has not appeared to me needful to abstract the same work

anew in this place. In order however to make the last copy complete

the deficient portions have been restored on palm-leaves, and incorpo-

rated with the work in the proper place.

4.—Srirangha Mahalmyam, or legend of Seringham, near Trichi-

nopoly.

This is a palm-leaf MS. of 70 leaves in good preservation and in

very legible writing. It is found in the collection without mark or

number ; but is noted in the descriptive catalogue vol. 1, p. 174.

There is no need of doing any thing with it, as regards restoration.

The following is an

Abstract of the legendary contents.

1. NAreEpA addresses IsvAreR, and stating that the latter has told

him all the wonders of the three worlds (upper, middle, and lower) de-

sires to know the renown of the Cdvéri river, and how Sri rangha

became a Vaishnava fane. Extravagant praise as to the omnipotent

virtues of doing any act of homage at Sri rangham, is stated in reply,

by IsvareRr, forming the first adhyaya, or division of the work.

2. NAreEpDA expressing his satisfaction at what he had heard, in-

quires as to the placing there of the Vimdna (or shrine) to which

Siva replies forming the second adhydya. In the time of the deluge

NARRAYEN was sleeping a long time on the serpent Athi-seshan (sin-

gularly enough, from a later fable, said to be at the same time in the

bowels of Agastyar); BraHMA was born; the Pranava formed (or mys-

tic O’m). Origin of the Rig veda the Séma yagam and the 18 Puré-

mas: other similar matters of a mythological description, relating to

times immediately succeeding the deluge.

3. Brauma begun the work of creating anew; BranMa studied

astrology to acquire foreknowledge. He also performed penance. The

886 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ Apri,

Ciirma-avatira of Visunu, BrAuMA said that VisHnu had assumed

many deceptive forms, but he wished to see him (VisHnv) in his own

form. In consequence a Vimdna or shrine, was produced described

in highly hyperbolical language; BraAuMa worshipped the image there-

in of Visunu in a reclining posture, extravagantly described, forming

the third adhyaya.

4. BrAuHMA made one hundred get prostrations to VisHnu,

and declared that he ought to be so honoured for crores of years, without

end; BranMa terms him JaGaNnatua (lord of the universe) and, “ fa-

ther,” A long string of similar praise, indicating this image of Visunu

to be all things, and things in it; Visunu declared his satisfaction with

the eulogium pronounced by Brana, and inquires what gift he re-

quires.

5. Branma requests that Visnnu under that form will always be

in that image, and that he (Brauma) may always have the privilege of

worshipping it. Visunu tells Brana that if he so worship him dur-

ing one hundred years he will attain beatitude, and if others so worship

they will attain beatitude. Some little explanation is given of what is

meant by beatitude.

6. Branma desires to be informed as to the proper manner of per-

forming homage and service to VisHnu’s image. This is stated and it is

added that he is a Chanddéla who does not worship Visenu, being a

quotation of stanza by ‘Privat PERUMAL AYENGAR ; whosoever speaks

against the Sri rangha image is a Chandala. If there be an ignorant

person that knows nothing of Sri rangha perumal, the food he eats is

the same as that given toa dog. Brauma took the shrine to Swerga-

loca (InDRa’s paradise) ; the precise day of which event is stated, with

astronomical accompaniments, but in what year is not mentioned. The

sun was summoned, was taught a mantra, and directed to worship the

image; which Surya accordingly did. Surya’s son did the same ;

and IxsHvAxku, the son of the latter also paid homage. The latter

brought the image back to earth again. Many kings of the solar race

worshipped it in subsequent ages : all who did so (Isvarer informs NA-

REDA) were prosperous.

7. N&repa inquires the cause why the Vimdna, or shrine, came

down from heaven to earth? Why did Brauma give it to IksHvdxu,

and for what reason was it brought, and placed in the midst of the river

Caveri ? Iksuvdku was a king of Ayodhya, he was taught by VasisuTa,

He killed all the evil rdékshasas and while reigning equitably, he one

day thought on his father Varvasvata, and others having gone to the

other world, and thereby worshipping this image obtaining beatification,

1838. } Legend of Seringham. 887

but that since he himself and his children could not go thither to wer-

ship, it would be expedient by penance to bring Srr Ranewa down to

earth, which thought he unfolded to VasisuTa. The latter was rejoiced

and taught him the eight-lettered charm. The gods sent Manmarua

to destroy the penance of IxsHvAxvu, who wounded the latter with one

of his arrows, but IxsuvAxvu was firm, and prevailed. Ivpra came down

to disturb his penance; but IxsuvAxu by meditating on Sri RaneGua

brought down the flaming Chakra of Visunu, at the sight of which

Inpra fled; and Ixsuvdxu ascribing the praise to Srt RaNGHA conti-

nued his penance. Sri Ranena now tells Brana, that he will go

down to Ayodhya, and stay there during four yugas, and afterwards

remain between both banks of the Caveri during seven Manwunteras,

and again return to be in time for Brauma’s midday worship : and sub-

sequently go to earth and return again perpetually ; but that while

absent no evil shall happen to Brauma. In consequence Brana put

the Vimdna on Garuda, and brought it down to earth, where he

taught IxsuvAkv all the needful ceremonies to be observed in its wor-

ship.

8. The Vimdéna was placed in the centre of a river at Ayodhya,

where a temple was built for it, and all accompaniments provided. The

race of IxsHvAKu worshipped during a mahd yuga, or great age. At

that time a Chola rdja named D’yERmMA Brauma, went thither to a

sacrifice, and inquired of the rishis the circumstances attending the

transit of the Vimana from heaven to earth. He professed a desire to

do penance in order to obtain the image ; but the stshis told him it

would be useless ; explaining to him, that they knew the town of his

ancestors, to which Sri RanGua was due west only a mile or two, had

been destroyed by Siva, because one of his progenitors had trampled on

the flower-garden of a muni there ; that Visanu would soon be incarnate

as RAma, who would give the Vémdna, or shrine, into the hands of

VIBHUSHANA (younger brother of Ravana), who would place it at Sri

RanGoa. A defiance of chronology is here involved in making the

destruction of Uriyiir anterior to the expedition of Rama. RAma being

come made an Asvamedha ydagam (horse sacrifice) to which D’HeRMA

BrauMa went, and before the other assembled kings were dismissed

he asked leave to return home; VisuusHana followed, bringing the

shrine by permission of Rama, which he placed between both banks of

the Cavert with the mention of which the 8th Adhydya concludes.

9. D’uerma Brauma detained VipHusHANA from going to Lanka

for the space of 15 days; during which time a festival of 10 days was

eelebrated in honour of the image. At the end of the 15 days Vipnu-

3¢

388 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

SHANA purposed to take up the image again on his head, and carry it to

Lanka but found it to be so heavy, that he could not move it ; on which

being greatly grieved, and prostrating himself before the image, PeRvu-

MAL told him not to grieve, for that it was previously appointed that

the shrine should remain here, in the good land of the excellent Chola

kings ; and to account for it narrated a fable of a dispute between the

Ganges and the Caveri as to which of the two was the greatest, which

being decided in favor of Gangd, the Caveri (personified as a female)

dissatisfied went to the north side of the Himalaya, and there began a

severe penance. Branma demanded what gift she wanted. The reply

was to be greater than Gangd. ‘The answer of Brauma was, that this

could not be; but he bestowed on her the gift of being “equal to

Ganga.” Caveri dissatisfied came to a place near this, added Perumat,

and there worshipped me, demanding to be greater than Giangd. As

nothing belonging to the world can be greater than Ganga, I promised

to come myself and reside between the banks of the Caveri whereby in

effect the Caveri should have a pre-eminence over the Ganges, to fulfil

which promise Iam come here, and cannot go to your town, VIBHU-

sHaNnaA! but at that you must not be sorry. VIBHUSHANA expressed a

wish to remain; but was forbidden, and a promise of protecting his

town being added, he went to Lanka, and resumed his reign. D’HER-

MA Brauma had many additions made to the shrine.

10. The domain round Sri-rangham was two yojanas (20 miles) :

those living within it are destitute of sin. Praise of the Chandra push-

kara tirt ha, or sacred pool. Praise of the Vilva tirt’ha, wherein Suxra

performed penance ; which will even remove the crime of killing a Bréh-

man; the Jambu tirt’ha where Paramesvarzr performed penance,

Aswa tirtha, InprA performed penance there; it removes all sins

against matronly chastity. Palavasu tirt ha removes all evil contract-

ed by living in the midst of vile persons. Details of other tanks and

their virtues. Mention of persons who had crimes removed at S7i-

rangham, among them being NArEepa to whom the narrative is pro-

fessedly made: persons to whom the Mahatmya is to be read: that is,

good Vaishnavas alone. Advantages of having it in the house, bene-

fits derivable from hearing the Mahatmya. As for example, if a

Cshetuya wishes for a kingdom, he will obtain one and the like in

proportion to other kinds of people. In conclusion Isvarer praises

Nrepa for his patience, and piety, in listening to the narrative,

offering to add more if required. NAREDA in return declares that

by the recital his knowledge is perfected, he wishes for no more. The

Sri-rangha Mahatmyam, it is then said, was translated from the

Grantha of the Brahmanda Puranam by App1vACHARYAR.

ie’ ,

1838.) Account of the kings of Delhi. 889

5.—Delhi Maharajakal kaifeyat, or an account of the kings of

Dethi.

Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 233. Countermark 79.

When Vixrama’pITYA (to whom is given a profusion of titles)

reigned, D’HERMA raja had left the earth at the end of the Dwdpara

yuga ; he left ParixsatrT ruling down to C. Y. 126, JANAMEJEYA 77

years; S1vaKa mahar4ja 80; Rasenpra 45; SARANGADARAN, with

whom the Chandra vamsa ended. Then follows Purvra MANTATHA

83 years. Next Maruipdta maharaja ruled 25 years. Locirua

maharaja 53; Ganeapvuara 56; Vama Deva 53; Trinetra 56;

Partisa VisgAya 72; Purinatua 53; Pusuepa Ganpra 58; ATHI-

YARAYER 58; Papma Ganpra 49; UrraigA Racuava 54; AIveNn-

THi 54; BauvuMA 55; Supra CARTICA 65; ASAGAYA SuRA VIKRA-

ma'piryA 2000 years; in all 3179 years. SAtiva’Hana 70 years;

Vimata Keruana 58. BuoJa raja, conquered the north, and ruled

over the south. Kanaxa Raver of Cambira desam was his minister,

and at the head of 63 other persons ; afterwards settled as accountants,

of whom details follow, with the names of the towns in the Carnatic

where Agraharams were established for them. The sixty-four families

of Brahmans, thus introduced into the Carnatic, from the north, became

the settled accountants, and arbitrators of boundaries. They conducted

their accounts in the Girvanam language, (Sanskrit in the Balbund

character). Busoga raja ruled 66 years, from Sal. Sac. 188, 128, to

$. S. 194, his rule ended in Caliyugam 3373 corresponding with Sal.

Sac. 194. Next ruled Rasenpra 71, MapHAva Varma Cuotan 31,

Panprya 60, Vira Cuota (also called Coeran) 51, Deva Cuotan 29,

Sorna CootAn 20, Rasa Cuoran 4]. He was also called Caur Cana

Cuoian, Devenpra Cuouan 60, Martanna Cuouan 65, Rasarai raja

Cuotan 33, Parata 30, Vira Panara 4], in all 532 years, agreeing

with Cali yuga 3905, S.S.729. CHEenna BALALLAN; in his time a fa-

mous annicut (or aqueduct) was formed from the Cavery for irrigation,

all the 56 kings except Vikrama CHoLan king of Cashmir contributed,

and his share was divided, and borne among the remaining 55. As his

quota was afterwards brought, that was appropriated in rebuilding an

Agraharam, that Buosa raja had caused to be constructed at Chatur

Vedamangalam ; which during the ascendancy of the Juinas had been

allowed to go to decay, and the king dissipated the Juinas, The Agra-

haram received the names of Vikrama Chola Puram, Tanniyur and

Cauvert Pakam. After which the Cashmiy king went away. CHENNA

Bawuara ruled 41 years, Visunu Verpuana 40, Rasa Batata Sl

years, Irtntya Bautista 4], Visaya 41; other names of BALLAta

seo

390 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

kings, running into the rayers are given, with a total of 736 years.

Corresponding with Cali yuga 4641, Sal. Sac. 1462, Pravupa Deva

Rayer 21, other rayers (not in correct order) for 80 years down to

C. Y. 4721, Sal. Sac. 1542, so far the rayer dynasty ; afterwards that

of the Muhammadans.

There follows a story (not complete) founded on the question “ whe-

ther the learned, or the vulgar, are to be blamed in the impositions

practised under the sanction of the popular system of idolatry ?”

Also amemorandum from one of the Colonel’s Agents, as to MSS,

and documents previously supplied.

It states that Perrya Virapa Nayaxrr son of Periya KisTNAMA

Nayaker conquered the king of Mavalivanam, and also Mysore. It

has the singular statement that SatyavraTa was a Pandiya king of

Madura, and that the story of the little fish, had its site at Madura,

being the Matsya avataram, on which account it says the Pandiya

kings used the fish banner, or umbrella. It may be noted in passing

that the 18th book of the Bhagavatam places the site of Satyaveata’s

penance in the Dravida-desa, or Tamil country.

Remarks. The last memorandum has little or no use, beyond the

two items selected. The preceding one is merely a story (not complete)

ascribed to Krisuna Rayer’s time ; tending to illustrate the easy credu-

lity of men as imposed on by ascetics, mistaken for gods. This tale

may have its use in a series of tales; but is quite irrelevant to the title

of the manuscript. The first article does not correspond with that title

except in a brief allusion to the race of D’uzra raja at the beginning,

What follows is not of much consequence except as to the introduction

of the 64 Brahman families settled in the Carnatic. Concerning this

settlement other illustrations will appear; and it is similar to the mode

followed in Malayalam, according to the Kerala Ulpati. Whether

Brahmans had a footing in the south of India before that time is, at the

least, doubtful. In other documents the matter will be further eluci-

dated. The abstract given of the MS. is almost a translation; it has

evident, and very gross anachronisms, and I am afraid none of its dates —

ean be depended upon. It contains only four and a half palm-leaves

quite fresh and in good order; by consequence not needing restoration.

6.—Palm-leaf Manuscript, No. 2283. Countermark 80.

Delhi Janamajeya Raja vamsavali, (or the race of Janamassya king

of Delhi.)

This is a manuscript which, with a promising title, and a large exter-

nal appearance, has almost nothing within, containing only eight palm-

1838. ] Race of Janamejeya king of Delhi. 391

leaves. It bears within itself the title of “ the early history of the Ben-

gal country,” but it sets out with Janamessya raja of sfastindpuré,

The appearance of the palm-leaves and of the writing is incomparatively

fresh, and as it comes down to Lord Mornineron’s goveriment, dated

Fusly 1220 it must be a recent writing.

The following is an :

Abstract.

After Janameszya son of Parrksuirt who died about 100 of the

Cali yugam, many kings reigned and took tribute durmg 3000 years.

VIKRAMADITYA after that became incarnate, and ruled over Hindustan,

Bengal, the Deccan, and the Western peninsula, receiving tribute from

all kings. SAnivAnawna fought with him and he fell in C. Y. 3171. Saut-

VAHANA governed after him with equity 349 years. Many kings after Sa-

LIVAHANA reigned down to C. Y. 4300. Sutran SAHAB U’DIN GHorY,

from the country of Jran came with a large army to Delhi, Hegira 591,

and overthrow Barti raja, and seating himself on the throne he ruled

over the country including Bengal, placing his Fouzdars in all countries.

From that time Bengal became a Muhammadan dependancy. Timur’s

invasion levied extensive tribute over the Dakshin, down to Hegira 900-

Hindust4n was under Timur’s descendants. Humaton Suau’s defeat.

Acpar ruled well. Jaenanauir gave the Fouzadari of Bengal to a brother

of Nur Bicam, whom he removed in anger and put another Fouzdar

in his place. From that time, different Fouzdars governed Bengal.

ALEMGUIR.—JzHAN SHAH. After some details, the narrative comes

down to the English Bahadur Governor William. The English were

merchants. The Vizier of Luknow collected tribute for Delhi. His

son was SusyA up powLaH. Moorshedabad soubadar was Mapuuze

Srneu died; his elder sister’s son, Nabob Srras up powLAn, became

soubadar. Mr. Wiuu1am from London in England, came and settled at

Calcutta, and hoisted a flag, keeping in pay a few troops and traded.

Affair of a gomestah and a sowcar. The gomestah went to Calcutia

and Siras uD pow.aH called the English Vakeel demanding his Nabob

to be given back. Siras uD DOWLAH ingreat wrath invaded Calcutta ; a

little fighting, and the soubah took Calcutta. In Fusly 1210 the fa-

ther of Lord Curve, Governor CLive, came with troops from Madras

(F. 1170); battle; the Nabob was wounded by a musket ball and after a

‘short time died. His elder sister’s son was Casstm Aut Kudn, who

continued the fighting. Division of the country with the English by

treaty with Sus aur Kuan. Two engagements General ; Nabob

defeated ; treaty; increase of English power. Death of the Nabob F.

1208; his younger brother succeededhim, The Moorshedabad Nabob

392 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

died. Lord Mavir sent General Lrxon, who went to Delhi and took

it, and they kept the Padshah by their side, regulating the police (for

government). They took a sunnud from the Padshah, acknowledging

their authority over all things. Such of the Hindu sovereigns as paid

them homage they retained as tributaries, and fighting with those who

resisted them down to F. 1220 (date of the writing), they continue

still to govern the country of Bengal.

Note. From this abstract it may be seen that though the MS.

contains nothing not otherwise known, yet that it is im some measure

curious, and as such perhaps worth translation. .

Professor Wttson’s notices of this, and the foregoing manuscript,

will be found in Des. Catal. Vol. I. pp. 200—1 : and are as follows.

XIV.--Dilli réja Katha.

Palm-leaves.

‘A short genealogical account of the descendants of Arsuna, and a

few Hindu princes, and some account of the reign of Krisona RAya of

Vijayanagar.

XV.—Janamejaya Vansavali.

Palm-leaves.

“ A short account of the family of JanameEsaya the great-grandson

of ARJUNA.

7.—Palm-leaf Book, No. I. Countermark 953.

Inscriptions at the Vaishnuva fane of Conjeveram, .

On the Sampanci sacred wall, and on the southern wall, on the hill.

1. Inscription of Varrasa Timmapa, Sal.Sac. 1413: commemorates

agift by Varrasa Timmapa of 4500 fanams (of what kind not specified),

to be given yearly.at the Divala and Upahit festivals for the expenses

of processions, and for furnishing the usual offerings of ghee, sugar,

and other matters for making sacred viands, as customary in Vaishnava

fanes.

2. On the sacred hill, on the Sampanet, and the southern wall.

Inscription of Nacaina Nayanr of Mucapalam, Sal. Sac. 1409. A

gift of ghee and other matters, for lights and offerings to be raised from

the revenues of a village called Tiru pani pillat, made in the time of

Saxuva Timma of the race of Narastmua Rayrr.

3. On the sacred hill, below the Sampanci on the southern wall.

(In Telugu). Inscription of Sanuva Tima rAsa, Sal. Sac. 1403.

Tima was the son of Sanuva Saluva Malliya deva mahardja. Gift of

7800 fanams for four kinds of service in one fane, and two kinds in

another fane to arise from the products of cultivation.

1838. ] Inscriptions at Conjeveram. 392

4. On the south side of the tower, on the Sampanci, below the

southern wall.

Inscription of Trrvu viru sn the daughter of Ammanr, dated in

Sal. Sac. 1408. Gift of 300 fanams for conducting a certain ceremony

of singing, &c. at the time of the gods’ rising up in the morning after

sleep.

5. Inscription of NaranA Parua vaArr the Purdhitan, or Brah-

man-adviser of KrisunA Rayer, dated in Sal. Sac. 1436. Gift of

ten thousand fanams, arising from the products of cultivation, for

offerings before the god, eight times daily, of ghee, and various sow

articles specified.

6. Dated in Sal. Sae. 1528, during the rule of Sri Vira Venca-

TAPATI AYYA-DEVER (of Pennacondai ?) by ANumAyA ANNAYANGAR,

son of LantacA Nayaka of the Cauri caste people of Malliya vanam

near Vijayanagara of 365 gold huns for the 365 days of the year, for

the gift of two large tureens of rice to be offered to the two images and

the overplus of the expense to go to the inferior temple attendants.

7. Dated in Sal. Sac. 1123, donation by Upanpa Rayer ULAGAPPEN

of 840 fanams for the conducting certain ceremonies on the monthly

recurrence of the Nakshetra (lunar mansion) of his own birth, and that

of his mother. (It is of early date, and the title Ulagappen means

“father of the world.”)

8. On the sacred hill, on the southern side of the shrine ( Vimdnan ).

Inscription of Timma reja son of Satuva Gunppu RaAyaA v’pIyar,

dated in Sal. Sac. 1385 gifts of some land for the conduct of offerings.

9. On the southern wall facing the street in which the car is drawn

at festivals.

Inscription of the merchant Crisunama Cuerti1 dated in Sal. Sac.

1458. What was given not known, as it is stated that the remaining

letters of the inscription have become illegible.

10. On the same wall.

Inscription of Koppu Nayant a disciple of TatTAcuarya, dated in

Sal. Sac. 1467. Gift of 3750 fanams for offerings to be conducted

on the eleventh day of every lunar fortnight.

Note. The above palm-leaf MS. is badly written in small letters,

and the palm-leaf is in some places eaten away. It is therefore restor-

ed on paper, as some of the dates and names will be useful in elucidat-

_ ing a few obscure points in 6 more modern portion of the Peninsular

history.

i ere

394 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Max,

8.—Palm-leaf Book, No. 232. Countermark 98. Chengi Rajakat

Kaifeyat, or account of the rajus of Ginjee.

This is a MS. of 28 palm-leaves damaged by worms. It is written

in Tamil verse of an easy kind. Its chief object is to celebrate the

heroism of the last of the rajas of Ginjee, of the dynasty proceeding

from the original viceroy from Vijayanagaram. ‘The final defence of

the fort of Ginjee was very obstinate. According to this poem the raja

headed his troops in person, and when he found himself no longer sup-

ported by them he rode among the Muhammadans, dealing destruction

around him, until overpowered and slain. This rashness the writer

magnifies into extraordinary heroism.

Note. As the manuscript is ina state of incipient destruction it has

been restored. '

Prof. Witson has very briefly noted the MS. in Des. Catal. Vol. I.

p. 207, Art, xxvii.

6. MANUSCRIPT BOOKS.

9.—Manuscript Book, No. 50. Countermark 1019.

Section 1. Copies of Tamil inscriptions at Sri-rangham near

Trichinopoly, and other places of the Chola desam.

No. 1. Date Sal. Sac. 1581, commemorates a donation by Cuoxka

Natua Nayak, of the race of Visva Natua Nayak,.to five classes of

people of an elephant, two horse-tail fans, a white umbrella, a palanquin,

a tent; to be used in the public solemnity when the image of Seventes-

vérer fane should be carried out in procession, and with a view to

obviate some irregularities that had occurred in such festival processions.

No. 2, Date 1599 of Aruronar (unknown era) gift by Vinapa

Nayaker in the time of Vuncara prva maha rayer, of land in the

villages of Conol and Pallava ruram, for the continual conduct of

certain festivals connected with the above fane.

No. 3. No year, Tirumata Nayanur and Vittumiya Nayanur,

gave certain gifts to the fane; the exact nature of which cannot be

ascertained, us the copy of the inscription is imperfect.

No. 4. A gift in the time Kutorrunea CHo.an (year not specifi-

ed) of certain lauds to the above fane, by a union of several respectable

Jeading men.

No. 5. One Avan a rakshasa being afflicted with Brahmahatii,

did penance to Siva. In proof of which there are certain remains near

to Rajendra Chola pettah, and two gigantic images of 20 yards in

height, and 12 yards in circumference.

1888. ]} Inscriptions of the Pandiyans and Chotns. 395

No. 6. Date Sal. Sac. the figure for one thousand, and some other

figures blank. Vira Pravupa rayer son of Vira Visaya rayer Maha

rayer gave a large extent of waste land, near Rajendra Chola pettah ;

the produce to be for ceremonies at the festivals of certain fanes, three

in number.

No. 7. Gift of land belonging to raja Kemarra Cuoua pettan, by

the people of the town, attested by the names of five among them.

No date.

No. 8. Inscription in the village of Pedu vayi tuli. In the seventh

year of RasenpraA Cnouan, a chief (titular style only mentioned )

pressed certain bricklayers, and ironsmiths, and by their means made

some additions to a fane. Inscriptions incomplete.

No. 9. Inscription on a stone at Vetiu vayt tult; the dimensions of

the stone are given, but the inscription itself seems not to have been

copied.

No. 10. Same town, in the 20th year of Sar Kuuorrunca Cuona

pEvER. ‘The letters are become illegible, copy therefore incomplete :

it relates to a gift of some extensive land near to T’richinopoly.

No. 11. Same town of Veitu vayi tuli, date Sal. Sac. 1608; Ranca

Kistna Mutruu Virapa Nayaxsr ofthe race of VisvanatHa Nava-

KER : Certain repairs, by his order, of structures in that town originally

built by Chola princes, which had gone to decay.

No. 12. Date Sal. Sac. 1240, 25, the name of the donor obliterated ;

gift of land to Prasarma VeNCATESVARA SVAMI.

No. 13. Inscription in a fane of Subramanya, Sal. Sac. 1444, in

the time of Sri Krisna pevur, maha rayer, gift of land.

No. 14. Inthe 30th year of Rasenpra Cuoua DEVER, gift of a

village producing ten thousand pieces of gold (huns ).

No. 15. Inscription in Ziru yerembesvarer, hill fane, on the

elephant gate, date Sal. Sac. 1307, gift of land for repairs of the said

fane, a certain proportion of revenue given, by whom not stated.

No. 16. Dated in the 3rd year of Sri Kovi raja Kesari Panpiyan,

the remaining letters are stated to have become illegible by time.

No. 17. Dated-in the 5th year of Sri Kovi raja Kesart PANDIYAN;

letters become illegible.

No. 18. Dated 70th year of the same (but supposed to be an error

for seventh year) appropriation of a village to a fane of Agnésvara, in-

complete.

No. 19. Dated in the reign of Sri Kov1 raja Kesari PANDIYAN,

and in the seventh year of Kuntorrunea Cuowan, (thus intimated to

be contemporaries,) gift of land in Vayalir.

3 D

396 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

No. 20. Dated in the reign of Kesért Panpryan, and third of

Kuxrorrunea Cnonan, gift by Pint Vanay upryar, son of MATHuran-

TACA UDIYAR, Of certain customs from produce of lands. Short Gran-

tha addition. :

No. 21. Dated second year of RAJA rasA DEvER, gift of land for

maintaining lamps in a fane, by whom not mentioned.

No. 22. Dated sixth year of Kovi Kesarr Panpryan, gift of land

for the internal ceremonies of a heathen fane.

No. 23. Dated third year of Vira RAsENDRA DEVER, who is either

the subordinate of Kovi Kesarrt Panpryan, or else the same with an

additional title; the wording is obscure; gift to the fane of Villumiya

dever, for the keeping up a perpetual light with neyz or butter oil.

No. 24. Inscription at Manga puram in the talook of Vittu Kaiti,

dated in the 16th year of RAszenprRA CuoLa Dever, gift of land by cer-

tain persons whose names are subscribed for the benefit of the fane of

Firu maranes varudaryar. ie.

No. 25. Dated in the tenth year of Sri Sunrera Panpiya DEVER,

same town, same fane, with two other fanes ; from the imperfection of

the copy, what was given not ascertained.

No. 26. Dated in the seventh year of Rasa Ragesnpra CuHoLa

-pEvrr: other letters of the inscription could not be made out.

No. 27. Gift of two villages by certain chiefs, whose names are

mentioned, to Rangha, the image at Sri Rangham fane, through the

head brahman of the class of Ramanwa of Tripety.

No. 28. Dated in the 30th year of Sar RAsa pever, gift of six

marcals of grain for each rice field, and a quarter fanam each field of

other kinds to go towards the celebration of the marriage of the god

and goddess of Marnuzsvara fane, and the conduct of other festivals

from VeNcATAPATI rayer, son of Vira VALLALA RAYA DEVER pre-emi-

nent raja of the north shore. It is a stone inscription in the fane in

Vélur, of Vittu Katti talook.

No. 29. Date Sal. Sac. 1629, (A. D. 1707.) Gift of customs ofa

half measure out of every calam (96 measures) of rice from one hun-

dred and eighty villages, from three persons (Hindus), who from their

titles appear to have held office under Muhammadans, to Sri Vira

Narrayana Swamt, of Mandir Kovil, in the Manadr district.

No. 30. Dated sixth year of Sr Rasa rdya Deva Urrunca Cro-

LAN ; imperfect, nothing further can be made out. .

' No. 831. Dated second year of Sri Rasa rdsa RAJA DEVER; at Pra-

panja Pichaita girt, where Acasrya formerly dwelt, and which had

sunk lower down into the earth, Cart Cata Cuoxa, coming thither,

1838.] Inscriptions of the Pandiyan and Cholan dynasties. 397

saw a golden-colored chamelion-lizard, which he wished to catch, but

it entered into a hole, in digging up which blood was seen, anda form

of Siva appeared ; by reason of which appearance, a fane was built on

_ the spot; and this having decayed, the aforesaid Rasa puver (as far as

can be made out) restored the said shrine, and gave for that purpose

thirty thousand Veélis of land, (each Veli containing five cawnies, the

whole being upwards of one hundred thousand acres. )

No. 32. Dated in the tenth year of the Caota résa KEsart Manpr-

yAR: some letters and words wanting. It is a gift of village lands ; but

for what object does not appear.

Translation.

No. 33. An inscription in Mel Pallur, or (upper Pallur), dated Sal.

Sac. 1489, (A. D. 1517.)

The ruler of the entire world HartyA RAYER VIPADAN, faultless in

speech, taking possession of other countries, never relinquishing his own,

the south quarter .................. the excellent courageous ruler Sri

Vira Krisuna Rayer, the great emperor, the restorer of the Sdma-

sula tax, and of the other taxes of the Chéla-mandalam, and of the

Sawa and Vaishnava temples, .................. (a number or part of a

name) having taken certain countries and conquered Vira ParcHuNAN

the son of Prardpa Rupra the Gajapati prince, and certified the con-

quest inthe presence of Maxurcarsuna (the god at Vijayanagaram J,

gave four thousand pieces of gold, for the service of the god Mariu-

MIsvARA NaAyAnaAR of this town; a Sanskrit sloka, in praise of the

giver.

[The above is as near a translation as can be made out: it is of

some use. | ’

No. 34. It bears the two names of Sri Kovi Kzesari PAnpryAn, and

Suntera Panpiyan, seventh year of reign: title of a ruler on the south

shore. (The remaining portion could not be recovered by the copyist

from the original stone.)

No. 35. Inscription cut on stone in the fane at Ambur. Dated in the

second year of Kutorrunea CuHona never. Gift to ARAKE’sVARANU-

piyaA Nayanar, the image of ‘ Amu'r fane from AmuTA KADI-YUDI-

yar rds of the north bank (of the Caveri) of a thousand (what not

mentioned), in free gift (therefore must be land) in the village for the

service of the fane of Tiruvake’svaramudiya Tambiranar, the same

image, with an addition of epithet.

No. 36. Dated in the fourteenth year of Srr Kopa Kesari Panpr-

YAN : imperfect.

3D 2

398 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May,

No. 37. Gift to Miluvanésvara Tambiran from Kr'sart PAnpryAn,

the giver of his own weight in gold, and a heap of vestments like a hill ;

a courageous warrior, and ruler of the three worlds ( Tribhuvana Cha-

kravertt Nayangr). He gave one hundred gold huns for the use of

Varava Nampa, the head brahman, to the temple females, and other

temple attendants.

No. 88. Datedin Sal. Sac. 1112; gift to Nintvanamuprya NAYANUR

of fifty gold pieces, by the whole of the people of fhis village (name not

given ) for the celebration of the marriage of the said god in the month

of April.

No. 39. (Very short and perfect) gift of an elephant vehicle by the

head man of Muthurdntacam im the country of RaseNprA Cuo ta of

the north bank (supposed of the Caveri) to whom, when, or for what

- object, not stated.

No. 40. A few Sanskrit words in Tamil and Grantha letters, without

connected meaning, copied from the inner building of a fane of Ganga

Kunda-puram in the Udiyar Palliyam.

Manuscript Book, No. 14. Countermark 768.

Section 1. Account of Pandoo coolies ( Pantu curzis ) in the Jughire,

and Arcot Districts, written from different verbal accounts.

This paper contains an account of certain subterranea, or excavations,

as if they were tombs, discovered at various places : of the exact nature

or character of these pits there appears to be no certain knowledge;

but the writer has collected, and stated, the traditionary accounts of

people near the places where those excavations were found, by which

they are ascribed,-— .

1. Toa desire of obtaining shelter from a predicted shower of fire,

about the beginning of the era of Sadlivihana. 2. To certain pigmies that

lived towards the end of the Dwdpara yuga, who constructed for

themselves these dwellings under ground. 3. To the five Pdandavas,

as a refuge from the persecution of Duryop’Hana. 4. To the votaries

of a certain goddess named Niza-mucari’, who offered to her monthly

sacrifices therein. 5. To the Vedar and Curumbar, (hunters and

savages), of former days, as places of protection, for their wives and

children, from wild beasts. 6. To certain men in the time of RAma,

who had monkey’s tails, whence these pits are by some called Vali-Cudi.

7. To rakshesas (or evil beings) who constructed these places of safety

for their wives and children. 8. To a custom of early times after the

deluge, when men lived so long as to be a burden to themselves, and

their relatives, so that the latter put them in certain earthen shells with

a supply of provisions and left them to die.

1838. ] Account of Tondaman tn Conjeveram. 399

These excavations are stated to be of various fashions, and sizes ;

and some have the appearance of being tombs of great or distinguished

men. Tradition states, that great wealth was most certainly discovered

and carried away, from some of these excavations.

Section 2. An account of Tondaman Chakraverti in the district

of Canchi ( Conjeveruam).

There were forty-four generations previously of the Chola race, who

were persons of self-government, but the last of them Kutorrunca

Cuouan (who had only a son and a daughter), having killed the son

of Camspan the poet, the latter killed the king’s son, and the king

afterwards formed an intercourse with one of the female attendants of his

court, and had privately a son by her, who was named Naat NaGa RAT-

TANAM. ‘The child was exposed ina golden vessel on the banks of

the Caveri river, and was discovered by the Brdéhmans, and head offi-

cers of the king, who recommended it to the king for protection, as

being like him ; and from an adonda flower being near the child they

called it ddondai. The king gave it in charge to his queen, to rear it

up; who readily undertook the task. The king’s Mantiré (or minister)

was alone somewhat instructed in the secret. The child proved to be

_ possessed of heroic qualities. On consulting how to give him a king-

dom, an eye was cast on the country northward, wherein the Curwm-

bar had constructed twenty-four forts, being an immense forest (wild

or open place). KunotTunea Cuota fought with the wild people (Cu-

rumbar) ; but could not conquer them. Anponpat’ his illegitimate son,

with a great army, fell on them, and conquered them to extermination.

Kuxortunea then came; and, having the forest cleared, founded the dis-

tinguished town of Canchi puram, in which he built a fane, and dug a

channel for the river Palar to flow through, ornear, it. There being a

deficiency of inhabitants, KutotTTunea gave his minister much wealth ;

who, going to other countries, brought men and women, and had them

married together, according to their respective tribes or castes. By

way of affixing a stigma on the newly conquered country, the minister

recommended that it should be called Tonda mandalam, “ the land

of slaves.” But the king, without penetrating his minister’s design,

called it Zondat-mandalam ; and gave it to his illegitimate son Apon-

par; who was accordingly crowned in Canchi; and, as he had con-

quered the ferocious people, the former inhabitants, he acquired the

additional epithet of Chakraverti. From that time the former name of

the country ( Curumbar b’humi) became extinct.

Remarks. This short paper has its value, as being a brief and

unvarnished account of an historical fact; otherwise variously and

eae repre —

400 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

verbosely told, with much of superfluous fiction and rhetorical orna-

ment.

Section 3. An account of Candava rayen, and Chethu rayen the

two sovereigns of the Vannier (forest race, a tribe of low cultwators )

who ruled in the fort of Tiruuidat Churam.

This fort was in the district of Chingleput, and this account was

taken from the mouth of one named SAHADEVEN-NATTAN.

Anciently the Curxmbar ruled in this country ; Aponpar CHOLAN

came from Tanjore, and destroyed them; and, having acquired the title

of AponpAr Cuaxkravertt, he established in their place the Kondai

Katti Vellazhar, (agriculturists who bound up their hair as women do.)

In those days the V«nnier, or Pali people, by permission of the ruler

of the country bnilt this fort for themselves, as their own. But they

paid tribute to the sovereigns of the Andhra, Carnata, and Dravida,

countries. No written account of their race has been preserved; but

of their posterity CANpa-RAYEN, and CHETHU-RAYEN, came to the

government. Being skilful men they built their old fort very strongly.

The measures of that fort, as now found are from south to north

1141 feet; east to west 1200 feet. The breadth of its outer wall was

20 feet. Around it there was a moat thirty feet broad. Besides this.

outer one, there was an inner fort, and a palace on the top of the hill.

' The upper fort was east to west 250 feet ; south to north 195 feet.

’ While ruling with considerable power, they rejected all claims of

customary tribute from superior kings. They were both illustrious ; but

CANDAVAN-RAYEN, was the most warlike of the two, He fixed alarm-

stations on eminences, at certain distances, around his capital. There

was no other king like him. When the rayer came to invade him, as

the drums were beaten at different hill-stations, the rayer did not know

in which the chief was, and at length the latter, watching his opportu-

nity, fell on the rayer’s forces, and made great slaughter. The rayer’s

general, being greatly incensed, came with a greater force ; and, during

four months, an uncertain war was carried on; the chief’s place not

being known; while, night and day, he harassed the troops of the

invader. The rayer now desisted from open war ; intending to effect

his object indirectly. CANDAVAN-RAYEN then greatly vexed the agri-

culturists, that Aponpa1 CuaxraAverti had placed in the land. The

Vellarzar in consequence arose in a body, and went to Krisuna

RAYER, who sent the Wiyalavar (the people of a PotiGaR) against

Canpava. That Porrcar being beaten retreated, and sent spies to

inspect the fortress, that he might discover how to overcome CANDAVA.

1838.] Account of two kings of the Vunnier race. 401

The spies discovered that at intervals of rest from war, CanpAva was

entirely enslaved by the leader of a band of dancing girls, and announced

the circumstance to the chief of the Wiydlavar tribe. He came to

Cupdcat, and gave her the offer of four bags of gold, as a bribe, to cut

off the head of Canpava; to which, induced by avarice, she consented :

appointing a time for the PoLicar, and his people to come. They came

as appointed. CupAcur gave Canpava poison, in a cake, from her own

hands; which speedily took effect. She cut off his head, and putting

it in a dish, brought it to the appointed place, and gave. it to the Po-

LIGAR’S people. After satisfying themselves of the identity of the

_head, they cut off the head of the traitress, and went away. In the

morning his younger brother, CHETTHU RAYEN, hearing this news;

and being extremely grieved, took the hundred companions of CupAé-

CHI; and, carrying them to a tank, after tying them in a row like cows,

_he cut off their heads: in proof whereof that tank is to this day called

Pinnai-yert (the lake of corpses). He also burnt down their houses ;

and the place is to this day called Cupacht kunnu (the heap of Cupa-

chi) ; and is a place of desolation. He also took the watchmen, who

had neglected their duty, and cut off their heads, at the above tank.

The WryALAvar-PoLicar came with his troops, and fell on the fort.

During twenty-six days, fighting was carried on, with great loss on both

sides ; till, at length, the attacking PoLicar took the fort ; which, after

that time, became a dependency of the Anagiindi kings, who protected

the agriculturists,

The truth of the preceding narrative is attested by all the people

living around about that neighbourhood. |

Section 4. An account of the Pagoda of Tiruvidaichuram (the

above fort) in the Arcot district,

The original date of this place is remote in antiquity ; the fane was

built by Kunottunea Cuoxan. It was repaired by other Cuo.as, and

Ravers. The Sthala Puranais lost. But the legend is to this effect,

that an Apper and Sundarar (the poets) were on their way to sing the

praises of Karz Kundam (a hill fane) ; they inquired of a shepherd

(at this place) if there was any emblem of Siva near, who pointed

them to one under a tree, and disappeared. Considering this as an

apparition of Srva, they chanted ten stanzas concerning the place;

which are in existence down to the present time. As the Chola king

adorned and endowed this fane, there may be an inscription; but it is

reported to be in recondite Tamil. They further say that, directly

under the view of the bullock of Siva, very much wealth is buried.

402 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

There certainly is some wealth concealed. If well examined, it would

be found: it, would not be needful, to that end, to damage the walls, or

structure, of the temple, but only to remove the flooring; no other

damage would accrue to the temple.

Section 5. An account of the ancient gold products of Callatur and

notice of the history of that place.

Anciently this was the second fortress of the Curumbar chieftains.

After they had been destroyed by ADONDAI CHAKRAVERTI, the fort

was in the hands of ten persons, who rode in palankeens, from among

the Kondai Katta Velazher, They were subordinates to the raja and

regulated the country. A poor Purdhita Brahman came to the fane

of Tiruval isvarer, and bought a piece of ground at Cullatur ; the

god afterwards personally appeared to him, and instructed him to give

the god notice when he ploughed and sowed the said field. He did so;

when the god came, on his Véhana, and, after sowing a handful of seed

disappeared. The other corn was sown by the Brahman. ‘The corn

sprung up luxuriantly ; while corn sown by other people was very weak.

The Bréhman’s corn grew higher than a man could reach, but without

earing; to his great grief. A Velazhan, passing by, being struck by

the singular appearance of the corn, plucked a stalk, and, opening it at

the top, found an incipient ear of gold, in consequence of which he

enticed the Brdhman to an exchange of products, ratified by a writing. —

A long time after the corn threw out ears, and the surface presented a

golden color. The rayer of that time, named Hart Harr Rayer

hearing of the circumstance, came himself, with an army ; and, having

it reaped, distributed the gold in the usual proportion of corn, to the

cultivator, the proprietor, and the king. The product was beaten out

on a brick flour, prepared for the purpose; such a floor is named Cal-

lam; hence the town came to be called Pon Velainta Callatur, or the

village where gold grew as corn. Remains of the brick floor are stiil

to be seen; and the circumstance is traceable in other names of con-

nected places. Some remains of the chaff of this harvest, are said to

be preserved in the treasuries of neighbouring temples. From the time

of TonDAMAN CHAKRAVERTI down to KrisHnA RayeEr’s time, the

fort was under the management of the Velazhar, or agriculturists.

KrisHNA Rayer demanded of them to build an Agrahdram, which

they refused to do; and he, in consequence, waged war against them,

with great slaughter, for six months: when they consented to his

request, and built two choultries; one of which was called by the name

of Krisuna RAyYER.

1838.] Ehstory of Tondumandalam. 403

Historical Indication.

Divested of fable, the probability is that a gold mine was anciently

discovered in the field of a Bradhman, and worked by one of the rayers.

The closing circumstance is within the range of credible tradition.

Section 6. —Accounts of the places of hidden treasure, in the Arcot

District.

1, In Pudawir, there are four Panta curzis in which, they say,

treasure is contained.

2. In Tiruvidaichuram, ina Peddri Kevil, under the image of

Durga, there is stated to be buried treasure. There is a sort of pro-

verbial saying to this effect current among the country people there-

abouts. Notice of an account given toa servant (gomasteh) of the

surveyor general of seven vessels of buried treasure, and of a human

sacrifice, offered by some persons who, in a Cae took away one

vessel, and went to live at Wandiwash.

3. In Neyamal, they say there is hidden treasure.

4. Beyond that village near Chingleput the pagoda of Tiruvadeés-

veren, at Callatur, at Cunatur, Vembacam near Chingleput, Uttura

Mélur, and some other places, there is said to be buried treasure.

Remark. Perhaps Colonel MackeEnziz’s instructions to his agents

included inquiries on the above subject : with one exception, as to the

Panta curzis, I do not see that any light is reflected on past history

by such traditions.

Section 7.—Ancient history of Tondamandalam, and its earlier

inhabitants called Vedars and Curumbars.

After the deluge the country was a vast forest, inhabited by wild

beasts. A wild race of men arose; and, destroying the wild beasts,

dwelt in certain districts. There were then, according to tradition, ne

forts, only huts, no kings, no religion, no civilization, no books; men

were naked savages: no marriage institutions. Many years after, the

Curumbars arose in the Carnata country: they had a certain kind of

religion ; they were murderers. They derived the name of Curumbar

from their cruelty. Some of them spread into the Dravida désam, as

far as the Zondamandata country. They are now found near Uttra

Mérur ; but more civilized. They ruled the country some time; but

falling into strife among themselves, they at length agreed to select a

chief, who should unite them all together. They chose a man who had

some knowledge of books, who was chief of the Drdvig: country, and

was called Camanda Curumba prabhu, and PALAL raja; he built a fort

3 E

404 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [May-

in Puralérv. He divided the Curwmba land into twenty-four parts,

and constructed a fort in each district.. Of these the names of ten are

sececeeeeeee Puraliir, the royal fort; Callatur ; Amur; Puliyar ;.

Chaditas ; Uttht Kadu; Kaliyam; Venguna; Icattukotiaa ; Paduvir,

While they were ruling, there was a commerce carried on by ships,

As the merchants of Céveripiim-patnam sought tradig intercourse

with them, the Curumbars built the following forts (stations) for trade:

Patti-pulam ; Sala-cupam ; Sala-pakam ; Méyur ; Cadalur ; Alim-

pari; Maracaném ; whence, by means of merchants from Cavert pim-

patnam, and the Curumbar, a commercial intercourse by vessels was

carried on. They flourished in consequence; and while without any

religion, a Jaina ascetic came, and turned them to the Jaina credence,

The Basti which the Pural king built after the name of that ascetic, is-

still remaining together with other Basti and some Jaza images in

different places ; but some are dilapidated, and some destroyed by the

hatred of the Brahmans. They were similar-to the Jaimas of the

present day ; they were shepherds, weavers, lime-sellers, traders. While

living thus, various kings of civilized countries made inroads upon them.

as the Chola, the Pandiya kings, and others; and, being a wild peo»

ple, who cared not for their lives, they successfully resisted their invaders

and had some of the invading chiefs imprisoned in fetters, in front of

the Pural fort. Besides they constrained all young people to enter the

Jaina religion ; in consequence of which vexation, a cry arose in the

neighbouring countries. At length Aponpalt, of Tanjore, formed the

design of subduing them; and, invading them, a fierce battle was

fought in front of the Pural fort in which the Curumba king’s troops

fought and fell with great bravery, and two-thirds of ADONDAI’s army

was cut up. He retreated to a distance, overwhelmed with grief, and

the place where he halted is still called Cholan pedu. While thinking

of returning to Tanjore, Siva that night appeared to him, in a dream,

and promised him victory over the Curwmbas, guaranteed by a sign.

The sign occurred, and the Curumba troops were the same day routed

with great slaughter. The king was taken ; the Purad fort was thrown

down ; and its brazen (or bell-metal) gate was fixed in front of the

shrine at Tanjore. A temple was built where the sign occurred, and a

remarkable pillar of the fort was fixed there: the place is called Tiru

mul vdsal. A sort of commemorative ceremony is practised there.

After a little more fighting, the other forts were taken, and the Curum-

bas destroyed. Abonpal placed the Velazhar, as his deputed autho-

rities ; having called them into the country to supply the deficiency of

inhabitants, from the Zuluva désam (modern Canara). They are call-

1838.] Account of Marutan and Madurantacam. 405

-ed Tuluva Vellazhar to the present day. Some were brought from the

Chola désam, still called Chola Vellazhar. He called from the north

certain Braéhmans by birth, whom he fixed as accountants. The

Kondai Katti Vellazhar were appointed by him. He acquired the

name of Chakraverti from rescuing the people from their troubles.

The name Curumba-bhumi was discontinued, the country was called

Tonda-mandilam ; and common consent ascribes to ADONDAI the

regulation of the country.

Remarks. The writing of the above paper was a little obliterated,

and I think its restoration of consequence; for it seems to me rather

more important than these local papers usually are. We have in it a

clear and unvarnished statement of the introduction of the Aindus

(properly such) into the country, circumjacent with respect to Madras.

The Hindus had colonized the country south of the Coleroon ata

much earlier period. The trading from Caveripum-patnam; the con-

quest by Aponpar ; the introduction of brahmans as accountants from

the north; are matters confirmed by other papers. The Veluzhas of

the country hold the traditionary belief, that their ancestors emigrated

from Tuluva. ‘The Chola Velazhas are chiefly found in the south.

They wear a lock of hair on the front of their head ; not on the back,

like other Hindus. The old Tuduva or Hala Canada language, and

the Madras Tamil, are very nearly the same language.

Section 8.—Account of a Curumba fort at Marutan near Canchi, in

the Utramélur district.

This fort of mud was formerly built by the Curumbas, covering forty

cawnies of ground with two boundary walls, and was long ruled by

them. In the time of Kriswna Rayer his dependant the raja of

Chingleput fought with them; and, after some time the Curumba

chief was unjustly put to death. The Curumbas were destroyed, and

Tima raja took that fort. He gave it as a Jaghire to one of his near

relatives, named GovinDA raja. He built two Kooils (or fanes), and

established an Agvraharam for the Bréhmans.

- Note. Timma Rayer was the founder of Arcot as mentioned in a

former paper.

Section 9.—An account of Madurantacam in the Jaghire.

This place being the ancient boundary of the Madura kingdom was

called Maduridntacam (the end of Madura), in proof of which there is

an image called Madurai-Chelli-ammen. There is also a very ancient

Saiva fane. It is said that Naua-rasa, in his sorrowful pilgrimage,

came to this place ; and, by taking the muddy water of that pool, was

3 E 2

406 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May;

cured of his leprosy. He built a temple there, to commemorate his

cure. The tank was called by him Vishagatirtham. The Chola raja

built many other sacred edifices in this place; and he himself lived

there for a considerable time. The Sfhala mahatmya of this place

is connected with the St’hala mahatmya of Madura.

Remark. As the Madura Purénom contains a reference to the

northern Madura, it is well to know the precise locality thereby desig-

nated. The reference to Nata raja is an allusion to an episode in the

Mahabharata,

Section 10.—An account of the ruins of a fort with seven walls

(one within the other ), at Avidu tangi, written from verbal accounts

given by Brahmans of Pira-désam.

In the Arcot district, not far from Pira-désam*, are the extensive

remains of a very ancient fort of seven enclosures. It is now concealed

by brushwood, and lies waste. Gold cash, and other coins, have been

found there. Hyper ALLy is said to have examined it, and taken

thence treasure. It was built, many years after TonDAMAN CHAKRA-

VERTI, by VirA NARASIMHA raja. He appointed a very stupid Man-

tirt (or minister). There was no investigation of affairs ; and this minis-

ter buried the treasures, arising from the public revenues, and stultified

the king. A certain man named VIRAL-VENNAN, was wounded on the

head by a neighbour ; and, going to make a complaint at the king’s

gate, could get no hearing. He thereupon went about the town beating

all he met ; and, as there was no inquiry, he managed to get some

money, and to raise a small band of troops, with whom he took post

near a burning ground, and exacted tribute from all who came to per-

form funeral obsequies, By this means he became rich. After some

time the king went out in disguise to ascertain the state of the town,

and heard a poor woman complain of having no money to pay the

tribute. He inquired into the tax; and then went to the Mantii to

ask why it was imposed, who could give no account of it. The king

sent for VIRAL VENNAN, who refused to come; whereupon some troops

were sent against him: these were worsted, and then ViRAL VENNAN

came, sword in hand, of his own accord, and falling down before the

king narrated all his circumstances : whereupon the king had his minis-

ter beheaded, and put ViraL VENNAN in his stead. There is no other

tradition at Péira-desam; but possibly by going to Avidu-tangi some-

thing further might be learnt.

The end of book No. 14.

* This Pira-desam is probably the Pida which is coupled with Choda (or

Chola) in the enumeration of countries in the second edict at Girnar.—Ep.

18388. ] List of ancient kings and sages. 407

Book No. 20, Countermark 774.

Section 1.—List of Kings in the Cali-yuga.

A few names very defective in the three first ages.

The Cali yvga list commences with JANAMEJAYA, and there are |

other names, without distinction of place or country, though we know

some of them to have ruled in places very distant from each other.

RasenpRA CHoLa: is dated by an inscription in S. S. 460, Deva

Mana Rayer by inscription 8. S. 1060, Virupacni Rayer 8. S. 1238,

Sanuva Narasincua Deva Rayer S. S. 1420, Vira NarasineHa

Rayer S. §, 1391, AurunozesE S. S. 1554.

The list of course does not admit of being abstracted. A few dates

and names are written as specimens. The list may be of use to refer

to, in comparison with other lists ; and, as now restored from an almost

illegible state, will admit of easy translation,

It is followed by another list, of which the ink is so much faded as

to be no longer capable of restoration. From a few names which can

be read it seems to be a fuller repetition; the same names appearing to

occur, with now and then a name not to be here found; but it is not

possible to make any thing of it, as a connected whole.

There follows a page of more illegible writing endorsed in English,

as a letter; and another half page of Pandiya kings, of no value.

Section 2.—Account of the most ancient sages and poets, with their

places and dates, in the Dravida désam.

This section with so promising a title is a mere cheat. Iv has a few

names of ascetics and poets, better known from other authorities, with-

out the promised distinction of time and place; and being quite worth.

less, the copying of it was omitted.

Section 3.—A general list of books and inscriptions.

The list refers merely to certain parts of the papers in the Macxen-

zi£ collection, supplied by the writer of the list ; and is of no perma-

nent consequence, there being a fuller catalogue in existence. The

copying was omitted. .

Section 4,—Account of Pradatta rdja.

The paper commences with a declaration ascribed to Brauma, of the

severe pain, and penalty, incurred by any one stealing even an atom

of property from afane of Siva, which inclusive of minor matters, in-

volves the being sent to Yuma puram (hell), and the being sunk in astra-

tum of fire. ‘There are other details of the evils which must follow the

taking.a bit of gold from the temple at Arunachellum (Trinomallee /,

and of eating any thing belonging to it, more fatal than eating poison.

408 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (May,

In illustration Brauma narrates an account of the visit of PRaDATTA,

king of Benares and of the surrounding country, in extravagantly

hyperbolical language, and of his becoming enamoured of one of the

Devadasis of the fane at Arunachellum (or Trinomallee), in consequence

of which his face was transformed into that of a baboon. Some of the

great men said it was from an evil thought, and advised him to render

special adoration to the image worshipped there, which he did and

recovered a beautiful form. These circumstances Brauma related to

Sanaka Risur. The entering on another narrative is announced;

which appears to be the one contained in the following section.

Observation.

The preceding is probably part of a legend connected with the Z’rino-

mallee temple; and has been evidently constructed so as to impose a

superstitious dread of taking any property from that place, or of covet-

ing any thing belonging to it: it is very well adapted to the intellectual

measure of the lower class of natives; it may illustrate manners and

opinions ; but in any historical reference, it seems quite useless,

Section 5.—Account of Vajrangata Pandiyan.

The king of the fertile country on the banks of the Vaigai, one day

set out on a hunting excursion to the great terror of the elephants, and

other beasts, and in the course of the chase he started a civet-cat, which

ran directly for Tvinomallee, and then went round the mountain, when

it fell down from exhaustion, and died; the horse ( Ganavattam) on

which the Pandiya king rode, also fell down, from extreme fatigue, and

died, Immediately two Vidhyadharas (celestials) appeared and said to

;he king, ‘ Why do you grieve, we were imprisoned in bodies through

the malediction of Durvasa-rishi, from having trodden on some flowers

in his garden ; so that he commanded one of us to become a civet-cat,

and the other a horse. On our asking when the spell would be dis-

solved, he said it would be by Vasraneara PAnpiyAn.’ These two ani-

mals then attained final happiness, by the merit of having gone around

Arumachella hill (or Trinomallee) ; but as the king did not walk round

but went round on horseback, he had no part in the merit. He subse-

quently made over his kingdom to his son named ART’HANAN-GATA

PANDIYAN, and became an ascetic; residing near the hill. His son

sent him much money, with which he greatly added to the splendour

and beauty of the fane. On walking round it, one day, the god Siva

met him in a visible form; and told him that he also had been impri-

soned, having heretofore been Inpra, who threw his diamond weapon

(Vajranga), at him (Srva), in consequence of which he was condemned

to live on earth as VAJRANGATA PANDIyAN; but that now from the

1838. } List of Chola kings. 409

virtue of his munificent acts to the temple, he should be readmitted to

his former state, and again become De’vEnprRA.

Observation.

The composition of this, like the former, is in’ poetical and hyperbo-

lical language ; but with incorrect orthography. A Pdéndiyan king is

otherwise understood to have repaired and beautified Trinomallee ; and

on this circumstance the fable is constructed. It seems to be a portion

of the Trinomallee St’hala-purana, as may be ascertained when that

Puranan comes to be examined. But it is of little use beyond illustra-

ting native opinions ; and was restored because found in a book greatly

damaged by time; though in itself, this section remained quite legible.

Section 6.—A list of Chola kings.

The list contains a few names only, without any dates ; the transcrib-

ing them has not appeared to be of any importance.

Preface to the first part of the History of India composed by Nar-

RAYANEN Astronomer (of the Ananta Kon race).

(This is not entered in the table of contents at the beginning of

book, No. 20.)

This book was written at the request of Col. W. Macteop of Arcot,

during Lord Brenrincx’s government of Madras. After the usual

poetical invocation it gives an account of the cause of its being written,

the different powers and kingdoms to be included: and the authorities

consulted in the compilation. The work proceeds to narrate the crea-

tion of the elements of all things, by NARRAYANEN ; the formation of the

Brahmandam, or mundane egg, and the division therein of the orders

of beings and things. An account of the different yugas. Formation of

gods, asuras, and mortals. Avataras of Visunu. Eclipses ; fasting at

that time peculiar to India. After some Indian astronomical details,

the writer states his preference of another system, that of the earth

turning on its own axis, and revolving round the sun, with different

latitudes, (evidently derived from intercourse with Europeans.) Geo-

graphical divisions of India, on the native system; some mention of

Nipdl, Moghulstan, Turkishtan and Hindustan proper. ‘This leads to

mention the birth of Krisuna about one hundred years before the end

of the Dwdpara yuga ; and his reigning in Dwéraka, a town which he

had built on the sea shore. ‘The end of the first book.

The foregoing is another copy, so far, of the large work entitled

Carnata rajakal, before abstracted. Should other Cdndams, or books,

be found among the paper MSS. the whole MS. may be restored ;

but the above is of no special use, being merely another copy of a por-

tion which exists in the larger work.

410 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. {May,

Section 7.— Account of the Jain temple of Parsvana-natha-svdmt,

at Tiru Narrayanen Tonda a village, in the district of Yelvanachura

Cottat.

It is in the Vriddhachala district: a St hala mahatmya. In a certain

wilderness, a kind of roots grew which Verdars dug up for food. One

day a man of that class saw some growing in the cleft of a rock, and

going to dig them up, discovered the image of the above god. A winged

creature also appeared ; at which the hunter, being dazzled exclaimed

“ Appa! Ayya!” The being said “I am Appa, and Ayya is in that

image.” The hunter asked for a spiritual vision, and had one enlight-

ened eye given him; the report of the circumstance led to much dis-

cussion among the country people; who, on consulting, noted various

marks about the hills, and concluded that it must have been a place of

residence, for ancient ascetics. The king of the country, coming to

knowledge of these things, treated the hunter handsomely, and had a

temple built on the spot. There is then a narrative given, as having

happened before this circumstance, to account for the image being found

there. This forms a Jaina version of the Pandiya king renouncing

the Jaina system for that of the Saivas. By this account the famous

Appar was born and bred a Jaina, but, through ill-treatment of the

head ascetic of that system, he went away to the south, by way of the

Chola kingdom, and became a Sawa. In consultation with Sampanta

and SANTARAR, a plan was formed to convert the Pdndiyan king, Appar

by the power of incantation inflicted on him a grievous illness, and then

sent SaMPANTA, and Sunparar, with the Viputhi (or sacred ashes),

saying that if he accepted these he would be cured. He replied that

being a Jaina he could not do so. On their returning with this answer

to APPAR the latter inflicted severer pain on the king ; and then went

personally to him, and said, if his teachers could remove one-half on

one side, he would remove the other. The Juina teachers being sent

for, said that to use magical incantation was contrary to their religion.

Appar then promised to cure the king, to which he consented ; through

the craft of Appar, and because an evil time for the Jaina system was come.

After being cured Appar asked of the king to allow all the Jaina temples

to be turned into Sativa ones at which he hesitated ; but at length being

gradually overcome, and through previous ignorance of his own system

he was drawn over to become a Sativa; and he then gave a body of

troops into the hands of SampanTar, SuNDARAR and Appar; with which

they displaced the Jaina images, and turned the fanes into Sarva ones.

But on coming to the hill in question, in this paper, as soon as APPAR

ascended three steps towards it he was struck blind. Astonished he

1838. ] Legendary Account of Cdnda Cottai. 411

offered some prayers, according to his Jaina knowledge, and had one

restored ; he then resumed the Juina way and had both eyes restor-

ed. The Satvas, seeing what had occurred, carried him off; and in

a brick and chunam water-course near to Chittambram killed him.

The account closes, as being given by persons whe had received it

downwards by tradition.

Remark. The leading fact is historical, and every version of it,

especially from opposite religious parties, may render it better defined.

Section 8.—Chronological tables of the Hindu réjas (termed Juina

kings of the Dravida country in the table of contents of Book, No. 20.)

A few names of kings in the first age ; a few names of the solar line

in the second ; a few of the lunar line in the third age; in the fourth,

a mixture of names, one or two of them being Jaina : CHANDRAGUPTA

is termed a Jaina. The Chola rajas. Himastua a Jaina king. In the

list of rayers, there are some names not usually met with in those lists ;

some dates of these, and Chola kings are given: the list comes down to

a modern date.

A list of kings, in Grant’ha characters, is given; termed Jaina

kings.

Remark. ‘These lists, though imperfect may have some use for oc-

casional reference.

Section 9.—Legendary Account of Canda Cotta (and statement of

an emigration of artificers from India by sea eastward.)

In the town of Manda anciently the Camalar (artificers of 5 sorts)

lived closely united together ; and were employed by all ranks of men,

as there were no artificers besides them. They feared and respected

no king, which offended certain kings; who combined against.

them, taking with them all kind of arms. But as the fort in

which the Camalar lived was entirely constructed of loadstone, this

attracted and drew the weapons away from the hands of the assailants.

The kings then promised a great reward to any who sheuld burn down

their fort. No one dared to do this. ‘At length the courtezans of a .

temple engaged to effect it, and took the pledge of betal and areca en-

gaging thereby to do so. The kings greatly rejoicing, built a fort op-

posite, filled with such kind of courtezans, who by their singing attract-

ed the people from the fort, and led to intercourse. One of these at

length succeeded in extracting from a young man, the secret that if the

fort were surrounded with varacu* straw set on fire, it might be destroy-

ed. The king accordingly had this done, and in the burning down of

* Paspalum frumentaceum—Linn. Kadra vahd—Sans.

Oo F

412 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ May,

the fort, many of the Camdlar lost their lives; some took to ships, be-

longing to them, and escaped by sea. In consequence there were no

artificers in that country. Those taken in the act of endeavouring to

escape, were beheaded. One woman of the tribe, being pregnant, took

refuge in the house of a chetty and escaped, passing for his daughter. —

From a want of artificers, who made implements for weavers, husband-«

men, and the like, manufactures and agriculture ceased, and great dis-

content arose in the country. The king, being of clever wit resorted

to a device to discover if any of the tribe remained, to remedy the evils

complained of. This was to send a piece of coral, having a fine tor-

tuous aperture running through it, with a piece of thread, to all parts of

the country; with a promise of great reward to any one who should

succeed in passing the thread through the coral. None could accom-

plish it. At length the child that had been born in the chetty’s

house undertook to do it ; and to effect it, he placed the coral over the

mouth of an ant-hole ; and, having steeped the thread in sugar, placed

it at some little distance. The ants took the thread, and drew it through

the coral. The king, seeing the difficulty overcome, gave great pre-

sents, and sent much work to be done; whieh that child, under the

counsel and guidance of its mother, performed. The king sent for the

chetty, and demanded an aceount of this young man, which the chetty

detailed. The king had him plentifully supplied with the means es-

pecially of making ploughshares ; and having him married to the

daughter of a chetty, gave him grants of land for his maintenance. He

had five sons, who followed the five different branches of work of the

Camalar tribe. The king gave them the title Panchayet; down to the

present day there is an intimate relation between these five branches, and

they intermarry with each other ; while as descendants of the chetty tribe,

they wear the punnul, or caste thread, of that tribe. Those of the Camdlar

that escaped by sea, are said to‘have gone to China. It is added that

the details of their destruction are contained in the Calingatu Bharani. —

Remark. Here is no doubt historical truth covered under the veil

of fiction and metaphor : it is particularly desirable to know if artificers

really emigrated from India to the eastward. ‘The ruins of Manda, or

Mandu, remain without any records concerning that place, I believe, in

any known history. The Calingatu Bharani, a poem, is in the Mackxen-

Z1E collection ; and will come under notice hereafter.

Section 10.—Account of the Curumbars, and a Massacre of them by

treachery. :

Under the rayer’s government the Curumbars ruled in many districts.

They constructed forts in various places. They tried to make the

1838.] Account of the Curumbars aud Muittilyar. 413

Muthaliers, and Vellézhas, render them homage; to which the others

did not consent ; and the Curumbars in consequence greatly troubled

them. Still they did not submit. Accordingly in betel gardens, and:

in many other places they constructed very low wicket gates, so that

the Hindus coming to them must be forced to bow on entering. But

the Muthaliers and Velldzhas, instead of entering head foremost thrust

their feet in first, and thus treated the Curumbars with contempt. As

the latter had power in their possession, they vexed the said tribes.

These at length went to a barber ; and, promising a gift of land, asked

of him counsel how to destroy the Curwmbars. The barber gave them

encouragement ; who then went to the houses of all his tribe and en-

gaged their services by promise. It was the custom of the Curumbars

that, if one of their people died, the whole family should have the head

shaved. One of the seniors of the tribe of Curumbars died : and by cus-

tom the whole tribe, at one time, sat down to have their heads shaved.

The aforesaid barber, on this occasion charged all his associates each

one to kill his man; which they did, by each one cutting the throat

of the person shaved. The women thus suddenly widowed had a

great pile of fire kindled into which they leaped, and died; execrating

their enemies. The ruins of the Curumbar forts and villages are still

visible ; being heaps of mould; there are very old wells, some for in-

stance near Sadras: the bricks of these wells have an appearance of

great antiquity. ;

Remarks. What evidence is due to the tradition I cannot tell: if

true, it adds another instance to the tragedies, consequent to sectarial

hatred, and effected by stratagem and treachery, which are numerous

in this collection.

Section 11.—Account of the Wiyalavar or Muttilyar at Nerva-

palhyam.

The Curumbars, in the time of the rayers built forts, causeways, &c.

In that time these Wiyalvar came from Ayodhya, in the north, They

brought with them two tutelary goddesses called Angalammai and Wi-

yalammai ; together with attendants (as supposed of these idols). These

first halted at Vidpuram. At that period one CHeNNAPA NAYAK was

acting with great violence, and killing many people. The rayers in

consequence promised to this new tribe, that if they would remove the

nuisance he would give them the district, so cleared, as their reward.

In consequence, by the power of their goddess, they took those robbers

and having obtained the district of Caznnapa Nayak, they first gave it

the name of Canda-gadi-palliyam. Subsequently, as the Curumbars gave

much trouble, and insulted the Muthaliers, the rayer made great pro-

3.F 2

414 Rupography, or a new mode [May,

mises to these Wiyalvar if they would destroy the Curumbars. The

Wiyalvar, in consequence by the aid of the rayer’s troops, and a thou-

sand men of their own, destroyed the Curwmbars. ‘The rayer gave

them great distinction for the same, and villages. They established

their goddesses in two villages ; and in one had also a Vaishnava fane.

They built a palace which afterwards was sold to discharge a debt.

Remark. This account may be compared with another book and

section, making mention of the Wiyalvar; and this tradition, if true,

adds to the proof that the earlier inhabitants of the Carnatic were de-

stroyed, to make way for colonies of Hindus.

[To be continued. ]

Il.—On the cpplication of a new method of Block-printing, with

examples of unedited coins printed in facsimile. By James

PrINSEP, Sec. &c.

In all Muhammadan countries it is the well known custom of those

who move in the rank of gentlemen to apply their seals in lieu of their

written signatures to letters, bonds, and other written documents—uniot as

we are accustomed to do it by an impression on wax, but by smearing the

flat surface of the seal with ink and printing in the manner of type, so

as to leave on the paper a white cipher upon a black field. It may

be in consequence of this custom, as much as from religious prejudice,

that Muhammadan seals are almost invariably confined to letter mottos ;

seldom ornamented, but, if so, merely with flowers, &c. done in out-

line ; because such only can be faithfully pourtrayed in a type impres-

sion, which of course cannot at all represent a head or other relievo

design.

The money of the Musalmans was in the same manner generally

impressed only with the signet or the titles of the sovereign, well adapt-

ed to a flat and thin surface of metal.

Seeking an easy and expeditious mode of making public the collection of

Muhammadan coins in my own and my friends’ cabinets, it thus occur-

redto me that by forming from them in sealing-wax or in type metal an

exact counterpart of the die which had struck these rupees, I should be

able to use it, in the native fashion, for producing ink impressions along

with the ordinary letter type; while, as the coin itself would in every

case furnish the mould, every chance of error in copying would be

removed: and, though the elegance of a shaded engraving could not be

attained, still this would be more than compensated by the scrupulous

fidelity of the representation.

1838. ] of printing coms in facsimile. 415

My first trial was so encouraging that I at once resolved on carrying

the plan mto execution on an extensive scale, and I have now prepared

for the press upwards of two hundred coins done in this novel and

exceedingly simple manner.

As however it will be in every respect more convenient to present

them in a continued series as an accompaniment to my tables of the value

of Indian coins already published, I propose merely to introduce into

the pages of the Journal a few examples of such coins as are new, rare,

or from other causes worthy of particular description.

But first, in deference to the established custom in such eases, I must

assign to this newly invented art some Greek polysyllabic appellation ;

and (without intending the undignified lapsus of a pun) I cannot pro-

pose one more expressive of the process than Rupography—not from

rupee the common designation of our Indian money, nor yet from the

Sanskrit word rupa ‘ form, likeness,’ but in a genuine and orthodox man-

ner from the Greek pimos, sigilaris cera, or sealing-wax, the substance

upon which the impression of the coin is first received and which will

itself serve as the printing material, if it be not desired to preserve the

block in the more durable material of type metal, by a second transfer

from the sealing-wax to a clay or gypsum mould into which the latter

substance can be cast in the usual manner. Some sharpness of outline

is lost by this triple operation, and where a great many copies are not

required the rupographical process may be safely confined to the first

stage, or simple impression on sealing-wax.

As a first specimen, then, of the capabilities of this art of rupography

I select.a coin, or rather medal purchased by myself some years ago at

Benares. It is of HusEin Sudu generally accounted the last Suft

monarch of Persia; for after his abdication in A. H. 1135, his son

TamAsp held but a nominal sovereignty, the real power being usurped

by Maumup the Afghan.

MarspDEN would designate this as one of the medals of the Persian

kings properly so called, intended to be hung and worn on the neck.

It had, when I bought it, a hasp for suspension; but still I do not ima-

gine it to have been struck for that express purpose, but rather as a

crown piece for distribution to courtiers on a birth-day, as is still the

custom at Delhi, at Lukhnow and other native courts. It is of nearly

pure silver, and weighs 844.3 grains, a little short of five rupees, and

somewhat above as much in value.

Marspen gives the drawing of another medal of ae same monarch,

which has merely the usual coin inscription.

The following is the numismatical description of my medal.

A416 Specimens of unedited coins [ May,

SuttAn Hosein Soin SkFravy,

reigned in Persia, A. H. 1106—1135, (A. D, 1694—1722.)

Silver.

Legend of the Obverse. —

wbahanld aye gy balanllf alae!) gal csp! J KSI Coot Sata!) ybbtud]

Centre. yh yolyo vl | damm whol

Reverse.

Area, alll Jy gle all Ju, dase® alll al) 9

Marg mn. usi em x pom dos’ ust? wn w> gsi

dos” ot usie dos”

Ob.—The SULTAN the just, the spiritual guide, the perfect, the ruler, Abu’l Mu-

zaffar ul Sultdn bin ul Sultan, SULTAN HOsEIN SHAH BEHADUR K®GAN, of the

Safvi race: may God perpetuate his kingdom and his dominion! Struck at Isfahdn,

1118 (A. D. 1694).

Rev.—There is no God but God! Muhammad is the prophet of God; Aliis the

favorite of God.

Margin.—Ali, Hasan,—Hosein, Ali,—Muhammad, Jafar,—Misa, Ali—Muham-

mad, Ali—Hasan, Muhammad.

(The twelve Imams in the order of their succession.)

Specimen II.

This is a coin presented to me by General VENTURA to complete my

series of the Patan sovereigns of Delhi, being the only one of the foun-

der of that dynasty which I had yet seen. Since then Captain BurNES

has favored me with the sight of a duplicate in less perfect preservation,

procured by himself, I believe, at Cabuél. I give it as a specimen of

what Rupography can do under the most. unfavourable conditions,

1838. ] printed in Rupography. 417

The form seems imitated from that of the Abbassite kh4lifs, having

the legend in concentric circles written in the Cufic form of Arabic.

The facsimile represents exactly by the dark parts where the surface is

worn smooth ; however, by carefully comparing the two specimens, the

whole has been made out satisfactorily with the aid of my brother Mr.

H. T. PRrinsEp.

It is curious that the common title of Shahab ul din, by which Mu-

HAMMED is generally known in Indian history, does not appear on this

Ghazneh dirhem, which gives him the two-fold designation of ghids ul

din, < the supporter of the faith,’ and moaz ul ndsix le din, the humbled

of the defender to the faith—(sc. to the Caliph of Baghdad). Proba-

bly the patent for the new title of Shahdb ul din, the flaming sword of

faith, given in honor of his brilliant and destructive expeditions into

India had not yet arrived from the court of the caliph. If so the word

tisatn (90) in the date may be read wrong.

SHan4zB uL DI'N, MuHAMMAD, BIN SAM.

Founder of the Ghéri dynasty of Delhi. Reigned A. H. 588—602,

a D. 1192—1206.)

Silver. Weight 73.4 to 92.6 grains.

Legends on the concentric circles of the Obverse.

SS Pee uate tabelal 04 dives powal.2 &) pay jauy! rug. '

eae 3) weld) ail) 3”) dose” all) 3) a S) >) ?

eis! ot) op), eel Glee

re wt Whose \=

Ditto of the Reverse.

Bylo pnrdm so, urs Bhw ddan’) bie soy 69 jd yal At 78

of J ols] | pxv0 pase) abi] Ekcol) cout

ond), Lil alae) Iya] ”

Lawes 3 dors”

( 4

The inscriptions are ce at length i in plate XXI.]}

418 Specimens of unedited coins | May,

Giverse ayer the Koran.) ‘ It is he that sendeth his messenger for righteous.

MESS’? oie. sales

There is no God but God, MunamMapD is the prophet of God !—The mighty sove-

reign Ghids ul dunya va u’din, Abu’l fateh, MUHAMMAD BIN SA’M.

Reverse.—This dirhem was struck in the city of Ghazneh, in the year five hundred

and ninety-six.

The coin of the mighty sovereign, Moaz ul ndser le din, abu’l dunyd va ul din

MUHAMMAD BIN SA’M.

Specimen III.

Among the coins discovered by General Ventura in the great tope

at Manikydla, and described in my third volume pl. xxi. fig. 10, and

page 316, were two of the Sassanian type, having Sanskrit legends on

the margin of the obverse. I did not then attempt to decipher them, nor

am I aware that their explanation has been since effected elsewhere.

Captain Burnes has been so fortunate as to pick up three more of

the same curious coins, in his present journey, which are now in my

hands with other rare antique produce of his successful research.

They have every appearance of having been extracted from some

similar ancient monument ; which is by no means improbable, for we may

be very sure, that full half of the fruits of the late explorations of the

various topes have evaded the hands of their explorers, and are scat-

tered about the country to be hereafter picked up gradually from

pilgrims or professed dealers; for a trade will soon be organized in

such articles, if it be not already established. There is no harm in this,

as it will tend to preserve such relics from destruction ; but we must for

the future be on our guard against spurious specimens, which will mul-

tiply daily.

Captain Burnes’ discovery has been of the greatest service toward

the deciphering of the Sanskrit legend : his coins have helped me to the

general purport of the marginal writing, even if they have not wholly

explained its contents. I found on collating the five legends now at my

command, that three of them (vide Pl. XXI.) were short of the others

by two letters, which in the most perfect of Captain Burnes’ coins

might be clearly read as nita fta:. Remembering an analogous

omission on one of the Gupra coins of Canow;, wherein some speci-

mens had the epithet vyayasa and others vijayajanita—both of the

same meaning, I concluded that the preceding anomalous letter on all |

the coins must be a &, and indeed it has no small affinity to the modern

- Nagari and Bengali 7. The two preceding syllables, again, there

could be no doubt about ; being in all five examples ¢4, deva. Now

devija and devajanita, ‘ offspring of the gods’ is the well known epi-

thet of the ancient Persian monarchs as well as of the Sassanian race.

Thus in the trilingual inscription on the Nakshi-rustam sculpture given

1838. ] printed in Rupogruphy. 419

in Ker PorTer’s travels in Persia, vol. I. 548, we have in the Greek

character :

TOYTO TO TIPOCQNON MACAACNOY OEOT APTAZAPOY BACIAENC BACI-

AEQN APIANQN EKTENOYG OEQN TIOY OEOT MNANAKOY BACIAENG

which is repeated below in two forms of Pehlevi, that for want of type

I am obliged to omit.

The same title in Sanskrit, devaputra shahan shdhi, it may be

remembered is applied to the king of Persia in the Allahabad pillar

inscription, as revised in last November’s Journal.

Again on the Sassanian coins, read by the Baron de Sacy as far as

they are published by Ker Porter (for I have not yet been able to ob-

tain a copy ofthe Baron’s work on the subject, ) the Pehlevi legend runs:

wlejshive Coke pho Blo ylile jpi9h a y joz<

Mazdezn beh Shahpura malakdn malaka* minochatri men yezdan.

‘ Adorer of Ormuzd, excellent Shahpur, king of king's, offspring of the divine race

of the gods.’

The natural deduction hence was that the rest of the Sanskrit legend

would also turn out to be a translation, or an imitation of the Sassanian

formula : and thus in fact it has proved to be. I here insert the facsi-

mile of Captain Burnes’ best coin, slightly retouched in the letters that

were least in relief;

Indo-sassanian dirhem.

Silver. Weight 53 grains.

_—

SS.

5 ih

a 5

¢ a

= +e

, : i

“Nyy:

ni,

Legend.

Obverse. Head of Mithra (Ormuzd), Pehlevi very distinct but unread, see Pl. XXT.

Reverse. On the field, three letters of an unknown alphabet (like the Arme-

nian ?) or perhaps numerals ?

Margin. Aifatafax Crrwy Weayt TN a fefanra casfaa.

Sri hitivira Airana cha parameswara Sri VA'HITIGA’N devajanita.

In this legend the only actual letters at all doubtful are the p and me

of parameswara, and the first and last letters of the name. Indeed the

first letter is different in every example, as will be seen in the litho-

* In the examples given I should read this passage—Malakdn malak Airdnan, &c.

but the Sassanian coins require study ere they can be properly made out,

420° On the affinities of Galathea [May,

graphed plate, as though they were all different names of the same

family. Now to analyze the sentence :

Hitivira I suppose to be a corrupt writing of efeae hridwira « noble

in heart,’ equivalent to the Pehlevi word beh translated by ‘“ excellent.” —

Airéna cha parameswara, and the supreme lord of Ard or Persia,

may be read (perhaps better) Atrdn va Pdrseswara, the lord of Zran and

Fars. For the name, we have severally phd, eha, va, gha, or ha ! followed

by hitigdn or hitikhan ; and lastly devajaniéa, as before explained.

I am quite at a loss to find owners for such names, and although this

is the third time I have alluded to this coin, gaining little by little

each time, still I fear we have much to learn before we can unravel its

entire history. For the present I leave unnoticed the Pehlevt legend,

merely placing under view in the annexed plate, corresponding passages

from regular Sassanian coins, which being titles, will soon lead to a

knowledge of their alphabet and meaning.

Il}.—Note on the affinities of Gualathea of Lamarck ( Potamophila

of Sowerby), a Genus of Fluviatile Testacea. By W. H. Benson,

Esq. Bengal Cwil Service.

Much misapprehension appears to exist with regard to the proper

jocation of the Fluviatite bivalve genus Galathea of LAMARcK. That

distinguished author placed the shell among his “ Conques Fluviatiles,”

and considered it to be nearly allied to Cyrena, referring merely to the

teeth as a sufficiently distinguishing character. RANe, more unaccount-

ably, either on a cursory examination of the shell only, or of its description

and without reference to the indications of the characters of its inhabi.

tant, which the testaceous covering exhibits, says that it would perhaps be

advisable to unite it to Cyrena. It is true that this writer includes not

only the Conche and Nymphacee, but also the Mactracee, Cardiacee,

and Lithophagt in one overgrown section, which he denominates

*‘ Conchacées,” but this attempt at generalization does not, in any wise,

absolve him from the charge of mistaking the place of the genus in

question in the family, which he has thought fit to constitute. The

fortuitous acquisition of a specimen of this still rather rare shell enables

me to offer some observations concerning it, which may serve to illustrate.

its true affinities, and may not only tend to confirm Lamarck’s separa-

tion of it from Cyrena, but likewise shew the propriety of its location

in a different family from that which he classed it.

The remaining genera of Lamarcx’s Conche, whether marine or

fluviatile, consisting of Cyrena (including the more modern genus

Corbicula) Cyclas, Cyprina, Cytherea, &c., possess the ligament and

siphons on the longer side, or that which occupies the dorsal aspect of

aurn.As.Soc. Vot WILT P2XXT

SANSKRIT LEGEND ow six (NDO-SASSANISAN COINS.

| Atala Qs rot p-v1s a LAB Anh ma VIG fA

AMLAMIVInroGIVeIMImAMLIB je

MOOR Vieraos-weINIBAmMzALoR: )7" ~~“

AGP IVT AT AINuTAnk ma bg a] Pertare

MRABVITOCITOATEAM | anya

Restoratéan of the Legend én the wagare of the SKeoent.

H299) vrwozy 29 ] PEGAMLA B34

PEHLEV! LEGEND of rHeR OBVYERSE. ON ARGA

a spe py) rsp 112) I CAI D Qu» ofo 3} <p

ete Ls Wy pow wi bb auioey ofo of <q

BiG. or ofa es

From she Sassantan Coins of SHAPUR . Marsd. Mam. Or.

pp 23329. 2 ee AD AAs pIIDI§| vx

sage o sHnse waddnare sruosuone + wbuss{sood Ass srogulogelly

Same commencement in the Nakshi Rustam sculpture 2S) YRS YH

Onthe cotn wtlh the winged Ca/fo, Marsd.Num . Or.

~ WwW tlo pow DOI .

Legend ou dérhken of Muhummed ben Darn.

\ fEEII 0 Do- . . Vue Obs 1.6 Hide J ecrele

PP 2s salsesall SlLw ef! 2

WAI 9H ANU) 1H! 2

Vy AS cenlve

a 0 Idd ba GUMS Sse»

DIL waa 2 DISA S YAS LVS Badal 2

S*A2U VIP Abe w0gi y! 3

Céen7re.

| S-Pinsas LA. Quy

1838.] a genus of Fluviatile Testacea. " AOl

the beaks : on the other hand in the Mymphacee*, and especially the

true Donacide, such as Donax, Capsa, &c. the ligament occupies the

place of the lunule, and the siphons are exserted from the contraverse

side or that towards which the beaks incline. In the fluviatile Conche

the siphons are very short, and, as a necessary consequence, the siphonal

scar is either very short or not apparent; while in the Nymphacee

it is very conspicuous, reaching in Capsa and Donazx to the centre of

the shell, and giving certain evidence of an elongated siphon. In

these important particulars Galathea agrees with the Donacide and

differs from the Conche. Its ligament occupies the lunule instead of

surmounting the corselet: the siphons occupy the contraverse side of

the beaks ; and lastly the elongated siphonal scar, indicative of a strong

distinctive character in the animal, decides its location apart from the ®

group which includes Cyrena. Its analogies also have reference to the

Donacideé in the peculiar truncation of the lunular side for which that

family is remarkable.

An examination of the teeth of Galathea, will further shew its

relation to the Donacid@ and its separation from Cyrenat. In Cyrena

the three primary teeth are alike divergent, seeming like remote elided

portions of rays proceeding from a common centre. In Galathea and

Capsa the primary teeth in the left valve consist of two radiating

prominences nearly joined at their points of departure, and exhibiting,

in the included hollow space, an obtuse triangular tooth; in the right

valve there are two similar but more closely approximated primary

teeth, with an interjacent hollow fitted to receive the triquetrous tooth

of the opposite valve.

In Capsa and Galathea the ligament is singularly short, occupying

a broad space close to the beaks, and immediately over the cardinal

teeth. In Cyrena this important apparatus is removed towards the

posterior lateral tooth.

Lamarcx following Brucuizres, decided on the separation of Gala-

thea from Cyrena, from the consideration of the form and position of

the teeth alone. The particulars now stated, will shew how well those

characters might have been relied on even for a more distant separation.

* Nore.—Astarte of Sowsersy (Crassina of Lamarcsx) is out of its place

among the Nymphacee. Its hinge and siphons both refer to the Conche.

+ Nors.—In this comparison I have the typical species of Cyrena in view,

such as Cyrena Sumatrana, so commonly imported into Calcutta from the

Sundurbuns, for the purpose of reduction into lime, and not the aberrant species

with elongate serrated lateral teeth, which are so numerous in the upper portious

of the Gangetic branches, and which constitute the genus Corbicula of MEGERLE

3.G 2

422 Account of the Hurricane near [May,

Later naturalists in their attempts at generalization, have underrated the

characters of the teeth, and overlooking the auxiliary characters im-

pressed by the inhabiting molluscum on the shell, furnish a proof, if

any were wanting, of the value of distinctions taken from the hinge,

which will always be found to vary in nearly as great a degree as the

inhabitant of the shell, to which we must ultimately look for those

distinctions which will stamp the generic character with a real value.

Where good opportunities may not occur of studying the animal of a

bivalve shell, a careful consideration of the teeth aided by the situa-

tion and length of the ligament and siphonal scar, will seldom, if ever,

fail to indicate its true place in nature.

LAMARCK imagined that the genus Galathea inhabited the rivers

*of Ceylon and India, and RawncG appears to be equally ill informed on

the subject of its true habitat. The specimen which Mr. G. B. SowEersy

obtained for me in London, was stated to have been procured from the

river Zatre or Congo. ‘The complete occupation of Ceylon by the

British Government, without the discovery and transmission of any of

these shells from the island, ought to afford a sufficient evidence of its

non-occurrence in that quarter; but the recent discovery of the jackal

in the Morea by French naturalists, after the opportunities so long

enjoyed by our countrymen of exploring that region had failed to elicit

that interesting information, forbids our placing complete reliance on

such negative evidence in disproof of the existence of Galathea in

Ceylon.

In conclusion it is proper to remark, that I have not met with SowER-

BY’s observations on Pofamophila ; should he have indicated the correct .

place of the genus, I can only plead, as an excuse for my work of —

supererogation, that I have been misled by the statement of a later

writer, who, from the nature of his work and his opportunities, ought to

have been acquainted with the latest information on the subject of the

Testacea, into the belief that the knowledge of the affinities of this

shell had not only not advanced, but that it had retrograded since the

date of Lamarck’s publication.

Bareilly, Rohilkhund, March 1838.

IV.—Account of the Hurricane or Whirlwind of the 8th April, 1838.

— By Mr.J. Fioyp, (communicated by J. H. Patton, Esq. Magis-

trate of the 24-Pergunnahs.) (See Sketch in Pl. XVII).

Agreeably to your request I beg to hand you the following account

of our visit to the villages that have suffered by. the storm of the 8th

mstant.

1838. ] _ Calcutta on the 8th April. 423

We proceeded to Codalea and on our arrival met one of the sufferers

a brahmin, who had lost hisfamily consisting of five persons, and had his

leg broken. The outskirts of this village have a beautiful appearance and

seem to have escaped the storm. The storm seems to have done little

damage to the west* and south of Codalea, but from north to east it has

made dreadful havoc, sweeping every thing before it. Indeed, with the

' exception of the government salt chokee and a few habitations adjoining

it, all Codalea has suffered more or less; some houses constructed of

brick and clay have followed the general wreck: the walls have almost

all crumbled into dust : large trees have been torn up by the roots ;

some have been broken at the stumps, while the small and elastic ones

have escaped with only the loss of leaves and branches. .

A peepul tree around which a bur had entwined itself attracted my

particular attention. A brahmin whose appearance denotec him to be

about the age of 80 years, informed me that the tree in question was a

favourite resort for the village nymphs and swains and for themselves

on particular occasions; and that it afforded shelter to the weary tra-

veller; that it had been standing time out of mind and to the knowledge

of the oldest inhabitants had never lost a bough. It was the first tree

that encountered the storm and the first that fell. The circle from

whence the roots sprung was 35 feet in diameter. and these being of -

extraordinary length caused the earth to come away with the tree and

to leave a chasm of about 38 feet in width by 14 in depth : most of its

stouter branches were wrenched off and thrown into an adjoining tank,

at such a distance as to prove the extraordinary violence with which

the tree was assailed.

The paths were obstructed by fallen trees, &c. and the tanks choked

with branches, in consequence of which they have become either impas-

sable or stagnant. 55 persons have sustained bodily injury, but reports

vary as to deaths ; I am certain many must have lost their lives on the

occasion, but there is no arriving at the actual number of those ; 17 -have

had their limbs very severely injured and I fear cannot survive. As

many of the wounded as we possibly could find were collected together,

and were attended to by the native doctor who accompanied us. The

females of the “ Koolin” families were looked after in their temporary

abodes, and the severest cases we advised to be removed to the hospital

at Allipore, but without effect ; the “ Gunga” they said was close at

hand, whither their friends would take them were they todie. To pre-

vent our enforcing our wishes they appealed in the most pathetic terms

to their relatives and friends, and intimated to us that they preferred

* Where a few houses have been left entire.

424 Account of the Hurricane near _ [May,

death to quitting their families, their birth-places and their homes,

even for a few days. i)

The gomastah used his influence: money was even offered, but it

was ofno avail; and we were eventually obliged to abandon the project.

As much medicine as could be conveniently spared we made over to

the gomastah and instructed him how each kind should be used. We

then took our leave of the houseless sufferers of Codalea and bent

our course towards Bykunthpore village to the west of Codalea. On

entering the limit of this village we were of opinion that it had not

suffered in comparison with the former, and congratulated some of the

inhabitants whom we met, uponit. They invited us to visit the interior

of the place when they said we should be better able to judge of its con-

dition: we had not proceeded far when we were convinced we had come

to a hasty conclusion ; for about a quarter of a mile in length not a house,

hut nor tree had escaped the violence of the storm, in fact every thing

that opposed its progress was levelled to the ground. Persons visiting the

place ignorant of the occurrence of the storm, would suppose the mis-

chief, as far as trees are concerned, had been caused by fire ; I had almost

come to the above conclusion myself on observing the stumps of trees,

withered leaves and here and there posts of houses, &c. Such was the

violence of the wind that cocoanut and date trees were twisted out of

the ground and hurled to a distance of two or three hundred feet; .

granaries out of number have been swept away, and life both of man and

beast destroyed. We traversed the whole extent of the village and wit-

nessed many shocking sights. In one place a cow was dug out after

remaining beneath the ruins four days, and though life was not extinct,

crows and vultures were devouring the body.

When so many lives of human beings and animals have been lost

without adequate means for the immediate removal of the bodies, it was

to be expected that the stench proceeding from the putrid carcases

would become intolerable and deter any one having a regard for his own

life from entering the place. But neither the putrefaction nor the repul-

sive sight of mangled bodies deterred Mr. Patron from visiting the.

place and giving such instructions to those under his authority as the

peculiar cases of the village and of the maimed seemed immediately to

require*. The humanity thus exhibited contrasts most painfully with

the conduct of those villagers who had sustained no injury—they were

indifferent to the misery and woe inflicted upon others, and seemed

almost indifferent to their own concerns.

* Mr. Parron has raised a subscription and distributed it among the ‘gurvivors.

—ED.

——-

1838.) | Calcutta on the 8th April. 425

I left my father at Bykunthpore and visited Majaree Gaon, Pergun-

nah Anarpur, Dum Dum, Anundpore, Baleaghatta, the salt water

lake, and adjacent villages. Baleaghatta towards the west does not

appear to have experienced the effects of the storm in all its horrors, as

only a few huts came to the ground, and but one life was lost ; but Mr.

G. Prinsep’s saltworks on the opposite side of the canal have suffered

materially*.

I could not ascertain the actual loss of life and property in the canal,

but by information collected from the boatmen and others it would

appear that fifteen lives were lost, and about twelve boats. That there

may have been more I do not deny; I only saw five wrecks, one of

them in the new dock said to have been conveyed thither by the violence

of the wind, the anchor of which must have weighed at least twelve .

maunds! But in “ Bairndla” almost every boat was swamped. The

villages of Sambandal and Chowbagan, have been laid desolate : men,

women, and children have died without number as well as animals—I

say without number, because there was an established hat in Sambandal,

and on that day, I understand, it was crowded to excess by people

from the neighbouring villages as well as by the residents. At By-

kunthpore and Codalea the visitation has been awful indeed, but at the

first mentioned places it surpasses all description; as far as the eye

could reach not a house is to be seen, the grass (I am at a loss how to

account for it) has been consumed, and the choppers of houses have

vanished as if they were mere vapour: Dongahs and Saulteest have

been carried up, and in their descent shattered into atoms. The

bark of the palm-trees have been pealed off as with a knife, and their

leaves broken into shreds ; I am of opinion that the effect of the whirl-

wind was more severely felt at Chowbagan and Sambandal than at

any other part; also, that it was owing to the vast expanse of water

* Some particulars of the damage sustained by these works are worthy of record.

An iron salt boiler weighing more than a maund was lifted into the air and con-

veyed a few yards distance :—the tiles of the terraces laid in the best cement were

ripped up as it were by suction. A beauliah or pleasure boat, lying on the ground

for repair disappeared, and only a few fragments were found:—the chimney was

thrown down and the roofs of the salt golas blown away—it appears from an observa-

tion of Prof. O'SHAUGHNESSY in this month’s Asiatic Society’s Proceedings, that

some of the salt fell in lumps at a great distance! Large beams were lodged on the

salt works from the opposite side of the canal; but the most extraordinary proof of

the force exerted in a lateral direction was evinced in the projection of a slight

bamboo horizontally through one of the raised tiled walks, which pierced through the

whole breadth, breaking the tiles on both sides. It has becn cut off and preserved

in situ as a monument of the storm.—A six-pounder could hardly have forced so

light an arrow through a mass of earth five feet thick.—ED.

+t Canoes and hollowed logs of wood used as fishing boats.—Eb.

<r Stal

426 Account of the Hurricane near [May,

over which it took its course ere it met with any impediment, and

having encountered one of the above villages almost immediately after

crossing the water every thing before it was swept away. It pursued

its course in a southerly direction, levelling trees and houses in its

course, exhausting itself at Codalea. ‘The villages of Sambandal and

Chowbagan are well raised ; the lands surrounding them, being remark-

ably low and bounded on the east, west and south by paddy fields, and

on the north by the lake ; no regular road leads to them but merely

bunds, constructed for the preservation of the annual crops over which

the inhabitants travel, which circumstances seem to account for the

greater violence of the hurricane at these places. About three or four

hundred yards to the west of Sambandal there are a few scattered huts

slightly injured, and that chiefly in their thatch.

These villages were chiefly inhabited by fishermen, who were at the

time on the lake, and never felt the effects of the storm till on their

return they found their villages demolished and only a few surviving to

account for the occurrence. From the position of some of the bodies

I should suppose that, escaping the falling houses they had been thrown’

down by the whirlwind; or the wind being excessively hot, which is

said to have been the case, deprived them of breath; while others

encountering bamboos, &c, which were flying about as so many straws,

met with their death from them. As instances of the effect of the bam-

boos I must state that I saw a body resting on a bamboo which must

have struck instantly dead ; also the body of a female not quite fifteen

feet from a hut, and from which it is apparent she had been endeavour-

ing to escape, who having encountered a bamboo that was lying at her

feet must have there fallen. In a group were to be seen seven cows,

one in a sleeping posture, and but for the mangled condition of the

rest, I should have supposed it to be still alive, and am convinced that

the animal died through fright or suffocation as there was not a tree nor

house near to it.

Bakhavies or split bamboos forming the choppers of houses did

great execution. The gomastah of the above villages gave me the fol-

lowing romantic account of the storm.

On Sunday the 27th Choitro, at about half-past 2 p. m. while the

fishers were out in the lake, the hurricane came on; that at first it

appeared in a westerly direction, and to the best of their judgment two

dark columns that were visible whirling round and round descending to

the earth, had the appearance of two huge daityas (or demons) prepar-

ing for combat ; that a second before they fairly alighted they engaged in

mortal strife, and agitating the waters in the lake began their work of

1838.] Calcutta, on the 8th Aprii. 427

destruction on land, that such as were in their houses hastened out to

witness this wonderful phenomenon, and ere they could return to their

homes, which my informant tells me they were soon obliged to do, the

sudden darkness that overspread the place, the howling of the wind and

clouds of dust attending it, rendered it impossible for them to bear

testimony as to which of the two gained the victory: that from the

occurrence of the whirlwind, to the period it lasted, or left these parts,

it did not occupy twenty minutes, and was almost immediately followed

by sunshine, little or no rain, but a severe fall of hail, which probably

deprived some of life. The gomastah further informed me that after the

storm had subsided such as could do so, had their families conveyed to

the neighbouring villages, others abandoned the place altogether and

there were none to remove the dead and dying. Of the latter he remarked

there were scarcely any. I might as well notice here, that it is said, that

examining the bodies the following day they had the appearance of

being burnt by fire ; I could only find two of the wounded at Chowbagan

who were despatched to the hospital at Allipore. At the village termed

Mazare Ganw the whirlwind came on at about half-past one o'clock,

at Soorah, Anundpore, Balleaghatia, Chowbagan, and Sambandal, two

and three o'clock ; and the villages further east, Bykunthpoor and Coda-

dea, four o'clock, and though not lasting more than half an hour in

each, its effects have been truly distressing ; it hailed in the above

mentioned places, and in the two last named villages the hail was trian-

gular. I give this latter informationas I derived it, but at Dum Dum the

stones were uncommonly large, one weighed three and a half pounds*;

whether my informant was exaggerating I am not aware, but I sawa

large handi (capable of containing seven or eight seers) containing water

which he assured me was of the hailstone, the weight of which is given

above ; he said it might have weighed more, but was broken in its fall: the

fragments he did not collect.

_® We have been informed that one hailstone at Dum Dum would not go into

a finger-glass; we picked up some at the mint nearly as large as walnuts.

The large size of these stones led us to suppose that they must have been of in-

tense cold on their issuing from the clouds, so as to continue condensing and

freezing the moisture of other clouds, and the air, in their passage downwards.

We collected a quantity immediately on their reaching the ground, but their

temperature was then exactly 32°.—Ep.

428 Account of the Hurricane, &c. [ May,

Statement exhibiting the number of lives computed to have been lost, the

names. of the villages through which the hurricane passed, and other

particulars.

o ~~ al wm >

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g © =) ° : 3s

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Names of the|Names of the| 3% |s aS id 5 & vi g 2 5 | -

Thanahs. villages. 0 8 = ee Pe Pa el

Sie x SB \Ss Slee 4a Ses

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b 5 = Oo sUj5sU =} s 3 a

fa i< a 2 IG 2/4)41 &.

Manicktula, ..|Anundpore, .. |} Revolving} isis hee A A

Ditto, ........|Soorah, ...... QITED, oc s.0f sis! | wie) te cha een ees

Ditto, ........|Pagladanga, .. GHte; Slee Th eS, ee ee

Ditto,........|Mr. Prinsep’s

salt works,.. atte St 1 Teo) oe ee

Pautturghotta,|Botchtullah, .. ditto, \daetl % B3iu er ee

1 ee Chowhata, ditto, ....{ .. | 2241105 |235 | 31

Ditto, ........|Butgotchee, .. dittopdi. oy. 1S Sa re

Ditto,...... .|Madoordooah,. OO) 2s ss demary td oS] eG

Ditto,........|Sambandal, .. 6 |ditto, ....] .. 91| 26 | 90 | 17

Ditto,........|Kularabad, .. r= Git bose cic | fore hin. Le ie

Ditto, ........ | Nazeerabad,.. PD Re CEG Ri gets IN Se Ae aes m

Ditto, 3. ..25.4/Anuhdpore;’ eh) Seer fiitte, 160% jor, 41}. i aeee 3

Ditto,,.......|Jugdeepotha,.. | 4 6] & iditto,....)...| 53 gavahes oho

Ditto,........|Hossainpore,.. || ©! » {ditto, ....| .. Bl oe | ow foe | wm

Ditto,........{/Autghurah, .. 3 ditto, 2. Shas SA Ne RR Sa ass

Ditto,.......-. |Ranabatooah, pam 5 eee ee PY ee Bie ie REF

Ditto,........|Dhaloo, peat ditte,; 4k 17| 3 ‘ 3

Ditto,........j|Pauchpotah, .. ditto, ....] .. 58! 6] 18 6

peioea Ss th en siete BS ae esse] 1 | T50) 3a. eeameod

itto,........|Kodaleah, .... itto, ...-} 3 | 157) 13 | 17 | 55

Ramnagore, .. |Sreekhundpore, GIthO, .i¢sh is 79} 6 | 30} 12

Bittoys sss ...|Maderout,.... aie PM Brae 5 5

DEO jes axe spss e's Sanorpore,.... BittO,.i os 4nd 58| 12 | 42 4

Ditto,........ |Khord Rajpore, | GIECOy anes Te oi 45| 4 8 | 31

Ditto,........|Chingreepotah, ditto, ih3 ape 46) 2 5 | 28

Ditto,........ |Hurreenobhee, | J GEEEO yg oso 0] ots 3 os ides

6 |1239/215 1533 |223

REMARKS.

The extreme length of storm, properly speaking, is 16 miles, the effects from

Kawrapokur to Anundpore (4 miles) being slightly felt.

Posrscript.—There may be thought to be so much of the marvellous

in the foregoing account, however authentic and worthy of confidence,

that we are almost afraid to add to it the annexed extract from a Ma-

dras newspaper. It should have been authenticated by the name or

names of the Europeans who witnessed it. ‘The hail may have been

drifted together after its fall, and consolidated by its being colder than

ice and thus cemented by freezing the moisture precipitated on it from

the atmosphere.

1838.] Account of an ancient temple at Hissar. 429

Falling of a block of Ice.

“We are afraid that, like the person who favored us with the account,

we shall be accused of telling a traveller’s story, but the fact is too well

verified to us to admit of our questioning the statement which we make.

At Nowloor, in the neighbourhood of, and about two miles from, Dhar-

war, there fell a few days since a block of ice or a body of hailstones in

one mass, which measured 19 feet 10 inches. This extraordinary

mass fell on a Sunday night, and on the Wednesday succeeding, a ser-

vant, who was sent for the.-purpose of bringing away a pailful of the

bulk, reported that the mass then still remaining was as large as three

palanquins. We think such a fall as this must have astonished those

- who resided in the neighbourhood, who may thank their good fortunes

that the mass broke not upon any devoted head. This phenomenon is

- to be attributed to the electrical state of the atmosphere, thunder storms

have been very frequent of late in the neighbourhood of Dharwar, and

but a short time since a tree in the fort of Belgaum was shattered to

pieces by the electrical fluid, which fell only thirteen yards distance

from the powder magazine. Much as we should have relished a portion

of the frozen bulk (and we fancy in this climate the occurrence even

of a hailstorm would not be unaccompanied with pleasure), we have no

relish to have the missiles of the elements of such devastating dimen-

sions as that which we now record.”—Bombay Courier, May 15, 1838.

VI.—Account of an ancient temple at Hissar, and of the ship model

at that place. By Capt. Wu. Brown.

_ Having visited Feroz Suan’s pillar in the fort here, it immediately

struck me that the base part of the column was one of the ancient Baudh

monuments, corresponding with those at Allahabad and Delhi. The

stone appears of the same description, but has suffered much from ex-

posure to the climate ; it has also the appearance of having been partially

worked by Fzroz’s orders, and probably some inscription was cut upon

it by his workmen, but of which there is now no trace owing to the

peeling off of the exterior surface. I however observed, near the upper

part of the stone, some of the ancient letters, which apparently have

been saved by accident, and having procured a ladder, I copied them as

correctly as possible, and few and indistinct as they are, I think it is

likely they will satisfy you that this is one of the lats erected by

Piyapast. Hissar is on the road to Cabul, and has always form-

ed one of the serais or resting places on that route, common with

Mehim, Hansi, Sersa, &c.; and it is not improbable other lats may

3H 2

439 Account of an ancient temple at Hissar. [Mayx,

be found further onwards, particularly as it appears the Buddhist religion

extended far to the northwest.

The ancient stone forming the base of Feroz’s pillar at Hissar is of

one piece, and is 10 feet 10 inches high : how much of it is sunk in the

ground below I cannot tell, but probably there is as much ofit below as

above, and some of the ancient inscriptions may still be preserved on

the lower parts. The greatest circumference of the stone aboveground

is eight and a half feet. The rest of the pillar is of the red sandstone,

common at Agra, and there is part of the column near the second cor-

nice made of coarse white marble. There is a massive iron rod on the

top which formerly served to support a cupola; several attempts have

been made to extract this rod by natives, but they have always failed.

From the base of the column to the top of this rod the height is about

45 feet; the column is solid, and there is no way of easily getting to

the top. ) .

The pillar is situated in the centre of a square of old buildings,

which at present are used as a magazine. In one of them isa Ty-

khana with a passage underground, which is said to extend to Hansi,

a distance of 16 miles. On the hill near Delhi where the Delhi lat

was found, of which Major Pew sent you a descriptien, there is a

similar passage underground, which is said to extend to the Jumna river.

I have myself explored a considerable distance of this passage, but was

glad to get back owing to the lights having gone out. It does not,

appear to be known for what purpose these passages underground were

made.

I now come to describe another building at Hissar, and although of

Frroz’s time, yet it claims an interest as having been a model of a ship

prepared by one of the emperor’s ameers who had seen one, but who

not being able to describe it sufficiently to his majesty, was ordered to

build one of stone and lime. There are several apartments, and a

Madrissa in the interior. The building is wide and evidently got up

in haste, and could not have given his majesty a very good idea of a

clipper: some of the old Dutch men-of-war of. Van Tromp’s time,

might have warranted the resemblance such as it is, and of which I

enclose sketches, as also of Frroz’s pillar.

Notz.—The faint traces of Jetters on the Hansi pillar have much more the ap-

pearance of English capitals than old Indian letters. If read however as the latter,

they form no word met with on the other lats. It may therefore be doubted whe-

ther this stunted shaft was one of the series—unless indeed the greater part of it

is buried below the ground.

We have unfortunately mislaid the sketch of the ship-house, but if the building

were really intended to give his Majesty an idea of a.ship, we cannot flatter the

architect on his success, nor the monarch on the felicity of his design.—Ep.

To rn,As.Seoe«-

| _ of BADRA SIR su Celeh .

4a 20 Bi) jet

1 ES eee eee |

Image 7" Larisnclh

. Lye large domes

: Highly seulplared avarde .

. O2 Neches for Lryes of Ferdsna/h

( Varcous comartments now filed

with vubbish

»- Court Leadciy le

IF Prins go APh,

Vol. VI P72 LXV.

Wd on

itll,

ill

fe MW Wk

By se:

Ih Sy

My i

FRRAISNATH.

Lf Pastuns dos.

Aleeiniase able’ scenes

we,

1838.] Account of the Juin Temple at Badrdsir. 431

VU.—An account of the Jain Temple at Bad dsir; and ruins of Badré-

nagri in the province of Cutch. By Lieut. W. Posrans.

The temple, of which the accompanying is a plan, is situated near

the town of Badrdsir, in this province, about 80 miles south from

Bhoj, and about two miles from the gulf of Cutch, in the portion of the

country called the Adnid, (or coast.) Surrounding this building may

be traced the remains of numerous habitations which, according to

tradition, once belonged to the ancient town of Badrdnagri, a sea-port

and flourishing place. The temple is said to have been originally

erected by one JaccrusA*, a banyan, about 800 years since, during the

prosperous days of Badrdnagri, of which Jaaerusd was a wealthy inha-

bitant. It is built of the sandstone peculiar to the province, in the

form of an oblong square, the sides of which respectively face to the

cardinal points, and may be about 30 feet high. The only entrance is

to the north, under a portico of two stones, and low doorway with flight

of steps. With the exception of this front, which is elaborately carved

in the pagoda style of architecture, the other three sides present

nothing externally, but flat stone walls ; the interior however amply

compensates for this want of exterior ornament. I have not had the

advantage of seeing any of this description of temple elsewhere, and

this is, I have reason to believe, the only one ofthe kind in Cutch, but I

am informed that it is not unusual for these buildings to present the

same uninteresting features externally, whilst their interiors are orna-

mented even more profusely than the Hindut. The inside of the

building may be considered as divided into two parts, that nearest the

entrance, which may be styled the vestibule, is covered in and support-

ed by 45 pillars with two domes ; whilst the further end of the quadran-

gle, containing the sanctum or pagoda, in which is the depository for

the figure of PArasnATH, is open at the top. This pagoda rises higher

than the surrounding building, and is most beautifully and elaborately

carved with figures, many of them large but generally on a small scale ;

if exceptions should be taken to the attitudes of some of these, they

must still rank very high as specimens of this description of sculpture.

The figures of PARASNATH (who is one of the twenty-four saints pe-

culiar to this sect), and his attendants, as represented in the accom-

panying sketch, are of white marble, answering to the same descrip-

tion as I once observed in some figures from the temples at A’bit.

* More probably of the Séh coin dynasty ?—W. H. W.

+ According to Dr, BUCHANAN, this temple will come under the denomination

of Basti. See article on the Jains, vol. 9th of Asiatic Researches.

t They are stated to have been brought from Guzerat : indeed the marble is not

procurable in Cutch,

OT el, ee EE LL

eee

432 Account of the Fain Temple at Badrasir. (May,

They are small, PkrasndtH not being more than two feet high:

the rest upon the same scale, highly finished and well carved. The

depository is a small room, guarded by two doors and a narrow passage ;

the approach by a flight of steps, from a double row of columns, lead-

ing from the front entrance through the vestibule. A verandah, as-

cended by three steps from the floor, runs all round the interior of the

building, with pillars and arches; beyond this are 52 niches for the

reception of figures of PARAsNATH, only one of which is at present

occupied. The part of the verandah, which is opposite the pagoda and

open at the top, is exquisitely carved. Such indeed may be said of the

whole of this building which, although upon a small scale, is in every

corner most studiously and beautifully decorated with figures, scrolls,

and every description of ornament. The roof, which is gained from

the upper story of the portico, presents the extraordinary appearance of

54 domes (including the two larger ones before mentioned, and which

are each 50 feet in circumference) in a space of about 100 feet by 70,

each of the niches in the verandah underneath being surmounted by its

corresponding dome :—these niches are 4 feet wide, and 5 feet deep.

The compartments contained in the wing to the east, do not appear to

belong to the temple, of which they form no part, and were probably

designed as offices ;—at present they are inaccessible, being blocked up

with stones and rubbish, whilst the damp air which has collected in

them, is most stifling in its effects. The corresponding wing appears

to have been destroyed by the earthquake.

Until some 15 years since, this beautiful building was allowed to

remain in a state of ruin and decay, but GorJi (for gérvji) KANTWAJEH,

a wealthy Jain, with praiseworthy zeal, has caused it to be extensively

repaired ; the portico which had suffered from the earthquake has been

re-placed, and the whole is now in good order, two peons and a priest

being deputed to look after it.

At a short distance from the above are the ruins of a temple to Ma-

HADEO, which is said to be situated outside, and close to, what was once

the wall of Badranagri ; of this latter however, no remains are to be

traced, the principal attraction of this ruin consists in the picturesque

appearance, presented by its various parts, to which the earthquake of

1819 has mainly contributed. It is devoid of ornament, and very

small, These two buildings, with piles of loose stones, are all that now

remain to trace the existence of the town of Badranagri, Coins are

occasionally found, one of which I have in my possession, and of which

the accompanying is a facsimile. Its mysterious and somewhat maso-

nice-looking symbols lead to no result, and it is questionable if they

1838.]} Account of the Jain Temple at Badrdsir. 433

were ever intended to convey any meaning. These coins are of silver*

and of the same size and value as the coree, the present current coin

of the country : they are known to the natives, in common with others,

as Gadhia paisa, a title which only belongs to those bearing the im«

press of a donkey, as their name implies ; but the natives of Cutch be-

stow this title indiscriminately on all numismatic relics ; the coree of

the former Raos of Cutch alone excepted.

I cannot avoid remarking a very curious coincidence between the

situation of the ruins of Badrdnagri, and those of Rdepur, or old

Mandavi, about 36 miles to the westward of the former; they are

about the same distance from the sea, and were both, according to popu-

lar tradition, seaport towns and flourishing places ; they are considered

to bear the same date as to antiquity, and probably owe their abandon-

ment and downfall to the same cause.

If the least reliance is to be placed on the traditions of the country,

the present appearance of these towns would clearly indicate a gradual

receding of the sea from the northern shore of the gulf of Cutch.

The Jain priests, better known in the province by their title of Gorjts,

are to be found in small numbers at Médndavi, Bhooj, and Anjir,

which location may be attributed to these being the great trading places,

and banian towns of Cutch. Many of the banians profess the Jain re-

ligion, and patronize the Govyjis as their religious instructors. Those of

the Gorjist (or g aris), who carry the non-destruction of animal life to

the greatest possible extent, are to be seen with a piece of cloth tied

over the mouth, and a brush in the left hand, to drive the insects from

their path ; they do not wash their clothes for the same reason, and are

distinguished by the title of Sadi. The Govyis, as well as the Sddis,

shave the head, and wear no turbans ; they are complete ascetics, pro-

fessing celibacy and continence, but if they are not defamed they can

lay little claim to the latter virtue.

Gorji KANTWAJEH, before mentioned, is the greatest man of the class

in the province, and very wealthy. I have never heard that these men

can compete with the brahmins in learning or acquirements, nor is

there much to be gained in the course of conversation with them, but

_* They are of the Indo-Sassanian series as depicted in vol. iv. pl. xlix. figs. 13-15,

and vol. vi. pl. xiv. fig. 12.

.t The term gdard is applied to those of the sect who are Sanidssis, renouncers

of the world and its pleasures ; they profess to abstain from pleasure in any form,

and are thus distinguished from the Brahmins, who marry and follow the doc-

trines of the vedds : the persons above described are these Gurdés, (corrupted into

Gorjis.) For full particulars of this sect, see the learned papers by COLEBROOKE

end others, in the gtb vol. of ‘* the Asiatic Researches.’’

434 Examination of the Inscription [May,

whether this proceeds from stupidity or a disinclination to impart any

information respecting ‘their faith and practices, I know not. I must

not however omit to mention a trifling exception to this rule in one of

the sect at Bhoo7, Gorsi Puns4yi, who to some trifling acquirements of

Sanskrit, adds a knowledge of the poetry peculiar to this province, as well

as that of Marwar, of which latter he isa native; his books are all writ-

tenin whatis styled the Gwalior bhakha* ; he is also sufficiently acquaint-

ed with astrology and astronomy, to cast nativities, and foretell fates :

this latter accomplishment is quite sufficient to secure him great influ-

ence with the people of Bhooj, whose superstition, even for natives, ex-

ceeds all bounds. Although the three towns, before mentioned, are fur-

nished with their proportion of Thdnas, (sthanas) or places of Jain wor-

ship, the structure at Badranagri is the only one in the province with

which I am acquainted deserving the title of a temple ; it is, according

to all accounts, as ancient as the oldest of those at mount A‘b, and

although not erected of such costly materials is a beautiful specimen

of its style of architecture, denoting either greater prosperity at Badrda-

nagri than is known in the trading towns at present, or a greater de-

gree of zeal in the Jain sectarians of its period.

Nots.— PungAsi, in accordance with a system which attains in Cutch,

of giving lands and villages, in endm, to fakirs, peers, and jogies, has a

village in his possession. The religious establishments of the Khanphaties

and Kaprias alone, possess between them not less than thirty villages.

True, they apply the revenue thus derived to charitable purposes, but

numerous are the instances in which it is otherwise appropriated, and

the revenue consequently suffers to support the least useful, if not the

most worthless, members of a community.

Anjar, 20th August, 1837.

VII.—Ewamination of the separate edicts of the Aswastama inserip-

tion at Dhauli in Cuttack. (Plate X.) By James PRINSEP,

Sec. &c.

I now return from Girndr to the spot on the opposite side of the

peninsula connected with it in so curious a manner, to render an account

of the two edicts, which I postponed on my notice of the double version

in March, as being of a local nature. My readers will however, in the

first instance, wish to know more of the locality, and of the circumstance

of the discovery of these Dhaulé inscriptions, which, though situated,

as it appears, close to the highroad at Bhuwaneswar, had entirely

* Mégadhi Bhasa.—W. H. W.

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1838.) at Dhauli in Cuttack. 435

escaped notice until the assiduous inquiries of Lieut. Krtroz brought

them to light, and once more realized the moral adage of ‘ eyes and no

eyes. —The more credit is due to him, that Colonel Mackenzie with

his myrmidons had been at Bhuvaneswar and had ransacked the coun-

try round about :—General Stuart and other of the minor class of

antiquaries had been there too, and had in their usual fashion stripped

and carried off all the images and fragments of old stones they could lay

hands on: which would have been enough to explain the shyness of the

priests in the neighbourhood at pointing out other remains, but that for

those of Buddhism they would have had no repugnance at giving in-

formation, and would doubtless have been glad to turn the attention of

the invader upon them to save the spcliation of their own temples.

Mr. KirrToe’s recent expedition in search of coal gave him an oppor-

tunity of revisiting Dhauli and of taking sketches of the various caves

in the neighbourhood which he had no time on his former visits, to do

more than inspect. I here insert an extract from his Journal on the

subject, and make public acknowledgment to him for the numerous

lithographs in illustration of it, all of which, drawn by himself, are

faithful, and not exaggerated, representations of the venerable and de-

serted grottos of the Buddhist priesthood.

Note by Mr. Kirtor on the Aswastama inscription at Dhauli near

Bhuvaneswar in Orissa, Se.

‘‘ The province of Orissa boasts of more ancient temples, sacred spots

and relics than any other in Hindustan, and though many of its more

noted antiquities are well known to. us, yet, there is reason to believe

that some, (perhaps even more worthy of notice,) remain hidden. That

which forms the subject of this paper, I had the good fortune to discover

by the merest accident: a byragi priest, native of Mirzapoor near Be-

nares having described it to me; such, however, is the aversion the

Ooriyahs have, to our going near their places of worship, that I was

actually decoyed away from the spot, when within a few yards of it,

being assured that there was no such place, and had returned for a mile

or more, when I met with a man who led me back to the spot by torch-

light. I set fire to the jangal and perceived the inscription which was

completely hidden by it. I subsequently returned and copied it.

“The Aswastama is situated on a rocky eminence forming one of a

cluster of hills, three in number, on the south bank of the Dyah river,

near to the village of Dhauli, and close to the northwest corner of the

famous tank called Konsala-gang, said to have been excavated by raja

Ganceswara Deva, king of Kalinga in the 12th century in expia-

3 I

—.

436 Examination of the Inseription (Mary,

tion of a grievous sin—I will here digress a little and relate the story

-told by the people of Ovissd.

“Maha rajaadhi raja GANGESwaRA Deva, having become enamour-

ed of his daughter (by name) KosAta, sought to cast off the odium of

incest he had committed, by the following stratagem.

“‘ Having assembled the priests and other learned men of his court, he

questioned them as to whether it was lawful for a man to enjoy the

fruit of his own sowing? Unaware of the real purport of the question,

an affirmative answer, such as the raja wished, to suit his conscience,

was given. After a time the princess being delivered of a son, the

raja was taken to task for his infamy, but he, on the other hand, threw

the blame upon those whose counsel he had sought, reminding them of

their answer to the question by which he had deceived them.

“‘ The brahmins, in atonement for the sin they had apparently been the

eause of, ordained that a golden vase with a small perforation at the bot-

tom should be placed, (filled with water) on the head of the offspring who.

was to be led by his mother round a space of ground as much as they could

travel over until the whole of the water should be expended, and that a

tank should: afterwards be excavated comprising such space ; this mandate

was obeyed and the tank (when finished) called “ Kosala Gang” after

the raja GANGEswaRa and his daughter Kosava.

“ Raja GANGESWARA DEva is said to have reigned in the 12th century

of the Christian era*. :

“I must now describe the Aswastama. The hills before alluded to,

rise abruptly from the plains and occupy a space of about five furlongs

by three; they have a singular appearance from their isolated position,

no other hills being nearer than eight or ten miles. They are appa-

rently volcanic, and composed of upheaved breccia with quartzose rock

intermixed.

“‘ The northernmost hill may be about 250 feet at its highest or eastern

end, on which is a ruined temple dedicated to MaHApgevA: the other

hills or rather rocks are less elevated. :

“‘ Beneath the temple on the eastern and southern declivities are several

small caves (c c) and the remains of many more; also two natura]

caverns or clefts in the rock, one being choked up with rubbish the

other (p) clear for eighty or a hundred feet, beyond which it is impos-

sible to penetrate, the passage becoming very narrow and the stench of

the myriads of bats (inhabiting it) quite suffocating+. At the mouth of

* Vide STIRLING's Oriss4 and PRinsEp’s Useful Tables.

T I found two species of bat new to ime, the one of a bright orange color, the other

black with a very long tail, like a mouse but much thinner.

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1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 437

this cavern is an inscription (Fig. 2,) slightly scratched on a detached

‘block of stone. The inscription (Fig. 1,) is roughly cut in a small cave

(zs) on the southern face.

«« There are traces of other buildings having formerly existed on this

and the adjoining hills, also in the cavities between them (m F) there

is a fine temple dedicated to GanrsHA and MauwapeEva at the wes-

tern cave of the hill, also ruins of several others. (G H.)

«¢ Stone has been extensively quarried here for the different temples in

the vicinity,and (1 should ventureto add) for Kanirak*. The Aswastama

is situated on the northern face of the southernmost rock near its sum-

mit; the rock has been hewn and polished for a space of fifteen feet

long by ten in height, and the inscription deeply cut thereon being

divided into four tablets, the first of which appears to have been executed

at a different period from the rest; the letters are much larger and not

so well cut. The fourth tablet is encircled by a deep line, and is cut

with more care than either of the others.

“Immediately above the inscription is a terrace sixteen feet by fourteen

(a) on the right side of which (as you face the inscription) is the fore

half of an elephant, four feet high, of superior workmanship ; the whole

is hewn out of the solidrock. ‘There is a groove four inches wide by two

in depth round three sides of the terrace, with a space of three feet left

(a doorway?) immediately in front of the elephant; there are also

two grooves, one on either side of the elephant on the floor and in

the perpendicular face; these must have been intended probably to fix

a wooden canopy.

« There are also many broken caves inthe rocks adjoining the Aswas-

tama, and the foundations of many. buildings ; one in particular immedi-

ately above the inscription which may have been one of the chatyas or

stupas mentioned in the inscription.

The elephant does not seem to be an object of worship, though I

was informed that one day in every year is appointed, when’ the brah-

mins of the temples in the vicinity attend, and throw water on it, and

besmear it with red lead in honor of GANESHA.

«“ There are five caves in a row on the highrock south of the elephant

(c cc) called by some “ Panch-pandav” and by others “ Panch-gosain ;”

beside these caves (where there are traces of many others) there are

numerous small holes like mortars, cut in the rock ; these were probably

used to compound the drugs and medicines by the medical devotees

mentioned in the inscriptions. Like cavities occur at the caves of Khand-

‘giri; some larger than the rest have been used as reservoirs.

* The black pagoda.

312

438 Examination of the Inscription (May,

“ Having described the Aswastama. I will-return to the tank (Ko-

sala-gang). This once superb artificial sheet of water is now partly

choked up with the accumulated mud and sand of ages, one half of it

only remaining covered with water, except in the rainy season, when it

is filled to its full extent of one mile and a half in length, by five fur-

longs in breadth ; it was originally fed by means of a canal leading from

the Dyah river to the northwest corner of it. ‘There is an island called,

‘ndr’ or Barabati or ‘ fort’ in the centre, now in ruins. — :

«The canal is now choked up ; there are the remains of several small

bridges near it.

‘The mound round the tank, is evidently the site of alarge city. There

are heaps of stone, foundations, potsherds and bricks, particularly on

the Dhauli or western side. This may have been the city mentioned in

the inscription. With regard to the other: stupas named there has

been a large circular building on the summit of the Udayagiri rock.

“ Bhuvaneswar is the site of a very extensive city the name of which

is lost: the present village is called after the great temple, ‘ Ling raj,

Bhuvaneswara.”

There are several of the small isolated hills called Panch-pandeb

asthans in some of which there are small caves. There is also a natural

cavern in the great hill at Kurda attributed to the Pandavas, in which

there is said to be a small inscription.

Note. Persons wishing to visit the Aswastama should proceed as far as Sur-

duipoor, Nyabazar at the N. E. corner of the Kosala-gang on the Porree road, and

then proceed directly along the edge of the tank: vide map. Thereis alsoa direct —

path from Bhuwaneswar to Dhauli hill.

I now proceed to the two chief inscriptions, in the old Pdi character,

premising that the present text, which is taken from Mr. KiTTor’s

original pencil transcript, corrected by a second visit to the spot, will

be found to differ here and there from the lithograph in Pl. X., which

was done in a hurry.

First separate tablet at Dhault.

BEL UL Sdil dL SEA LAVSEUt

SASL Wd PTY LULA FSY FUL DLCs

Lu BdvAd Hud Phd BEYSA BSD DAA

HOD WAL HLAO*7ALL Obd Cidbad HLAELB

Abd d Bld dod¥lb LESY HOLE-L -S8U+

@) dol GAdIL Gadtt CIIFFL LESA VB

1838. ] at Dhault in Cuttack. — 439

ELdbv’ S68 etLd CYL Hs GD + USE BL

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bud ) ODLS LdtId § CULA AACA HHh

hig pik +H1ld @OLELedbe tai KAP HEEL

Ree ARG babe kB ddAleLd' bCb E

Kvbb Hd bLLOVLL AvLIL HLS AL dd

FJSBOL HGASLFEA DAC OESS8SA DA A

dddd SV HIddL HAV d Lhd PFW AGS

Pe ra IR ECK SK FHSS SE Ld BS

tee ahtbet Aekid Adub Hib YA Leds dialed HA DS

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JEL H1dO

| Last separate tablet at Dhault.

Reto bb!: 4d? THe BEST iA

EL W+h5 TYE ° (erased to the end ; see above.)

eddAd Hudak’ Phd BBYBA dT DAA HOd

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1838.] at Dhauli m Cutiack. 441

First separate Tablet at Dhauli.

Devdnampiyasa vachanena Tosaliyam mahamgta nagala vihdlaka

vataviyam. Am kichhi (dekhdém) i hannam, tam ichhami k4linam:

enam pativedaye ham: duvdlatecha alabhe ham, esa cha me mokhy-

amate duvale: etast athast am tuphe fi anusathi tuphe hi; bahisa

panasahasesu Ayata jana me gachha cha sumunisanam. Save sumunise

paja mam4éi: atha pajaye ichhami hakam; savena hitasukhena hida

lokika pdralokikéya yujeviti: he me ... hasa supa? ichémi duka no

cha papunitha ava - - - - - a - nedhava ? eka pulise manati ; etam sepi

desam no sava dekhatelhi tuphe éte ; savi hitapiniti—yam eka pulise ...

bandhanam va palikilesam va papunnati, tota hota akasma tena bandha-

n4 taka; ane cha ... ba hu janodasiye dukhiyati: tata ichhitaviye

tuphe hi ; niti majham patipAdayemati. Imehi cha vagahi no patipajati ;

—is4ya, asulopena, nithuliyena, tilandya, anavutiya, dlasiyena, k4lam-

mathena,—se ichhitaviye kiti ete bahu ... vevu mamati : e¢e sucha savesu

mila anasulope atulana cha, nitichham ekilante siya! ete ugati sam-

chalita vadhentu, va hitapiye etaviye, va hevam meva eda...tuphakatena

vataviye; anam na dakhita, hevancha hevam ata dev4nampiyasa anusa.

thi, se maha ...... tasa sampatipada yeham: mahe as4ye asampatipaticha

sampatipadayami, nahi etanananthi sagasa 4ladhino lajaladha duahalehi :

is4nam meva mannata manam ; atilekesa patipajamane cha, tam santam

aladhayisathati ...... tam apananiyam ehatha !

Iyam cha lipi tisa nakhatena (sota) viya antamési cha ti s e nana

khat end pi ekenapi sotaviy4: hevam cha kalanta tuphe, sanghatha

sampatipadayitave: etaya ath4y4 iyam lipi likhitaé hida ena nagala

viyopalaka sasatam samayam yujavii: nagala janasa akasmaé pali bodha

va akasma pali ...... ké ma deva no si vaya yati.

Etaye cha athaye hakam dhamma mate panchasu panchasu vasesu

nikhamayisami: eakha khase a ..... se khi nélambhe hisati: etama-’

tham janita ......... tha kalati atha mama anusathiti. Ujenya sepicha

kumale etayevam athaye nikhamay?sati hidisammeva vatam, no cha

atikamayisati tinivasani he me vatam; khasalate pi ada a .., te maha-

- mata nikhamisanti anusaydnam, tad ahapayita atanekamma etapi jana

satam tampi tam kho kalanti ath4 l4jine anusathi.

Last separate Tablet at Dhauli.

Bete dwipivien vachanena Tosaliyam kum4le mahamata cha vataviya!

an kichhi dakhami ha (nam tam ichhémi kilinam, enam pativedayehum)

duv4latacha 4labheham ; esa cha me mokhyamata duvala. Etasi athasi

an tuphe (ht anusuthi tuphe hi; bahiisu pdnasahasesu ayata jana me

gachha cha sumunisanam! save sumunise paja mama) atha pajaya

_icchami hakam iti, savena hita sukhena hidalokika palalokikaye yuje-

442 Examination of the Inscription (May,

...siya: anténam aviditanam kachha vasul4é .. (6) .. mama ichhémi

antasu.... ipanevute; iti. Devanampiye...... mataramaviye ...

have vuti. Asvasevu cha sukhameva lahevu mama anodukhahevam

(sa) va nikhamachine: Devanampiya aha: kiti echa kiye: khami-

tave mama nimitam cha dhammam cha hev4, hidaloka palalokam cha

aladhayevu. Etasi athasi hakam anus4s4mi tuphe anu (sathike) eta-

kena hakam anusasita cha (hi) dancha vedita dhayami ; patinacha mama

ajalasa: hevam katukam me chalitaviyam !

asve ......... chi tani ena papune vu iti.

Atha piye tatha devanampiye adhaka: athé cha até hevam devanam-—

piye (nd) nusampati adhaka: atha cha paja hevam mdne devanampi-

yasa ; se hakam anusasite va devanampiyaka dase vutike hosami. Etaye

athaye Dubalahi tuphe cha swasanaye hitasukhaye cha (e) sa hidalo-

kika paralokikéye: hevancha Kalantam tuphe swagam 4ladhayitave,

tate mama cha ananichham ehatha! Etaye athaye iyam lipi likhita :

hida ena mahamataswasatam (nd) ma yajisati. A’sasandye dhamma

chalanaye cha tasta atanam : iyamcha lipi anabhdtun masam tisena na-

khatena sotaviya. K4&mamcha khanakhanasi antalapi tisena ekena

sotaviya ; hevam kalanti tuphe, sanghatha sampatipadayitave.

Translation of the first separate Tablet at Dhauli. :

By command of DeEvANAmMPiIyA (the beloved of the gods)! In

(the city of) Zosali, the public officers in charge of the town are to

be enjoined (as follows :)—

«¢ Whomsoever I ascertain to be a murderer, him do I desire to be

imprisoned. This I publicly proclaim, and | will carry it into effect

however difficult : for this my supreme will is irresistible !—On this

account the present tope (stupa) (is denominated) the tope of com-

mandment.

“From amongst many thousand souls, oh ye my chosen people! re-

pair ye (hither) to the holy men, Every righteous man is my (true)

Notes to the first tablet.

Tosaliyam, equivalent to the Sanskrit loc. AVAl from AGA. Nagala vihdlaka

vataviya, aaa, it shall be said to the inhabitants, &c. There should be a long a

to the two last words, vihdrakd vataviyd, perhaps omitted in copying.

Ankachhi de.... this mutilated sentence is filled up from the duplicate in the next

edict. ;

Kdlinam, a prisoner from kérd. (quere kdritam).

Duvilate cha dlabheham, see the observations—it is rendered here by the San-

skrit SACAW BITES + and in spite of difficulties (irresistibilities) I execute :’

which last word like the Sanskrit has the double sense of doing and killing.

Mokhyamate, in Sanskrit CY q aTeqaai Sd ‘and this my primary will

is irresistible !’—This will correct an interpretation of the same word in the pillar

1838.] At Dhauli in Cuttack. 443

subject, and for my subjects I desire this only, that they may be posses-

sed of every benefit and happiness as to things of this world and of the

world beyond !............... and furthermore I desire ye do not purify

ee RIT LT oI UR el Be cai no ae rr

“ Tn this country and not any where else is to be seen such a stupa (?)

in which is provided proper rules of moral conduct. When one man

relieves (his fellow-creature) from the bondage and misery (of sin), it

necessarily follows that he himself is released from bondage ; but again

despairing at the number of human beings in the same state (whom he

is unable to relieve) he is much troubled. Thence is this stupa so

desirable (as an asylum ?) ; that in the midst of virtuous regulations we

may pursue our obedient course! |

And through these classes (of deeds) are people rendered disobedient

edict No. 4 (page 597, vol. VI.) echa iyam atana paelepacanane se me mokhyamate—

in Sanskrit 99 FG BIST IBIS IAA: GT F ATYAA: ‘ and whoso from his

soul is a follower after this edict, he is by me (esteemed) the most desirable.’

Am for yat or yam (see remarks on Dhaulé dialect page 277); efor ye, ena for

yena are also frequent. In this place am seems put for ayam &

Tuphe, Sanskrit, BY Pali, thupo ; Anglice, ‘a tope,’ mound or Buddhist shrine.

“a C) °

A’yata jana, either—S19q ‘coming’ contrasted with, gachha cha and going, UR

OF BTBaSIA: the elect. See janasi dyatd, vol. vi. p. 585. Thereis a tempting ana-

logy between gachha, tree, in this passage and aswatha in the Delhi pillar, but it may

be illusory.

Athapajaye, more distinct in the next tablet—the lithograph here has adha, but.

on re-examination Mr. Kirror found it indistinctly al ¢), perhaps athi, is.

Yujevuti, aa for ail wafa 2—or qs: may unite ; see tablet 2.

Duka no ed papunitha ava i Sg (for (=eqfee) aa IVA AAA vee eee

the sense is here cut off by an erasure, nor is it at all satisfactory.

Etam sepi desam no sava dekhatehi tuphe ese. This difficult passage I have render-

ed at a hazard by wa zn aus ufe wT: EBaA—no sava dakhine hi‘ not

even in the south’ is there such a tope,—would be better.

Etemsi vihitapi niti_ Tata fafeativarta: ‘in this (tope) is appointed a system

of conduct.’ . | 3

Yam ekapulise _... this mutilated passage I dubiously fill up thus ayes te GUTS

aqua arukcay a wygaifa cawafa saa ca TAI IS

ASnalsrea s:arafa The pandit would render prapundti by prapnoti.

Niti majham ; the first letter doubtful, may be kirtti madhyam, e kriti madhyam,

‘in the midst of the wise,’ or it may be given as a name to a particular stupa.

RES i

Imehi cha vageht, Sans. Wlaeq TT: by these species (of offence).

SS : : *

Isdyo, Sua by envy—or it may be SWI ‘ to god’ in connection with the

next word, for in the pillar edict (vol. vi. page 584), envy is written isyd ,° ne .

Asulopena, AGATA, by cutting off, or sacrificing life.

o K

)

;

a a

;

)

444 Examination of the Inscription (Mary,

——viz. by enviousness, by the practice of destroying life, by tyranny, by

cruelty, by idleness, by laziness, by waste of time. That morality is to

be desired which is based on my ordinances (?), and in all these the roots

(or leading principles) are,—the non-destruction of life, and the non-

infliction of cruelty. May the desire of such moral guidance endure

unto the end of time! and may these (principles) continuing to rise (in

estimation) ever flourish, and inasmuch as this benefit and love should

be ever had in remembrance, my desire is that in this very manner, these

(ordinances) shall be pronounced aloud by the person appointed to the

stupa; and adverting to nothing else but precisely according to the

commandment of DevAnampiya, let him (further) declare and explain

them.

«¢ Much longing after the things of (this life) is a disobedience, I again

declare : not less so is the laborious ambition of dominion by a prince,

(who would be) a propitiator of heaven. Confess and believe in God

who is the worthy object of obedience !—for equal to this (belief), I

declare unto you; ye shall not find such a means of propitiating et

Oh strive ye to obtain this inestimable treasure !

Nithuliyena, ATAU by harsh severity.

Thlandya, either CUA, by cruelty, or CAAA, by inulenial

Andvutiya, HATS, by non-employment.

A’lasiyena, BWiPaa, by idleness.

Kdlamathena, RIAU, by churning time, (or wasting it :) a common expression

in Sanskrit ay Raa Rta why do you churn time, in idleness ?’

Se ichhitaviye kiti ete (read ese) perhaps UW <feas: or (VTA: ) ‘this is such a

wise man as is to be desired: Semele wanda eit tele beme femininneeal ace <o Seen

on the pillars, esd iti, &c. (p. 588.) But false concords are but too common 4

throughout.

Uyata sanchalita vadhetu, BRA wafer aaaq.

Hita piye etaviye (2) feafaa waa: profit and love are proper to be sought.

Tuphikatena vatuviye : ulead —hy the person appointed to the shriaey ‘

according to the pandit, but ather far- fetched,

Mahe asGye asampatipati—AEI HY: great possessions—or avariciousness.

Nahi etannanathi, afevaeayera, there is not verily such another.

iN ™~

Sagasa dladhino léjaladha duéhalehi-Gneg wafsay4 UAT S UVES,

‘so the difficult obtaining of dominion, is (an unworthy act) of one propitiating

heaven.’

Isénameva manyata madnam; SVTAHST Hey ATH worship ye the lord whio

is alone worthy of worship.

Atileke sampatipajamdnecha ye, tam santam dldédhayisatha: this requires but little

alteration Slate: dsfaugqarag | AGa BW<TAyAAy, who is most worthy

of obedience, him the eternal ye shall propitiate by prayer.

Tamcha apananiyam ehathe, @qqyaqaty Tea as translated.

ee.

——— ee ee a) ee

1838. } At Dhauli in Cuttack. 445

« And this edict is to be read at (the time of) the lunar mansion Tisa,

at the end of the month of Bhdtun : it is to be made heard (even if) by

a single (listener). And thus (has been founded) the K4élanta stupa for

the spiritual instruction of the congregation. For this reason is this

edict here inscribed, whereby the inhabitants of the town may be guided

in their devotions for ages to come—and as of the people insensibly the

divine knowledge and insensibly the (good works) increase, so the god

of passion no longer yieldeth them gratification. (?)

“‘ For this reason also I shall cause to be, every five years, a general

nikhama, (or act of humiliation ?) (on which occasions) the slaughter

(of no animal of any kind ?) shall take place. Having learnt this ob-

ject, it shall be so carried into effect according to my commandment.

*« And the young prince of Ujein, for the same purpose shall cause a

religious observance of the self-same custom : and he shall not allow any

transgression of this custom for the space of three years—so that

when ............... functionaries have admitted to initiation the pe-

nitent, then should any not leave off his (evil) practices—if even there

be hundreds (in the same predicament) it shall be certainly done unto

him according to the commandment of the raja.

Tisa nakhatena, fae WPA. See observations on this lunar mansion (Pushy)

in the notes to the pillar edict, vol. vi. p. 575.

Antamési cha—in the last month of the year, Chaitra or Phalguna.

Kdlantam iuphe, either the name of the tope, or kuldntam unto the end of time,

which translation I have given in the other edict.

Hidaena, aT here ; by which, or ec4a ‘with the heart.’

— gala vitopd.... laka; 1 fill up nagaraviyopdrakd, the merchants of the town;

perhaps vihdraka, the inhabitants as above.

Sasatam samayam, yruyd @ay —for a very long period.

Ka..devanosi.... ydti—filled up with hesitation, kéma deva no sivdya ydti, ‘the

god of love does not go for pleasure.’

Nikhamayisémi,- ta aataanta, I will cause GH kshama, pardon, devotion,

a general forgiveness ?—see page 242, and observations below.

Ujenyé se pichakumdle, SSHiQaqi AiTs HAT:

/ Ce ° °

Hedisam meva vatam, [EX AT A similar conduct as enjoined by me.

Atikamayisati, sfaaafaefe shall not allow deviation or transgression.

Tini vasdni he me vatam—for three years, my established custom.

Khasalatehi,—probably @4T: ‘intent upon killing,’ or still using meat food in

Sacrifice, — or a man of low caste: the word is doubtful.

Ada-tadd, YT AST when, then,

Nikhamisanti anusaydnam, ‘ shall absolve (him) as penitent.’ See above.

Ahapayita atane kamma, not leaving off his own (evil) deeds.

Etam pijana satam, tam tathd kalantu, ‘to this man, or a hundred such let them

do’—or etam janam satatam, ‘to such a man invariably.’

Rdjine anusathi, c7¥H: waite, the a is re-placed by a small dash on the stone.

o K 2

446 Examination of the Inscription (May,

Translation of the last separate edict at Dhault.

_ By command of Drevanampiya! It shall be signified to the prince

and the great officers in the city of Tosale.

Whomsover:Jiascertain to. be. ..d.cvaews ood ss deuapenidvereclacheleh mal eaoiaal

and this my supreme willis irresistible! On this account is the present

GEUPM .,.reecencccnceversenscevercencee see nee een cee nesses eee senses ee een cet eee san vais

and for my loving subjects do I ardently desire to this effect :—that they

may be filled with every species of blessing and happiness both as to

the things of this world and the world beyond!

sec vecesseceseveccesceseesseeeess may be. Of countless things as yet unknown

SsedsWsecessiveceee eos L ardently desire’... ti... ... they may partakel, (Chug

hath said DEVANAMPIYA ........eceeeee wideoe fvsieichaldcoese DANIO DOSE, cae

and take pleasure, while ‘the removal of affliction is in like man-

ner the chief consequence of true devotion. (?) DrvANAMPIYA

hath also said;—“‘ fame (consisteth in) this act, to meditate with

devotion on my motives, and on my deeds (of virtue): and to pray for

blessings in this world and the world to come. For this purpose do I

appoint another (?) stwya—by the which I cause to be respected that

which is (above) directed and proclaimed. And my promise is im-

Notes to the second Tablet.

Kumdle, RAITT: —with this exception the opening passage seems to correspond word

for word with that of the first tablet. I have filled in the erasures in italics in the

romanized version, but the translation gives only the portions that are preserved.

Kichhi dakhdmi—the omission of the e favors the reading fa faezienfa. (See ob-

servations.)

Yujeviti, from 437 unite, Sans. UIA or qalwt ‘ be thou united with’ ? yute is

also used in other places. The verb v% and vids (quasi vu-iti) so frequently occur-

ring in the pillar and Dhauli texts seem rather to represent the imperative bhava

(Pali, ho) than bhavet or bhavatu; or it oe be the termination of the 3rd person plu-

ral of the potential mood Gz eyu ; Say may unite, or aay: may worship ;

yajeyum in Pali.

Antanam aviditanam, the pandit would read atdnam or anantdnam, but the passage

is too mutilated to be completed.

Asvase cu— AT ATaa may breathe freely, enjoy the repose of a hermit’s life ?

Sukhamava lahevi—G@Ra SH m may take pleasure thus.

Nikhamachane, fa: Galas : replete with kshama, devotion. Khamitave, or kha-

mitun, to devoutly uphold, see observations.

A’hayami, either ahbaydmi Bisa aifa, I call, proclaim, or weaifa 1 cause to

be respected.

Patiia ajalasd, IfAR BATA promise—undecaying. This is a solitary instance

of the letter a being used. .

Katukam, RSH, bitter, disagreeable. See Girndr edicts.

Papine, TUG? exceeding virtuous.

1838. } At Dhauli in Cuttack. 447

perishable! However bitter (or hard) it shall be carried into effect

by me, and consolation (will accrue to him who obeys ?)—by which is

exceeding virtue—so be it.

Like as love itself, so is DevANAMprya worthy of respect! and as the

soul itself so is the unrelaxing guidance of DEVANAMPIYA worthy of

respect! and according (to the conduct of) the subject, so is the compas.

sion of DevaANAMPIYA : wherefore I myself, to accomplish his commands,

will become the slave and hireling of DevANamPpiya. For this reason

the Dubalibi tupha (is instituted) for undisturbed meditation, and for

(securing every) blessing and happiness as to the concerns of this world

and the world beyond! And thus to the end of time (is this) tupha

for the propitiation of heaven.

Accordingly strive ye to accomplish each and all of my desires! For

this ohject is this edict here inscribed, whereby (the spot) shall be caused

by me to receive the name of mahdmatiswasatam, or (place of medita-

tion of the officers) ; let it so remain for a perpetual endowment by me,

and for the furtherance of religion.

And this edict shall be read aloud in the course of the month of

Bhétun (Bhadin?) (when the moon is) in the nakhatra (or lunar

mansion) of Zsa :—and, as most desirable, also it shall be repeatedly

Athad—tathd, AAT WAT only distinguishable from Wy and WY by the final ¢.

Adhdka—if for WER ‘ worthy of respect :—if the d be read i, then it may be

adhika, ‘ exceeding’—yea more. Atha paja hevam maye—a doubtful reading —mdne

is preferable, or hevam-aye—as adopted in the translation. The word looks more

like meye in the original.

Dase vutike hosdmi, STAalaAT WaegiA.

: iy

DubaléM, from {AA feeble, weak—hodie dba.

Kélantam, perhaps aT@qyay—to the end of time. See the first tablet.

° ° ; 8

A‘nanichham ehatha, BAAR (or FAR continually) CEA from ZF endeavour,

written esatha, in the first tablet, from {4 desire—UQV_ desire ye.?

| Hida ena either [ZZ aT or a4, see the other tablet.

Swasatam (nama ) yajisati faa araaisifaufa—tne letter n¢ has been inserted

conjecturally as not affecting the sense—the same verb is found in the analogous

passage in the twentieth line of the first tablet—Sdsatam samayam yajevts ( ti.)

Tastu atonam—perhaps eta (for etat) or tad astu aténam for atmandm—as translated.

Anabhétun masam—this I can only understand as anubhddun mdsam, in the course

of the month of Bhadun—Sans. Bhadra.

Tisena nakhatena,—see the parallel passage in the other edict, which the better

preservation of this enables us to complete.

Khanakhanasi—Sans. GU GE repeatedly or at stated intervals, derived from the

winking of the eyes,

aa. ee

448 Examination of the Inscription [May,

read aloud in the last month of the year, in the lunar mansion Tisa,

even if one person be present; thus to the end of time to afford in-

struction to the congregation, of the tupha.

Antalapi tisena—B*ATIfG—in the course of the month. The other edict has

antamdst — at the end of the same month, which is most likely the right reading.

Sanghatha sampatipddayitave—corrected from cha ghatha sampatipddayisave, on

the authority of the nineteenth line of the first edict. If ghatha be preferred it must:

be rendered by WY grantha, sacred volume ?

Observations.

I have stated that the first and last tablets at Dhaulé, were totally

distinct from the general series of AsoxK4’s religious edicts. This is

manifest as well from the mode of the address, as from the parties ad-

dressed. The expression Devaénampiyasa vachanena, ‘by command

of DevANAMPIya’—seems to denote that the proclamation was issued by

some functionary under the royal authority. The same peculiar open-

ing occurs in the short supplementary inscription on the Allahabad

pillar, but while that was addressed to the ministry in general (Savata

mahamdta vataviya—the ministers every where are to receive notice),

both of the present are confined to the immediate residents in the dis-

trict,—one being worded, Zosaliyam mahdmata nagala vihdlaka

vataviyam—‘ the ministers or officers enjoying the city m (the pro-

vince of) TYosali’’—or it may be ‘attached to the city Vihdra—are

to be informed ;—the other—Tosaliyam kumale mahdmatda cha vata-

viyam. In both these cases the gerund is in the neuter, but proba-

bly the inflections have been omitted in the copying.

It will be remarked that the simple word mahdmdtd, (Sans. maha-

matrah ) is used, not dhammamahamata*, the great officers or minis-

ters of religion :—the order therefore may be regarded as an injunction

from the court to the head civil authorities of the place. Moreover in

the first tablet, these officers alone are mentioned, whereas in the second

tablet the word Kumdle, (@atet:) young prince, is joined with them, as

though he had been in the former instance too young to be regarded,

and his chief officers had been nagala vihdlaka, as we should say, ¢ in

charge of the town.’

ArRIAN in his Indice gives exactly this account of the routine of

civil administration of the country in ALEXANDER’s time ;—and one

_ * The sense I proposed for mahdmdtd on first reading the pillar text, and repeated

in November last, of ‘sacred doctrine’ has been necessarily set aside by the olear

enunciation of the Girnar text, af

1888.7] At Dhault in Cuttack. 449

passage in par ticular applies with such curious fidelity to the duties of

the pativedakas or inquisitors whose report was to be made to the

prince, or where there was none to the magistrates, as described in the

sixth edict of Girndr and Dhauli (page 268,) that I cannot forbear to

extract it: the Greek word employed to designate what he calls the

sixth class of the Indian community ; émicxomo: is nearly a translation of

sfad]em instructors or inspectors :—

“Eko 5€ eiow ‘Ivdotow, of emikorror Kahedmevor. OdTor epopdcr Ta yivdueva Ka-

Th TE THY XApHV, Ka KaTa TAS TWoALaS’ Kal TADTA dvayyéAAouc! Tw Bacidrel, ivamep

Bactrevovrat Ivool’ 4 ros TéAcow, vamep adrovouo cict TouTois ob O€uis Weddos ay-

yeidas ovdev: ovdé Tis “I vda@y aitiny eoxe Wevoar0a:.—Indice, cap. XII.

‘The sixth class among the Indians are those called Episcopi (inspectors or

inquisitors). These take cognizance of whatever happens both in the country and

in the town, and report the same to the king in those places where the Indians are

under regal rule; or to the magistrates, where they govern themselves*. And to

these (functionaries) it is not lawful to report any thing false, nor indeed have

any of the Indians been ever taxed with the vice of falsehood.’

The last passage, as containing an impartial testimony to the charac-

ter for honesty once borne by the natives of this country, deserves to be

translated into the vernacular of every province, and hung up over the

door of every judicial court in the present degenerate age !

_ To proceed in our analysis :—-The province governed by this feudal

prince and his ministers has long been erased from the catalogue of

Indian states. Tosaliyam in the pillar-dialect of the Pali corresponds

with the Sanskrit locative case, qrgwt, of Arq, TVosali, a name only to

be found written with the same orthography in ProLemy’s tables, as

the city of Tosale. ‘The Indian name of the same place, as identified

by WiLForD, is Tosala-Cosalaka according to the Brahmanda Purana,

and simply Cosalaka or Cosala in the Vardsanhita. This is not the

first occasion in which the Greek have proved better guides than the

Sanskrit authorities, in regard to the actual geographical names preserved

“on our ancient buddhist monuments; though in describing their situa-

tion on the map great allowances must be occasionally made for the for-

~ mer ; who, if, as we have now some reason to suppose, they derived their

information from buddhist missionaries settled among them, would ne-

cessarily improve nothing of the very vague notion of relative positions

and distances possessed by their informants. Tosale metropolis} is

thus placed by Protemy on the other side of the Ganges, somewhere

near the mountains inhabited by the nangologe (most probably the nagas

* Such a government was that of the Litsavis in Prydga or Vishah. See Csoma’s

analysis of the Dulva. Such also in a great sense wag the capital of Surashtra.

T See ProLemMy’s Geog, 11th plate, India extra Gangem.

450 Examination of the Inscription [May,

or ndgaloka of the easternmountains). The Purdnas merely place Cosa-

laka ‘ behind the Vindhya mountains* ; but we are now able from the best

of all possible authorities to restore its correct position ; and it would seem

even that part of the Sanskrit appellation has been preserved to this day

in the name of the large artificial tank, around which Mr. KitTos tells

us the remains of an ancient city are still visible; for the tank is called

the Kounsla gung, or Kosala ganga ; though a very different account

of the origin of its name is given by the present inhabitants. Zusha

and /ushala, it should be remarked, both signify pleasure, happiness,

in Sanskrit.

The burthen of the proclamation seems to be contained in the sen-

tence immediately following, and of this by our usual good fortune

we have two copies to collate together ; for, as far as the mutilated con-

dition of the last tablet permits us to compare them, the two seem

literatim the same :

Ist. Am kichhi dakhdmi hannam, tam ichhémi kélinam .. na patipadayeham ;

Onda. Arm kichhi dakhami Hay. ... ca.sjnems - pee euienigmes Ge = eeeaiele

Ist. duvdlatecha dlabheham: esa cha me mokhyamate duva.

2nd. duvdlate cha 4labheham: esa cha me mokhya mate duvala.

Msteo spy SE wey San taphes &e;

Qnd. Etasi athasi an tuphe, &c.

In translating this important passage I have been divided between

two interpretations both equally sanctioned by the pandit ;—first,

y afafeata wa a sarfa afer wd sfaness facag wis

Uae Walaa (Fare: |

‘Whomsoever I discover to be a murderer him do I desire to be im-

prisoned :—this do I publicly notify, and (if guilty) a second time I put

him to death. And this (will be) a source of two-fold final beatitude to

me.’

The principal objections to this reading are, first that dw is never used

in this dialect for dwt or duwa (which would be written dz, or duwd),

but for duh or dur, hard: and second that moksha is written mokha

not mokhya as appears in both the instances before us. The second

reading requires several changes of letters where they are however

very clear on the stone, or at least in the copy made by Mr. Kiros.

qafafecraifa ava afesufa afta ed sfameas Sarcaae

ad wy a & Hrequar fare:

‘“ Whatsoever I say that I desire to be carried into effect,—this do I

declare : and I execute it in spite of all opposition ; and this my supreme

will is irresistible.”

* See WiLForD’s Essay, Asiatic Researches, VIII, 337, 338.

.- an

1838.) at Dhauli in Cuttack. 451

The nearest approach to the original text will be found to lie between

these two readings, taking the first half of the former and the last of the

latter; this is the reading I have accordingly adopted in the transla-

tion, while I nevertheless think it incumbent on me to conceal no

variorum interpretations which may help to a right understanding of

a passage whereon so much depends.

In token of the inflexible nature of this monarch’s orders, the pro-

-clamation then announces, that a certain chaitya or tope is to be called

the ‘commandment tope :’ anusatht or anushdsti tuphe. The word tuphe,

Ab is evidently the original of the modern expression ‘ tope:’ in the

regular Pali of books it is written thipa, which is again directly deriv-

ed from the Sanskrit original qq: stwpah, an artificial mound of earth,

(or of building material ?), hence doubtless applied (though the diction-

aries do not give this meaning), to the pyramidal monuments of the

Buddhists. Am tuphe I suppose to be a corruption of ayam tuphe

‘this tope’ in the nominative case.

The sentence next following seems an injunction or invitation to all

‘loving subjects to flock thither and receive instruction from the holy

men there located. A similar expression (bahisu pdnasahasesu, &c.)

occurs on the western tablet of the Frroz lat inscription, but there,

instead of a chaitya, the object of attraction is the aswatha or holy

fig tree, if indeed the sense has been rightly apprehended ; but from the

occurrence of words similar to aswatha in the present edicts,—aswdsevu,

swasanam, swasatam, I am inclined to deduce them all from the root

4, breathe,—thus aswatha abhita (around the holy fig tree) will be-

come dswasitd abhita for srafaa BaAtat: ‘ breathing fearless’ or ‘living

in security.’ The initial a in this case should however be long, whereas

the facsimiles just received from Captain Burt, prove it to be short, so

far confirming the original reading; but on the other hand Mr. Tur-

NOUR, our best authority, gives the latter sense,—aswatha abhitd kam-

mdni pawatayevun, ‘should follow a line of conduct tending to allay

alarm.’

Having adverted rather out of place, to the term swasatam I may

further observe that the title of Mahdmatda-aswasatam-nama is ap-

parently given to one of the chaityas, or perhaps to the platform of

the elephant situated just above the inscription, and that it means

the ‘place of breathing, or of quiet repose for the priests.’ This name

we may conclude to be preserved in the modern appellation of the rock

‘the aswastama, for which indeed it would be difficult to find a better

derivation. The Hindus of the place declare it to be name of the stone

3°L

—— —

452 Examination of the Inscription (May,

elephant called after one in the Mahabhérata,—while my own pandit

supposed it a corruption of aswastambha, the horse-pillar.

Another local name of the inscription can be traced in an equally

satisfactory manner; the present village of Dhauli being evidently

named after the Dubaléhi tupha mentioned in the last edict,—the

‘ shrine of the feeble’ from <4, in modern Hindi diblé. This esta-

blishment was probably a kind of hospital, and if Mr. Kirroe’s con-

jectures as to the small rock mortars be correct, it must have been

amply provided with medicamentary concoctions !

The name of the Kalantam tuphe (if this be indeed its name),

has not been equally fortunate in its preservation, and nothing can be

discovered like it in the neighbourhood. I imagined that it might be

read the Kalinga tupha, but on re-examination of the rock the word

was found to be correctly written in the transcript. It may be read

karanda tuphe, the beehive tope; but, as kadladntam, it has a more plausi-

ble interpretation,—the end of time !

The mutilated state of many passages in the inscription as usual

prevents my stringing the whole together in a connected shape ; but

from the parts extant I should be inclined to regard these two procla-

mations as intended chiefly to provide for the reading and due observance

of the principal string of commandments, which occupy the central space

on the stone; as well as to record the foundation of the several monas-

teries of ascetics mentioned above.

In both of them is an express regulation as to the time of the year

when the edicts are to be read aloud—not exactly when two or three

are gathered together—but literally ‘ when even only one be present !’

The seasons appointed are nearly half-yearly—one in Bhadra (if

Bhétun may be so interpreted) (August) and the other in Phdlguna the

antamdst, or last month according to the Buddhists ( February—March)

or near the vernal equinox. By the expression Zisena nakhatena in

the instrumental case—‘ with the Tisa lunar mansion,’-—is to be

understood, when also the moon is in the mansion of Tisya or Pushya,

the eighth nakshatra counting from Aswint. Now as the moon is full in

the mansion whence the month is named, the 72sya tithi will fall about _

the 24th of Phalgan, and about the 12th of Bhidra. The veneration in

which the mansions of Punarvasune and Pushya were held by the

Buddhists was alluded to in my observations on the south pillar edict

at Delhi, (Vol. VI. page 575).’

Besides the order for reading AsoxKa’s homily on specified days, par-

ticular allusion is made to the five-yearly festival or fast, which is also

provided for in the third of the Girndr edicts (see page 264). In re-

“S

1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 453

marking on the word anusayanam there used, I stated that such

a periodical humiliation was not known at the present day. On

further inquiry however I learn that a practice does prevail in

such Buddhist countries as are still independent, which seems pre-

cisely to explain the terms of the inscription. In Stam for instance

the Buddhist monarch every year in the month ef Asarha, throws off

his regal robes, shaves his head, adopts the yellow sackcloth of a

noviciate, and does penance for a few days in one of the vihdras along

with all his court ;—slaves are even bought to be shaved and initiated

as an act of virtue in their converter. In Ava the same practice prevails.

Even in Calcutta, | am told, among the small Maga population here,

the adoption of the yellow dress and abstraction from worldly pursuits

for a period is not an uncommon occurrence, and the term employed

is, ntkkhama, exactly that found in the inscription.

My friend Mr. Csoma bE Koérds has pointed out to me the follow-

ing passage in Georai's ‘ Alphabetum Tibetanum’ on the practice of

fasting in T2bet.

‘ Jejunia tum Xacaitis ascetis, tum etiam laicis communia duplicis

sunt generis. Alterum quod appellant Gnunné mgidum (ga m4N),

clauditur horis integris viginti quatuor. Tanta est jejunii hujus severl-

tas, ac superstitio, ut ne ipsam quidem salivam, sponte fluentem in ore,

ad fauces retrahere, ac deglutire liceat. Ilud plerique agunt tribus conti-

nuatis diebus, unica thee potione, quam hora matutina sumunt, recreati.

Alterum jejunii genus vocant Gnenné (Q¥4'm)4~=—Sans. upavasa)

Vespere semel prandent. Licitum tamen est interdiu bibere. Laici

frequentius, quam Ascete hujusmodi jejunia observant. Sed religiosis

et sanctimonialibus severissime praceptum est, ne unquam inter pran-

dium et ccenulum quicquam vel bibere vel degustare audeant.

The mention here of ¢hree days leads me to suggest that for the dent

vasdni, three years, of the first tablet it will be more rational to read

tint divasdni, three days, for the period of humiliation to be enforced

in the territories under the rule of the prince of Ujein.

The term nikhama has in Pali two very different meanings, one as

representing the Sanskrit fagqa nishkrama, putting out or off, (in mo-

dern Hindi nikdlnd 2) the other being the Sanskrit fa:aa: nuikshama,

from the root Wa peace, repose, devotion. I am not sufficiently versed

in the language to decide in which sense the verbal form here used is

to be understood; but from the term nikhamayisanti anusaydnam I -

should be inclined to translate ‘shall admit into the body of the church,

or shall give absolution to the penitent, for nikhama is alsc under-

3L 2

454 Examination of the Inscription, { May,’

stood as the initiatory grade of the priesthood*, as well as self-mortifi-

cation for religion’s sake. The word is frequently to be met with in

the Mahdwanso whence I extract the following passages, along with Mr.

TuRNouR’s translation, in illustration of both meanings of nikhama.

Purisénan sahassancha, ttthiyo cha tatodhikd

Khattiyénan kuldyeva nikkhamitwina pabbajun.

‘A thousand males and a still greater number of females, descendants exclusively

of Khattiya families, impelled by their religious ardor, entered into the i ail 7

Jaété jaté rdjagéhé darake rudarakkhast

Samuddato nikkhamitwd, bhakkhitwdna gacchati.

‘In those days as soon as an infant was born, a marine monster emerging from

the ocean devoured it and disappeared.’ Epitome Mahawanso, p. 81.

Following the translator's first example, the passage Ujenyd kumélé.

nikhdmayisati hidasam vatam, may be rendered, « The prince in

Ujjein shall enforce with devotional fervor the self same conduct.’

Taking it for granted that the Devdnampiya of these two edicts is

still PryaDasi or AsoKA, we may easily discover who was the ‘prince at

Oujein’ to whom he alludes. He must be either Ussenio or ‘ the

profoundly sapient great Maninpo’ (MauHEnpDRA) son of DHARMa-

SOKA who entered the priesthood at an early ae and who was deputed

along with his sister SaNGAMITTA to spread Buddhism in the Jsland

of Ceylon, in the year 306, B. C. (following Buddhist reckoning.)

Ussento and Mauinpo were the twin offspring of a romantic attach-

ment of the young Asoxa, with the daughter of a gentleman or Setthit+

ata place called Chetiyagiri when he was on his way to assume the

viceroyship of Avanti. Probably the elder son held this government

afterwards, and dwelt there with his mother, who was styled Queen and

resided in a rich palace: for we find MAHINDo paying them a visit

previous to his departure for Ceylon.

Tadantare natiganan datthun katwdna madnasan,

Upajjhdyancha sanghan cha wanditwé pucchi bhiipatin,

Adaya chaturo théré Sanghamittdya utajan

Sumanan samanerancha, jalabhinnan mahiddhikan.

Nadtinan sanghan kdtun agama Dakkhinagirin ;

Tathé tatthé charantassa chhammdsd samatikkamun.

‘ Having formed an earnest desire to visit his relations during this interval ; rever-

entially taking his leave of his preceptor and of the priesthood, and having also

obtained the consent of the king (his father DHAMMASoko), taking with him four

theros and the SAMANERO SAMANO, the son of SANGHAMITTA, who was preter-

naturally gifted, and master of the six branches of religious knowledge departed for

Dakkhinagiri for the purpose of administering the comforts (of religion) to his (mater-

nal) relations. There this pilgrim passed six months in this avocation.’

* See the Amera kosha (CLouGH’s P&livocabulary, page 111) ; ‘ nekkhamman—the

priestly state,renunciation of worldly pursuits for the purpose of devoting one’s-self to

-religious meditation, release from transmigration, mental abstraction or vision, &c.”

+ One of the Seth family, or af@ the president, or foreman of an association.

1838.] at Dhauli in Cuttack. 455

But I am growing too fond of quotations from my constant text book

the Mahawanso, which falls in so pleasantly with every trifling inci-

dent collaterally deducible from these inscriptions that I find the tempta-

tion to extract, like AsoKa’s orders, irresistible !

I have still one subject to call briefly to the attention of the student,

namely, the twice repeated name of Jsa or Jsdna. The pandit would

apply this name to God in a general sense :—and certainly the grievous

offence given, Jsdya asulopena, ‘by sacrifice of living things to God’

is a sense quite consistent with the tenor of the edict; but through the

extreme vagueness of the Pali imitative grammar, Jsdya also represents

the third case of isé, TUT, FAar irshaya ‘by envy: so that it is

impossible to assert which of the two is correct. The other instance is

in the passage ‘ Isénameva mannata manam,’ which I have translated

‘worship ye the lord, the proper object of worship’ (wa4aq aya Hie)

but I hold myself by no means responsible for its accuracy, as I do not

find Isa among the synonymes of Buppna.

I may conclude my notes by mentioning the singular effect of the

idiomatical expressions kKhanakhanasi antaldpi tisena upon the pandit

who had been reading all these inscriptions with me—‘ Now’ he

exclaimed ‘ I believe the whole document to be genuine !’—He had all

along misgivings whether he had not been at work on a haphazard

jumble of old symbols optionally transcribed into as unintelligible

Nagari, until the occurrence of a homely idiomatical phrase at once

brought him to a conviction of their reality, and encouraged him more

zealously to help me to their meaning !

Postscrirt.—I had well nigh forgotten to mention the two modern

inscriptions stated in Mr. Krrror’s account to be scratched over some

of the caves near Aswestuma. ‘They are lithographed in Pl. XXV,

On reference to Pl. LIV. of last volume, the larger one will be seen

_to agree in alphabet and in the opening paragraph with the inscription

over the elephant cave at Udayagiri—but the name of the raja in

whose reign they were both cut is better developed in the present speci-

men. SHANTIKARA DEVA, is not to be found in the Orissa list, but is

probably one of the Suryavamsa, as he has not the epithet Kesart; or

he may be one of the 32 princes whose names STIRLING has omitted as

uninteresting. The curious figure in the second line, I suppose from

analogy to §Q, to be the figure 9. As far as it is legible, the legend

may be thus restored :

MwuifaacVsTTA F AC Ml KAT AHS

aaa?) afar ta 4 zyastaagi WE?

Miele Aware -e5-0 » SRSA H saeng (?) afear:

456 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. Ta

-* In the ninth (?) year of the reign of Sri Saa’NTIKARA DEVA, music (flutes)

should be played (?) by the hermit of the cave of sacrifice; these maths (temples)

of Stva have been constructed by Hipya Cuwatra Baatt, the son of VAIDYA-

KA Baar the rich merchant......ceseeereceeee”

The other scrap is too mutilated to be worth insertion.

IX.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 6th June, 1838.

The Right Reverend the Lorp Bisuor of Calcutta, Vice President, in

the chair.

A. V. Bayury, Esq. C. S. and Lieut. C. B. Youne, Engineers, propos.

ed at the last meeting were duly elected members of the Society.

Mr. Sotomon Casar Manan, Bachelor of Arts in the university of Ox.

ford and Professor at Bishop’s College, member R. A. S., was proposed by

the Lorp BisHor, seconded by the Rev. G. Withers.

Colonel Benson (lately appointed envoy to the Burmese court) on his

return to India begged to be again entered on the list of resident mem.

bers.

Dr. Wm. Grirrity acknowledged his election.

Mr. W. Apam begged his name might be transferred to the absentee

tist*, as he was on the point of quitting India for America.

The Secretary reported that he had lately examined the roof and found

many of the beams completely destroyed by dry rot. The present season .

made it very inconvenient to commence repairs, but should the measure

be necessary the president had kindly placed the grand jury room at the

disposal of the Society for its monthly meetings while its own apartments

should be unavailable.

[The builder has since given his opinion that the repairs may be postponed till

October next, without danger. ]

Correspondence.

Read a letter from Sir G. T. Staunton, Bart. acknowledging his ad-

mission as an honorary member, and stating his readiness at all times to

promote the objects for which the several Asiatic Societies had been in-

stituted. :

A note from M. St. Husert Tuerovunpe, announced his approach.

ing departure for the Upper Provinces, and thanked the Society for the

cordial reception he had met among them during his residence in Calcutta.

Dr. Wauuicn requested on behalf of Lieut. Col. Stevenson, if it were

within the rules, that a set of the Society’s Researches should be presented

to the library of the artillery regiment at Bombay. After some discussion

it was agreed that the principle of distribution and exchange of the publi.

cations of a learned association precluded compliance with the present

request, lest it should form an inconvenient precedent.

Read a letter from Professor ScuLecEL, returning thanks for the Ma-

hébharat and other works sent to Bonn.

The following extract will interest the friends of oriental literature :—

‘* Non seulement tous les savans qui s’intéressent aux études Asiatiques, mais

j'ose dire, tous les hommes éclairés, pour peu qu’ils ayent réfiéchis sur 1’état moral

* Members of the Society by the rules cease to pay contributions when absent

re Asia, but continue to be members, and subscribe again from the date of their

return.

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1838. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 457

et intellectuel de ]’Inde, et sur les bases de la puissance Britanique de ee pays, on

été péniblement frappés de cette ordonnance qui a paralysé l’activité du Comité de

l’ instruction publique; et l’on a su apprécier la resolution genereuse de la Société

Asiatique de réparer le tort que l’ignorance et la barbarie menagaient de faire A la

cause de ]’érudition et des lumiéres. Cette Société, depuis sa fondation, a rendu

d’immenses services ; elle a puissamment contribué @ l’avancement de nos connais-

sances. Nous lui devons une infinité d’observations et de découvertes, et cette

abondance de matériaux dont nous jouissons anjourd’hui. Le département auguel les

orientalistes, qui vivent en Europe, doivent se vouer de préférence, c’est la critique

philologique, la correction la plus soignée des textes et l’art de l’interprétation,

En Allemagne et dans le nord le zéle pour l’étude du Sanscrit se maiutient tonjours

et se répand méme de plus en plus. On enseigne cette langue dans plusieurs

universités Allemandes: a Bonn te professeur LassEN et moi, nous an donnons des

cours concurremment tous Jes sémestres, sans avoir égard au petit nombre d’éco-

liers qui se présentent. L’hiver dernier j’ai eu parmi mes auditeurs un jeune savant

de Copenhague, et un autre néa St. Petersbourg. Un orientaliste d’ Upsala, qui, le

premier dans son pays, s’est appliqué au Sanscrit, et a fait un voyage littéraire

dans ce but, me fut addressé derniérement par le professeur WILSON, et je l’ai trou-

vé assez avancé pour pouvoir le recommender au gouvernement Suédois.

* J’ai été douloureusement affecté par la mort de mon immortel ami et demon

grand oracle COLEBROOKE, quoiqu’elle ne fit que le terme d’une existence depuis

longtemps brisée par les infirmités.

‘* Le professeur ROSEN, dans la force de l’age, a été enlevé presque subitement

& ses amis et aux lettres, dansle moment ou il se préparait de passer an Allemagne,

afin de revoir sa famille ou m’assure que l’impression de sou travail surle Rig-

véda est presque achevée. Les études asiatiques ont aussi fait une perte dans

la personne du Baron SCHILLING DE CRONSTADT, conseiller d’état a St. Peters-

bourg. Mon savant ami avait fait un voyage en Sibérie, et séjourné long temps

an-dela du lac Baical parmi les Burites. II s’était concilié la bienveillance de

quelques prétres Bouddhiques, de sorte qu’il ena rapporté une immense collection de

livres Tibétains. Les doubles seules, qu’il mit en dépot chez moi, il y a deux ans,

remplissaient six caisses. Je les ai expédiées 4 l’institut de France, auquel il en

avait don. La grande collection est restée & St. Petersbourg, et passera sans doute

a la bibliothéque Impériale.”’

The Secretary communicated the following extract from Professor

Witson’s last letter on the subject of the Masson collection of coins.

‘¢T have been lately occupied rather industriously with MAsson’s coins. We

received those of 1833-34 in the summer; those of 1835 only about three months ago.

After inspecting the first batch I proposed to the court through the chairman and

several of the directors to give a lecture upon them; but this was thoughtan un-

advisable innovation and the measure was abandoned. I was determined however not

to drop the subject, and therefore gave my lecture the form of a memoir, which I

presented and which was received very graciously. I suggested at the same time

the advisableness of publishing a book with plates, and offered to prepare the mate-

rials if the court would bear the expense, proposing that after taking such number

of copies as the court might require, to make over the rest to Mr. Masson’s family

for their benefit. There seems to be a disposition to accede to the arrangement, or

at any rate to give to Masson or his family some further remuneration for the

coins as their pecuniary value is much beyond what they cost.”’

By a recent letter from Capt. BuRNES it would appear that a supposed reflection

had been cast on MASSON’s labours in Professor RITTER’S remarks on the topes

published in a preceding journal.

‘‘ MASSON was not one of those who dug into the topes to get at the hidden trea-

sure without thinking of other things ; his researches were laborious, minute, and

scrutinizing ; height, depth, &c. were all noted. [have seen some of his MSS. in

which particulars are preserved amply to satisfy the German Professor.”

We may add to the above that we are sure no slur was intended on MASSON’S no

- more than on General VENTURA’S or CouRT’s explorations, in which every care

was taken to record the exact position of the ‘trouvailles.’ The information sought

by the German Professor was of a specific nature.

A letter from the Society’s Paris agent dated 8th January, mentioned

the death of the Baron Scninuine before he had heard of his election.

Major TROYER mentions that the Sanskrit text of the six. first books of the Ta-

rangini is printed, and the French translation is put to press. He has now accept-

458 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. +[May,

ed the proposal of the Earl of Munster on the part of the Roy. As. Soc. to complete

the English translation of the Persian Dabistdn of which the late Captain SHEA

had done about one third when he died. Major TROYER had translated the whole

into German whilst in Calcutta ; he will be occupied on the English version and the

editing of the whole, next year.

M. BurnourF Sec. Paris Asiatic Society announced the receipt of the

Society’s Journal of June containing the pillar alphabet, and the sensation

it had created among the learned :

‘‘ Le jour ou je l’ai recu j’allais 4 l’academie ; quoique ce savant corps ne préte

son attention en ce moment qu’ au Grec et a l’Arabe, j’ai demandé la parole, etj’ai

trouvé de la verve pour exposer tout ce que vous veniez de faire, de beau et de grand

par votre decouverte. J’ai été ecouté avec une religieuse attention, et je sais que

la communication a fait quelque effet .......... Chose singuliére! j’ avais deja

fait des essais infructueux surla copie du VII vol. des As. Res. : j’ avais huit

lettres, mais m’ etant trompé lourdement sur a et ne sachant que faire de |

je n’ avais pu passer ontre .... Votre | est un veritable trait de vive lumiére

qui a rendu ace caractére le méme service que le n des inscriptions cuneiformes ~

trouvé par Rask. J’ai communiqué votre lettre 4 M. JAcQUET que venait, peu de

jours avant, de recevoir une masse d’ inscriptions de Girnar exactement dans le

caractére que vous avez dechiffré si heureusement. I] s’est mis avec empressement,

et il vous ecrira lui méme.’’

Some correspondence with the Secretary of the Geological Society of

London was read, relating to a missing No. of their Transactions.

Read a letter from M. G. Vrouix, Secretary to the Royal Institution

of Sciences and Arts at Amsterdam, proposing an interchange of publica-

tions and presenting its transactions as far as published. Resolved, that

a suitable return be made of such vols. of the Researches as remain in

store, (from vol. 12 to vol. 20.)

Mr. J. Mincuin, Secretary Madras Literary Society, and Professor

DaniE.L, Sec. Roy. Institution of London, acknowledged presentations.

Library.

The following books were presented :

The Sdnkhya Kérika, 1 vol. 4to.—dy the Roy. As. Soc. Or. Trans. Com-

mitiee.

List of the Members of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,

corrected to the 31st of July, 1837—Jdy ditto,

Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks, écrite en Arabe par Makrizi, et traduite en

Francais por M. QuATREME’RE, Tom. I. 4to.— dy the same.

Institutiones Linguze Pracritice, by Dr. CuristiaAN Lassen, Professor at

Bonn, the 3rd fasciculus—by the author.

Nieuwe Verhandelingen der Eerste Klasse van het koniklijk, Niderlandsche

Institut van Wetenschappen, Letterkunde en schoone kunsten (Parts I. II. III.

IV. V.) Amsterdam, 1827—1836—by the Amsterdam Royal Institute.

Transactions of the Zoological Society of London, Vol. II. Part I., London,

1836 and Journal,—by the Society.

The following by the Statistical Society of London.

Tables of the Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. of the United Kingdom

and its Dependencies, Parts III. IV. V. each with a Supplement, folio, London,

1834—37.

Catalogue of Parliamentary Reports, 1696 —1834, ordered by the House of

Commons to be printed, 15th August, 1834.

Report, Vaccine Board, ordered by the House of Commons to be printed,

28th August, 1833.

General Statistics of the British Empire, by James M’QueEeEn, Esq. London,

1836.

Statistical Journal and Record of Useful Knowledge, for October, November

and December, 1837, London. 5

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 459

The following were also presented.

Proceedings of the Agricultural Society of India, January to May, 1838—by

the Society

W. Avawm’s Third Report on Educational Statistics of India—by the author..

The Meteorological Register-~by the Surveyor General.

Fauna Boreali-Americana, or Zoology of the Northern parts of British Ame.

rica. Part 2nd, containing the birds, with plates and cuts, by Dr, RICHARDSON,

and W. Swarnson, Esq. London, 1831, 4to. 524 pages, Rs. 50—purchased for

the Society by the Museum Committee.

11 vols. Naturalist’s Library, edited by Sir Witttam Jaropine, at 3 Rs. per

vol, the remaining vols. to be supplied at the same price—ditéo.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, Treatise on Geology, Vol. I. London, 1¢37—~

From the booksellers.

——— Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Italy, Spain and Portugal,

Vol. III. London, 1837—/from ditto.

Two series of circulars, one addressed to the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

the other to the Asiatic Society of Calcutta! forwarding prospectus of

Foore’s medical pocket book and almanack.

Literary and Antiquities.

Mr. Secretary Prinsep, transmitted on the part of Government, voca.

bularies of the Baraky, and of five other languages spoken in the Panjab,

compiled by Lieutenant R. Leecu, of the Bombay Engineers.

In reply to the Society’s application to the Governor General of the

15th December, requesting that the executive engineer might be permit-

ted to effect the conveyance of the broken pillar presented to the Society

by Raja Hinpvu Rao from Delhi to Calcutta, Mr. Secy. Macnageuren for.

warded copies of correspondence with Captain G. Tuomson, and Captain

T.S. Burr of Engineers on the subject, and requested on the part of the

Gov. Gen. to know whether the Society would still wish its removal.

Captain TuHomson reported that the transportation of the shaft would cost

2000 rupees :—but Captain Burt suggested that by cutting off the inscribed part

it might be sent down for a tenth of that sum, though he doubted whether a fac-

simile would not answer every purpose, considering the mutilated condition of —

the inscription.

The object of possessing the Delhi fragment in the Society’s museum being ra-

ther as the only actual specimen of the ancient character which it would be possi-

ble to make portable, than for the sake ofreading its contents, which are known

and published in the Journal for last September, it was resolved still to re-

quest the aid of the Governor General for the dispatch. of the inscribed portio

at least of the shaft under the superintendence of Captain Burt.

Mr. B. H. Hopeson having been informed of the Society’s wish to

publish the text of the Lufita vistara in Sanskrit and Tibetan with a trans.

lation by M. Csoma pe Ko6ros, sent down two more manuscripts of this

standard Buddhist work for collation with the Society’s copy as it passes

through the press. One of these copies bears the marks of great anti-

guity, and both are more correct than the copy in the library.

Major James Low, M. A. S. C. offered to the Society for publication a

paper entitled ‘‘ Excursions to the Eastward, No. 1, or extracts from the

journal of a Pglitical Mission to the réja of Ligor in Lower Siém, with

drawings.

Captain T. S. Burr forwarded the 87 facsimiles of various inscriptions

mentioned at the last meeting.

He had also lately taken with considerable trouble, complete impressions

of the Feroz léth inscriptions and of the inscription on the iron pillar

at Delhi, which has been so long a desideratum. They had been made over

to the Secy. Gov. Gen, for transmission.

+ 3M

460 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (May,

Statistical.

Mr. W. Anam, presented on the part of Dr. A. Kean, some tables of

the population and of the births and mortality in a village of the Moor-

shedabad district. Referred to the Statistical Committee.

Dr. Kean hopes in the current year to be able to add marriages to his list,

and to extend it to a greater number of villages.

PuysicaL DrpaRTMENT.

Museum.

Mr. Kirror proposed that two or more Musulmén lads be entertained

as apprentices to M, Boucuuz, to learn the art of preparing birds and

animals, with the understanding that they are to be occasionally sent with

members of the Society, or officers of Government who may be deputed to

explore any part of the country,—and that the expense be defrayed out of

the Curator’s allowance granted by Government.

Mr. KirTok said, that during his late trip, had he been provided with such an

assistant he would have been able to have brought back many specimens for the

museum, . The proposition was approved, and referred to the Committee of

the Museum to be acted on.

Tidal Observations.

Mr. E. BLunpExLL, Commissioner of the Tenasserim provinces, forward-

ed two series of observations of the tides, one by Captain McLeop, at

Mergui, the other by Captain Corsin, Harbour Master at Amherst, made

in conformity with Professor Wueweuv’s circular.

Geography.

The following letter from Captain Pemperton in command of the depu-

tation to Bootén, descriptive of the progress of the expedition, in conti-

nuation of the extracts published in the Proceedings of the 7th February,

was communicated by the Secretary.

Tongro Bootan, March 12th, 1838.

Lat. 27° 29’ 32” Long, about 90° 17’; 6527 feet above the sea.

‘We left Devagirit on the 2lst January, and reached this place in twenty

marches, though forty days were consumed on the road from vartous unavoid-

able causes. The very first march we crossed an elevation of 7009 feet above the

sea, a good foretaste of what we had subsequently to expect. The third march

brought us to a village called Sasee, not more than 4300 feet above the sea, but

where we first found the most beautiful and extensive fir forests, I had ever seen

—all growing on mourtains of hornbleude slate which proved to be the prevailing

rock in this part of Bootdn. From Sasee we ascended on the following day to Bel-

phaee, a mile or two beyond whichis a temple whose elevation proved by measure-

ment to be 8300 feet above the sea ; this point is geologically important, as here

the hornblende slate is succeeded by a talc slate with garnets thickly dissemi-

nated, and traces of the transition began to appear between six and eight thou-

sand feet. Here we first saw ice on the ground, and traces of snow on a ridge to

the north about 2000 feet higher. On the Ist of February we reached Tassgong

called also Berhan, the residence of a sooba or prince of a district on the left

bank of the Monas river in Lat. 27° 19’ 37” Long. about 91° 33’ and 3182 feet

above the sea. The Monas flows 1200 feet below it over a bed of gneiss boulders,

with immense velocity and a very considerable volume of water. This river

which you may remember enters the Burhamputer at Jugigope nearly opposite

to Goalparrah, appears to be the principal drain of two-thirds of the waters of

Bootdn, every stream between it and this place falling into it, and the whole

forming a stream which in the rains rushes into the Burhamputer with a velo-

city which few boats can stem. At Phullury three marches from Tassgong,

we for the first time had a fall of snow which lasted two days, and gave to the

whole country an aspect precisely similar to that which you can imagine at home

in a November day. Snow balls were flying about in every direction and the

Bhuteeahs appeared to enter as keenly into the sport as our party. We

were six thousand feet above the sea, and though the fall at this elevation was

sufficiently heavy to cover the ground to a depth of five or six inches, the hills

1838. } Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 461

500 feet below us were scarcely at all affected by it, and summer and winter were

reigning at the same moment on opposite sides of a mountain torrent at dis-

tances not more than a mile apart. We had evidently however fairly entered a

region whose temperature was far below what we had been accustomed to for

many years, and vegetation no less than sensation proved it; on every side we

had oaks, firs, rhododendrons, weeping cypresses and apples. At 10 in the

morning of the 8th February, while the snow was falling heavily the thermome-

ter stood at 46, and strange to say in the afternoon at 4 Pp. M. with the thermo-

meter at 420 a rapid thaw took place, and we resumed our march on the 10th to

Tasangsee the residence of a sooba in Lat. 27° 34’ 25” Long. 91° 15’ and 5290

feet above the sea.

We had now arrived near the north-eastern foot of a lofty range of moun-

tains called the Domylala, the passage of which we were told would prove

difficult as the greater portion of it lay through snow, but that we should

be able to cross it in time to obtain shelter at a village on the opposite side

before night. Under this impression we started from a halting-house on the

morning of the 15th of February at an elevation of 8000 feet above the sea, and

after ascending 1000 feet entered a snowy region, where we found every tree

heavily laden with icicles and snow, and the latter in many places so deep as to

render extreme care necessary in travelling along the narrow ledges of gneiss,

which projecting in many places from the face of the mountain afforded a very in-

secure and scarcely distinguishable path for the traveller. Here we met cedars of

considerable size, but the snow so buried all the inferior shrubs that it was almost

impossible to obtain a sight of one. We toiled up this steep and weary ascent

until 1 o'clock when we reached a ridge which proved to be 11245 feet above

the sea. This we were told was the culminating point of the range, but we

found to our cost that it was not so; we descended for some time and again

crossing numerous peaks by zig-zag paths intersected by torrents which rushed

under a superficial coating of ice, finally reached the northwest crest from

whence we looked down almost perpendicularly on the massive platforms which

formed the basis of the ponderous ridge above. This point was 12480 feet above

the sea, and we commenced the descent about 3 p. M., and here the cold became

much more severe ; the rocks were coated with ice; huge icicles hung from them

in every direction, and yet the thermometor stood 2° above the freezing point*.

At halfpast four we reached an open platform sloping gradually to the westward,

and then pushed on through a succession of ravines expecting every moment to

arrive at the promised village where we were to obtain rest and refreshment.

The increasing darkness and difficulty of the road rendered advance every minute

more impracticable and we were at last so completely involved in darkness that

it was quite impracticable to advance further, no trace of a path being percep-

tible, and we determined to retrace our steps to an open spot in the rear rather

more free of snow than any around us. We did not reach this halting-place

until past 8 o’clock, when we contrived to make an old tree contribute to our

comfort by converting some of its branches into fire-wood; and passed the

night in the open air surrounded by snow at an elevation of 9600 feet above the

sea. Brake and myself with three or four servauts were the only persons

who reached this spot. GrirritH had halted a little behind us and the

people of the camp were scattered over a line of about 3 miles in length,

extending from the foot of the descent to the entrance of the ravines. The

village we did not reach until past 10 o’clock the following morning, and

several of the Bhuteeahs with the baggage did mot arrive until two days

afterwards.

In crossing this lofty range several of the party suffered from vertigo,

sickness and difficulty of breathing, and even much lower down the highly rarifi-

ed state of the air was proved by the faint report of our guns. We had fortunate-

ly a perfectly calm atmosphere while effectiug this arduous passage or the con-

sequences might have proved most serious to many of our followers, none of whom

had ever before been so exposed. Linge the village at which we halted for two

days, is 6330 feet above the sea, so that in this march we had ascended three

thousand and descended nearly six thousand feet, ina distance of 19 miles,

* See the explanation of this apparent anomaly J. A. 8. Vol. V.. 427.—Eb.

3M 2

462 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [May,

Our next march was to Lengloang the residence of a sooba in Lat. 279 29’ 13”

(our extreme northern limit thus far) Long. 91° 3’ 45” and 4523 feet above the

sea. These residences of the soobas are all built on the summit of a projecting

spur from some contiguous range, with a stream flowing on either side from the

superior heights. The edifice generaHy consists of a series of buildings erected

without any particular attention to form, the sole object being apparently to

make the most of the very scanty ground adapted to building on the sloping face

of a narrow ridge, and the filth that reigns in these ‘‘ baronial castles’? is greater

than you could possibly imagine, but admirably adapted for the residence of the

disgustingly dirty race that inhabits them. 1 have never in all my wanderings

met with a people so radically filthy in all their habits. After leaving Lenglong ~

we travelled two days through a more open and better cultivated tract of country.

than we had previously seen, the fields being all terraced and the face of the hills

less precipitous. .

On the third day however we again left this comparatively civilized portion

of Bootan and struggled amidst snow and ice to obtain the massive flank of

the Roodoola range of mountains, which like that crossed on the 15th, was

covered with snow from its summit down to about 4000 feet above the sea,

when the first traces began to appear. We halted for the night of the 25th

of February, in a miserable hovel at a place called Peiree 9700 feet above the sea,

surrounded on every side by snow, and with the formidable ridge of the Roodoola

towering full 4000 feet above us. The snow had recently fallen and we suffered

extremely from its want of compactness on the following morning, when we com-

menced climbing the zig-zag path which led to the ridge; the path was in

many instances, where it was carried round the mural side of a peak, entirely

formed by narrow slabs of gneiss oaly a few inches broad, forming under the

most favourable circumstances but an insecure footing, and covered as they now

were with snow from two to four feet deep it required the utmost caution to |

avoid falling over the precipices into the abyss which yawned below. At one spot

we had nearly lost our ponies which did go over, but were saved by strong halters

which had been secured to them in anticipation of the accident. Two years ago

in this same month (February) five Bhuteeahs were lost at this formidable pass;

they fell over the precipice, were buried in the snow, and their bodies discovered

in the summer when it had melted. A narrow defile between two peaks of gneiss

which rise about 500 feet above the path brought us to the spot from which the

rangederives its name of Roodoola, and this proved to be 12335 feet above the sea

level. We ascended about 300 feet higher and then commenced a rapid descent

through cedar and fir forests to a mountain valley called Boomdunglung 8670

feet above the sea; one of the most attractive spots we had seen in Bootan, surs

rounded on every side by mountains covered with snow, which gradually disap-

peared as it reached the elevation of the valley. Here we shot magpies, larks,

curlews, a quail, a duck, saruses, and some others which we had not before met

with. We have since passed through two more of these alpine valleys, those of Jugur

aud Jaresah which are respectively 8150 and 9400 feet above the sea, We were

at these places on the 5th instant, when the scanty wheat crops were barely above

the ground, while here at an elevation of 6500 feet, and only three geographical

miles further south, the wheat is in ear, but promising a miserable return. These

three valleys are the only ones we have yet met with since entering the hills, they

are watered by streams of remarkable transparency, and the heights around them

are either composed of gneiss, or a talcose slate in a state of rapid decomposi-

tion.

We have now entered apparently a more temperate region, though the wea-

ther is bleak and unpleasantly cold at times. We hope to start for Punakah

in a day or two, whichis not more than five marches distant. It is strange

that every Bhuteeah who has been asked points to the southward of west

as the division of Punakah while TunNeR in his map givea its Latitude at 27957’

about 27% miles to the northward of this: is it possible that he can have madesuch

amistake ? I think not; but I hope soon to be satisfied on this point. Commu-

nication can be held with Goalparrah from hence in 8 days, and I am preparing

my dispatches to send off as soon as I have an opportunity. There has been a

rebellion in the country ; the Deb who guided the helm of the state when I left

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 463.

Calcutta has been thrown overboard and another king Log now sits in his place

to be kicked after his predecessor whenever an ambitious aspirant after regal

honours can collect half a dozen musquets and five or six ounces of gunpowder.

The sanguinary contest has been waging for seven months, and the list of killed

and wounded from all I can learn might be included in a nutshell ; fighting is

not their vice, but filthiness in person, dress and house is. The former Tingso

Pile has been deposed and a successor arrived three days ago to take charge of

the building which they have chosen to call a fort or castle. I am collecting all

the information I can, but the Bhuteeahs are not very communicative, and money

here as elsewhere is the only key to their knowledge box.’’

| Astronomy.

Dr. McCrietuanp called the attention of the members tothe following

curious astronomical phenomenon, made known to him by a letter from

Sir J. W. HersHent, dated Cape of Good Hope, 13th January, 1838.

‘* We are treated here with one of the rarest and most remarkable of astrono-

mical phenomena, viz. the sudden and unexpected accession of brightness, by

which a well known star of the second magnitude, 7 in the constellation Argo

has within these two months grown to surpass all the stars of the first magnitude

except Sirius, Canopus, and a Centauri; to the latter of which it is now nearly if

not fully equal. During four years that I have been continually observing this

star I never had the smallest ground for suspecting it to be variable: nor has it

ever before so far as I am aware been noticed otherwise than as a large star of

the second magnitude. J am watching the progress and phases of this singular

phonomenon as you may suppose with great interest, and only regret that my ap-

proaching departure for Europe will probably oblige me to trust to the reports

of others for its ultimate event.”’

Dr. McCuexuanp stated that he had written to Mr. Tayntorthe Madras

astronomer on the suaject, as the star might better be observed from his

observatory than at Calcutta.

Botany.

The following inquiry regarding the gamboge tree was submitted for

solution to such members as might be best situated for its investigation,

by Dr. J. Grant Matcotmson of the Madras Medical Service, now in

Europe, in a letter to the Secretary.

N. Britain, December 7th, 1837.

‘‘T venture to renew a correspondence with which I have occasionally trou-

bled you, at the request of Professor GRAHAM of Edinburgh. You are aware

of the investigations he and Dr. Curistison have lately been engaged on, in

reference to the gamboge tree, about which so many erroneous opinions have

been received. I had collected some specimens from the gamboge tree near

Rangoon, and the leaves and branches were found by Royxz and myself to

differ from any in the India House collections ; and Mr. Brown having compar-

ed them with the specimens of LouveiRo’s plant from Siam in the British Mu-

seum, found it to resemble it very much, but to be apparently of a different

species, the leaves being much softer and more pointed. The tree was in full

fruitin May and I did not see the flowers: unfortunately the fruit I had

preserved in spirits and sent home, never reached their destination. I consider-

ed the tree to be the Guaicuma gambogia of Pensoon, but it is not necessary to

detain you with any account of it, as any of your readers who may be able to

supply Dr. Grawam with specimens will have no difficulty of obtaining the in-

formation onthe spot. The trees I saw had been wounded, and much fine gam-

boge had run down the trunk. Leaves, fruit, flowers, and sufiiciency of the

gamboge (with bark), for experiment, are desired. Tne following extract trom Dr.

Granam’s letter will explain this: ‘Louverro’s gamboge tree he believes to be

_ the same with that of Burman (the Ceylon plant), in which he is certainly wrong-

He calls it Gambogia gutta, and describes it thus: Tree large, with spreading

branches, leaves broad, lanceolate, quite eutire, flat, thick, scattered, petiolate,

small. Flowers saffron-colored, terminal, on many flowered pedungles. Calyx

of four leaflets : leaflets sub-rotund, concave, spreading. Corolla of 4 petals,

464 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. / [May,

ovato-oblong, unguiculate, spreading. Stamina numerous, inserted into tke

receptacle. Stigma sessile, many cleft. Berry sub-rotund, 8-angled, 8-locular,

loculaments monospermous: seed oblong ovate. Skin yellow, thin and smooth,

pulp yellow, -succulent, sweet, eatable. Size of the fruit 2 inches (he does not

say whether in length, breadth, or circumference). He adds, that it is frequent in

the woods of Cochin-China, and more so in Siam and Cambodia. I do hope that

this account will enable you to procure for me, specimens of the plant in flower

and fruit and of the gamboge obtained from it. It would appear that the flowers

are hermaphrodite, but possibly this may be a mistake, and it would therefore

be very important that this point should be examined. I have now ascertained

not only that the Ceylon tree has flowers of distinct sex, but that the different

sexes grow upon different plants. It is very possible that Louverro’s plant has

the several organs arranged in the same way, but the female flower looks as if it

were hermaphrodite, having always several abortive stamens round the germen,

Have the kindness to-beg that the fruit may be sent either in spirits or ina

saturated solution of salt in water,’ thatthe history ofthis important drug would

be cleared up*. Thus there are evidently two plants, one in Ava, the other to the

east of that country, and both should be procured.’’

Dr. Matcoumson, in the letter above quoted, gives the following infor-.

mation on the fossil shells of the Nerbudda basalt.

‘¢ T have drawn up a paper on the Nagpore fossils, of which Mr. Somersy has

furnished me with beautiful drawings. Al/ the shells are lacusterme, and render

it probable that the great basaltic eruptions between the Nerbudda and Goda-

very and south of that river, took place in the ¢ertiary epoch. The genera are

Unio-Melania, Physa, Limnea, Paludina ;—2 species of the fresh water crustacean

called Cypris; a new gyrogonite. The whole are undescribed. The Sagar and

Jubulpoor shell is considered to be a Physa; and certainly the same as some of

those from the Deccan.”

Natural History.

A letter from Mr. Witson Saunpers (late Lieut. Beng. Engineers):

gives some particulars of the duplicates of insects from Saugor, presented

by Major Hzarsey, which will be interesting to Indian entomologists.

‘¢T have been highly delighted with your present of Indian insects, which

arrived in perfect order. The Lepidoptera are very beautiful. Among the Coleop-

tera there is a Carnonia, some undescribed Longicornes allied to Lamia, and two

or three insects of the family Chrysomelide which I believe to be new. Tie

Hymenoptera offer a fine new species of Palopeus, and an EHumenes undescribed.

The Diptera contain two new génera, which I shall take an early opportunity

of describing, the first in the family Jabanide, aad the second. belonging to.

Jephritide, the latter very distinct with a. most singular encrassated nerve at

the base of the wing. Inthe orders I do not see any thing new as yet. Our

collections are all poor in Indian insects. I am most anxious to get specimens

of the curious coleopterous genus Paurus, and of the dipterous genus Diopsis,

in order to complete a description of these tribes.”

Mr. Saunpers on the part of the Entomological Society was desirous of

exchanging its transactions against the Society’s Journal, an arrangement

the secretary as Editor said he should be proud to carry into effect.

Dr. McCxietLanp submitted the following note, with the skin of a mole

from Assam.

‘Mr. Pearson in the interesting paper inserted in the last number of the

Society’s Journal at page 359 expresses a doubt as to the existence of the mole

in India. I was favoured by Captain JENKINS of Assam, a few weeks since, with

the skin of a small animal of which he observes ‘I also send you the skin of

a mole which I believe to bea variety here ; it was obtained by Captain HANNAY.

* The Madras journal for April just published cantains Dr. Graham’s reply to

Dr. Wight, on this subject—and a note from the latter confirming the fact of He-

bradendrongambogioides being a native of Ceylon, where itis found but not abune.

dantly, in the forests. The tree is diecious.—Ep,

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 465

near Jeypore.’ The skin unquestionably belonged to an animal closely allied

in its habits to the mole, with a similar fur but of mouse grey color, and with a

minute flat naked tail scarcely projecting above the fur, and having a row of stiff

hairs on its edge.

‘‘ Unfortunately we have not the skull nor even the fore feet of this animal—two

most essential parts, but the forms of the skin together with that of a single hind

foot, the only one attached to it, seem to refer it to the genus Chrysochloris or

that to which the Cape of Good Hope mole belongs as well as the golden mole.

The hind foot of the Assam animal is naked and ftat, bearing a near resemblance

to the human hand, with long nails, hollow below, narrow, and slightly pointed at

their extremities.’’

Dr. McCieLLanp made a further communication on the subject of two

small fish from a hot spring at Pooree.

‘¢ T may notice another point of Zoological interest for which I am indebted

to Dr. GoopEveE who has favoured me with two specimens of the fish found by

Mr. CuMBERLAND to live in a hot spring at Pooree, the temperature of which

is 112° Fakr. The subject was mentioned by Dr. Goopeve at the last meeting

of the Medical Society, but as we hear much more extraordinary things of fishes

than this it excited but little interest. Our Secretary Mr. J. Prinsep for instance

found one in his pluviometer that must have descended from the clouds. Hum-

BOLDT and Bonevanp found fishes thrown up alive from the bottom of a volcano

in the course of its explosions along with water and heated vapour only two degrees

under the boiling point; had this observation been made on the top of Chim-

borazo the boiling point might have been as low as the temperature of the hot

spring at Pooree, but GARRELL removes all uncertainty by stating the temperature

to have been 2102 Fahr. and it was stated at the Medical Society by Dr. O’-

Shaughnessy, on the authority of a writer in Blackwood, that fish live comfortably

in the Geysers—the boiling springs of Iceland, whose waters we should recollect

though only boiling at the surface, are supposed at greater depths to be suffi-

ciently hot to dissolve flint and hold it in solution.

‘* On the other hand the sucking carp, a species said to be remarkably tenaceous

of life, has been found by Dr. RicHarpson frozen in the ice of the northera

seas, apparently dead, but when the ice is thawed the fish avails itself of its liberty

as if nothing had happened to it. A similar fact has also been observed by Mr.

Jnsse with reference to the gold-fish, and in northern parts of Europe Mr.

GARRELL informs us that perch and eels are conveniently transported in a frozen

state from place to place without destroying life.

‘* With such an utter defiance of temperature as these facts prove the living

principle in fishes to be capable of exercising, there is nothing wonderful in our

finding fish in the hot spring at Pooree; there is this interest however in it, that

the fish belongs to a new genus of which we have some 10 or 12 species in India

all carnivorous, so that its presence implies the existence of other living things

in the hot spring in addition to its own kind.’’

The Secretary ventured to add to the foregoing a circumstance recently under

his own observation. The tank or reservoir connected with the mint steam

engines is well stored with the ri machii. During the late hot season the tem-

perature of this tank has risen to 104° ‘or 105° Fahr. from the constant working

of the engines; but this degree of heat seemed to incommode the fish consi-

derably, for they actually threw themselves on the banks as if to avoid it and

_ were caught by hand on tie margin of the tank.’’

Lieut. N. Vicary, on his return from New South Wales, presented

various objects for the museum, thus described in the curator’s notice.

1. Theskin of the Echidna Histrix, (DesM.) or spiny Echidna, Myrmecophaga

acuata, SHAW, the aculeated ant-eater of Australia, since stuffed and mounted

for the museum.

Being the only example of this singular animal at present in the musuem it

may be considered a valuable acquisition to the Society’s cabivet.

2. Skin of a small Platapus, Ornithorhynchus parodoxus, (BLuM.) which has

also been prepared and mounted. Of these animals there are now three good spe-

cimens in the museum all of the same species.

466 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (May;

3. Detached bones of a kangaroo, Kangurus labiatus.

There being neither a stuffed specimen, or a skeleton of a kangaroo inthe -

Society’s collection it is to be regretted that the bones presented by Lieut Vica-

RY, in belonging to a young animal.and being defective in number, are unfit

for articulation.

4. Portion of the stem of Alsophila Australis, the tree fern of the blue moun-

tains, which bears a strong resemblance to the fossils depicted in Buckland.

5. Flower of enthorr@a hastilis, the grass tree of the colonists.

6. Cidaris —————? a species of Echinus.

7. Birds. The nonpareil parrot platycorus ewimius, (Vie.) - Kingfisher;

Alcedo —————-? and white-headed Grosbeak, Lowia leucocephala, which owing

to their injured state cannot be preserved.,

The following were presented by Mr. Evans the curator.

Upper jaw of a small fish.

A preparation showing the ring of bony plates surrounding the eye of the

large horned owl of India. Asio bubo.

Preparation of the eye of the ringtailed eagle ;

Showing an analogous formation, only in a minor degree. These bony rings

composed of a series of plates admit of a limited motion, by moving on each

other and by which mechanical means these birds most probably have the power

of regulating the convexity of the cornea so as to vary the extent or intensity of

vision according to their habits and necessities.

Specimens of the following stuffed birds, were presented by Lieutenant

Monrriou, Indian Navy ; Perdix Francolinus, Lata. Francoline Partridge.

Perdix Asiatica, Laru. Asiatic Partridge, and Coturnia Pintah, (SyxKzs,)

mountain quail of the Dukhun.

The scapule, ossa humeri and two vertebre of a whale, (query) Balena

Australis, or Cacholot Macrocephalus.

Lieut. Fraser, Engineers, presented through Dr. McCuenianp, a speci-

men of rock-salt found in digging a well at how.

‘¢ Lieut. Hoveson of the artillery stationed at Mhow, when recently engaged in

sinking a well in his compound at that station on a high spot of ground composed

of two ordinary black soil of Malwa, found at a depth of 33 feet aninsulated mass

of rock-salt, the size of two fists, imbedded in trap rock which appears too much

cracked and broken so as to render it easily separated with the pick; mixed with

this brecciated rock there is a considerable quantity of carbonate of soda.”’

Lieut. Fraser inguires ‘‘ whether that mineral be usually found in detached

masses, and whether there be a prospect of finding it in more important quanti-

ties at Mhow or the vicinity.

‘* Salt springs are common in volcanic countries such as Mhow would seem to

be, and itis possible that the crystal may have been thus formed by infiltration

of brine into the natural cells of the basalt; but the salt lakesin the valleys along

the northern base of the table-land of Malwa, render it probable that extensive

deposits of the salt formation may exist in central India.”’

Colonel Macxeop presented a fresh rolled fragment of lignite from the

fort boring, depth 4644 feet. ;

‘Tt exactly resembled some of the Cuttack specimens, or burnt charcoal, on one

surface. Since then a lump of decayed wood has been brought up, rounded on the

edges as if rolled in a stream, but not in the least carbonized; just such as is

met with in the Sundarban alluvium.’’

Dr. McLxon; Inspector General of H. M. Hospitals, forwarded specimens

of the rocks found at Simla.

1. ‘* Granite from the Choor mountain, 13,000 feet alt.

2, 3, 15, 16 ditto, lower down the same mountain.

4, 6, quartz; 5, 7, mica; 8, 9, 10, micaceous schist; 11, iron stone melted

by the natives; 12, puddingstone ; 13, breccia from a stream; 14, decomposed

quartz; 17, stalactite from Maséri.”

Captain McLeon, forwarded some bottles of water and minerals from a

hot spring up the Palouk river (Jergui) lately visited by him.

‘‘ The springs are situated up the Palouk river, which takes its rise on the

OT Pes bi he

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. A67

western side of a high range of mountains, running along the western or right

bank of the Tenasserim river. At its mouth, which is in about 13° 9’N. Lat.

and 98° 43’ E. Long. and about 50 miles from Mergui ; it is about 700

feet, but narrows higher up towards the village of Palowk in 12° 16” N. Lat.

and 99° 8’ N. Long. Soon after passing the village it becomes in places

very shallow, and a succession of rapids and falls are met. Having ascended

as far as 1 could in a small canoe, which was dragged over rapids, I performed

the latter part of the journey by land, in consequence of the river becoming too

shallow and the rapids or falls getting stronger and steeper. In returning how-

ever I descended the stream the whole way on a small bamboo raft, ‘and the

highest fall I encountered was about 33 or 4 feet.

‘‘ The hills which from Palowk range along the sides of the river, are by no means

high, but covered with thick jungal and high trees.

‘‘There are two spots where the springs shew themselves, one immediately on

the right bank of the river, (which is here about 100 feet wide,) with some in the

river itself, and the other about two or three minutes walk to the northward in-

land. Over and around the former ones, a mound of circular stones (No. 1.) of

various sizes, (the largest about four or five miles in diameter,) was caked together

with hardened clay, bearing the appearance of stone. The whole of this mound

had externally a blackish appearance, and in some places, small circular basons

had been found by springs now dry.

‘¢ All the Springs now discharging are close to the waters edge or in the water ;

they issue from under the rocks, through a sandy bottom. The orifices are very

small, and not above two inches deep. The thermometer being dipped in the

hottest rose to 196° Fahr. The water from these was put into the small bottle

(No. 1.) Their height above the sea I estimate about two hundred feet.

‘‘The second springs a little inland, are larger and deeper. They are situated

in a small open space; there must be about thirty or forty bubbling up along a

line of about fifty feet by twenty, the largest being at the northern extremity. I

took the water from the two largest springs, one about three and a half feet deep

and two feet in diameter, and the other about half the size. In both of these

(from which the other two bottles of water were taken), the thermometer indicated

a heat of 194° Fahr. The ground at the bottom is of a dark shining color; here

and there resembling the color of brickdust. The trees and grass grow luxu-

riantly around, and in the open space the marks of hog, deer, &c. are seen;

the natives say some of the animals come to enjoy a draught of the water.

‘‘The springs are in about 13° 20’ N. Lat. and 90° 19’ E. Long. Though

vapours rise from the springs no disagreeable smell pervaded the atmosphere,

nor had the water a very disagreeable taste.

‘There are other springs about ten or twelve miles in a N. N. W. direction

from these, at a place called Pé. There is nothing in this neighbourhood that

I am aware of, indicating volcanic agency. Some very lofty, abrupt and

broken peaks of considerable height are seen to the N. E. but many miles dis-

tant. The other hills however are regular in their formations, &c. I visited

these springs in November, 1836 :—on that occasion I only took water from the

last mentioned springs, not being able to get at the spring, as I did this time by

means of bamboos formed into a small bridge ; I was obliged to attach the thermo-

meter to the end of a long rod by a piece of string, and thus dipped the thermo-

meter into the spring. The instrument at tbe end of the stick swung about like

a fish at the end of a line, I therefore concluded that the thermometer must

have fallen several degrees before it reached my hands.”’

Professor O’Suaueunessy noted a curious fact connected with the late

whirlwind.

‘* One of the pupils of the Medical College had seen fall near Dum-Dum a large

mass of what he considered to be hail, but finding that it did not melt he took

it to the college and it proved to be alump of pure salt. Dr. O’S. does not

think from its appearance that it was manufactured salt, and if as suggested in

a note published this month it was carried up from the Baliaghat salt works,

it had evidently travelled northward against the wind.’’

Colonel Sracy submitted for determination of its nature a fossil bone

of a large animal fossilized with lime—also for inspection some beautiful

drawings by his native artist of many sections of fossil teeth made under

his directions.

X.— Meteorological Register.

468

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JOURNAL

THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

No. 78.—June, 1838.

I.—Second Report on the Examination and Restoration of the Mac- |

kenzie Manuscripts. By the Reverend Witu1AM TayLor.

[Concluded from page 414. ]

Manuscript Book, No. 5, Countermark 759.

Section 1.—Account of the Zemindar of Emakalapuram, in the Din-

| digul district, of the Coimbatore province.

(Stated to be copied from an original palm-leaf account.)

During the rule of the rayer in Cal. yug. 4520 Sal. Sac. 1341, my

ancestors were of the Caémavar tribe ;and CamuLacaA NayAKER lived

_at Devinampatnam, near Cuddalore, being head-man of the district.

At that time the rayer had an unmanageable horse, which no one could

govern till the aforesaid CamuLaca, going to the capital, taught the

keepers how to control the animal; and, himself mounting the horse

rode out with it for three days together, in the most unfrequented

places and brought it back before the rayer on the fourth day, perfect-

ly quiet. The rayer was so well pleased, that he gave the head-man

the title of the horse, adding other titles, and distinctive banners; and

relinquished the district at Cuddalore to him in free gift, therewith

dismissing him. At the time when VisvanaTHA NayAKER was sent

to take possession of the Pandiya kingdom, the aforesaid CAMULACA

was ordered to accompany him, and afford aid. The household god of

Camutaca became an image at Emakalapuram, where he settled.

He received orders from VisvanaTHA NayAKeEr to furnish a quota of

troops, towards the charge and defence of the fort of Madura. Some

disagreement occurring between Kuiasr'cara and VIsvANATHA, the

latter ordered the Eimakalupuram chief to go against the former,

which he did ; and after much fighting the former laid an ambush, ‘so

that CamuLaca NayakeEr was shot, as he was advancing with his peo-.

470 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. . [JUNE

ple. VisvanaTHA had the funeral rites performed. His son was

ANANTAPA NAYAK; who, in consideration of the manner of his

father’s death, received additional distinctions, and some villages in

free grant, from VisvANATHA Nayaker. At the time when the

seventy-two chiefs each had a bastion of the Madura fort confided to

him, this chief was appointed to the seventh bastion. He died after a

chieftainship of thirty years. CamuLaca Nayaxker, his son, succeeded

and ruled thirty-five years; he fulfilled his appointed duties, but with-

out any thing special occurring. His son was LAQuMaya NayYAKER,

and, as in the last case, died after a rule of seventeen years. ANAN-

TAPA NAYAKER, his son, governed seventy-five years and died. Ca-

MULACA NAYAKER, his son died after a rule of twenty-seven years.

His son) LAGuMAYA NAYAKER «cr... ses isevesscvesssjs oes ees VOREBs

7. VANANTAPA NAVARRE, Uae si2 os se oe eo oes

8. CamuLacaA NAYAKER, ...... ae SITE DM, RRA oe

9. Laaqumaysa Nayakrr, ... . a, : ae

Thus far there was a regular descent from eae ta son, ties their

own lands, without paying tax or tribute. ANANTAPA, the son of Laqu=

MAYA, ruled at the time when the Mysore ruler at Sering-apatam con-

quered the Dindtgul province ; when a tribute was imposed of one

hundred huns. ANanTAPA ruled twenty years. His son CamMuLACA

NayAKER, in the time of Hyper saurs, had an additional tax of fifty

imposed; paying anuvally one hundred and fifty huns; and ruled

twenty-one years. His son was ANANTAPA Nayak. In the time of

Meer saunis, his Amil, named Syep sanis, doubled the tribute ;

making it in all 300 huns; I myself Laqumaya NayAKeEr, who am

his son, for some years had the lands without tribute. Subsequent to

the rule of the Honorable Company over the Dindigul province Mr.

Commissioner McLeop fixed my tribute at four hundred and fifty huns,

It was afterwards raised to one thousand six hundred and twenty huns,

which was paid during eight years. Afterwards, in consequence of not

paying the tribute, the Honorable Company assumed the district and

my petition is that the Honorable Company will shew me favor and

protect me.

Section 2.—Account of the zemindars of Dottiya fort.

(Copied from a palm-leaf account.)

At the time when the padshah came against the rayer, before the

capital was taken, the rayer sent red garments out; with the message,

that so many as were willing to leave their families should put on those

garments, and prepare for war. My ancestor MacaLta Nayaker of

the Penjavalla tribe, with his people, assembled and, after defeating

SAR

“ps

“ae se

ER Le RG Ma et PEE es oS FIRES

1838.) Zemindars of Dottiya fort. 471

the invaders, came to the rayer’s presence. The rayer, being greatly

‘pleased, honored him with various insignia of favor; and directed my

ancestors to build a fort 30 miles due west of Madura ;: in consequence

of which a mud fort named Dottiya-céttat was formed. Two of the

tribe were BomMana Nayaxer the elder, and Betratu Nayaker;

the eldest governed for twelve years. The second in succession

Bettatu Nayaker cleared away some waste lands. But as he was

very young, and the country was that of the Kallar caste, he did not

find himself at ease there. At that time Vira SeGara CHoLAN having

invaded the country of CHanpRA SeGaRA PanpDIyAN, the latter, be-

ing unable to resist, went to the rayer; who sent with him Nacama

NAyYAKER to reinstate him in his possessions. Brttatu NAYAKER

accompanied the pandiyan to the rayer ; expecting, if the pandiyan were

restored, that his own district would be secured to himself. But in

consequence of CuanprRa SzGara having only five illegimate sons, he

made over his kingdom to VisvANATHA Nayaker; and BerTaLu

Nayaker derived no benefit from waiting on CHANDRA SEGARA. At

a later period, when VisvaNATHA NayakeER, in conjunction with

AriyA NatHa Murua .iar, had fixed appointments to bastions of the

fort, in reply to a petition my ancestors were confirmed in the posses-

sion of the Dotéiya fort and lands. Subsequently, when the king went

to fight against Kayattattur fort, Berratu Nayaker was appointed

to guard the royal tent ; for his service on which occasion, he received

some acknowledgments. A tribute was fixed of one hundred chacrams.

He ruled thirty-five years. His sons were, BomMaLu NayAKeER, the

eldest, Cutnpuma NayakeER the younger. BomMaLu was the third

in succession, and ruled twenty-two years. The fourth in succession

was Bertatu NayakeEr, who ruled thirty-eight years. His tribute was

158 chacrams ; 5th, BommaLu Nayaker ruled 20 years, paid 150 cha-

crams; 6th, Bettatu Nayaxker, 27 years, paid 150 chacrams ; 7th,

Macara Nayaker, 26 years, paid 200 chacrams ; Sth, CHINDUMA

| Nayaksr, 27 years, paid 200 chacrams ; 9th, BetTALu NAyaker. In

his time RAMaParyan general of FirumaLa Nayaker, being about

to proceed against the Sethupathi, called for the said Betratu Na-

yaKer, and gave him orders to construct, with his people, a bridge at

the straits of Pamban ; which bridge was built with great labour, so that

the entire army passed over to the island of Ramésvaram, and, the

Sethupathi being conquered, BerraLu NayAKER received honorable

notice for the great trouble which had fallen to his share. He ruled 50

years.

3N 2

472 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

The 10th, Bommatu Nayaker, younger brother of the preceding,

ruled thirty years, paying 300 chacrams as tribute. His son Macaa

NaYAkeEr, was called on to attend Caoxa Natua Nayaker in the

war against Visaya Racuava of Tanjore; and received a front wound

in that war. He ruled 25 years, paying 300 chacrams. The 12th in

succession was Berratu Nayaxer, whoruled 24 years, paying 300

chacrams; 18th, Bommatu Nayaker ruled 27 years, paid 500 chae-

rams; 14th, Berratu Nayaxer ruled 13 years, paid 500 chacrams.

This tribute was paid to Meer sahib.

15th, Bawa a toy INAS Area els siecines opchogsye. ste cp mnsletiecnce aes

16th, Bommatu- Nayvaxer was his younger brother. In the time of

Syep sahib he paid 700 chacrams. In the time of Commissioner

McLezop an additional hundred was imposed ; in all 800 ehacrams. In

the time of Mr. Wynca the same. In the time of Mr. Hurpts the same.

After the measurement by survey the tribute was raised to one thou-

sand two hundred and fifty-six chacrams. ‘The country in consequence

becoming ruined he sold his personal effects, the proceeds of which

were paid into the court of the collector, Mr. Gzorcz Parisu. He

ruled 40 years. The 17th in succession, is myself Cuinnata Naya-

KER, and paying my tribute into the treasury of the collector Mr.

Rous Perer, I continue to obey the orders of the Honorable Company.

Section 3.—Account of the zemindars of Tuvasimadu, in the Dindi-

gul district.

(Copied from a palm-leaf manuscript. )

Before our ancestors came to the possession of this Pdlliyam (feudal

estate) they were resident in the province of G'ooty. In consequence

of the Muhammadans demanding our women, we abandoned jewels and

other property, and came to the Pandiya country in the south. Being

impeded by a deep and rapid river, we applied to our gods, when a

punga* tree was caused to incline over the river, so as to enable us by

its means to cross over to the southern side. Being followed by the

Muhammadans to whom we had refused to give wives, the tree, before

they came up, recovered its usual position, so that being unable to cross

the river, they returned. The whole of the emigrating body proceeded

till they came to a small hill, to the north-west of Madura; at the

foot of which they took up their encampment. CHorata Nayak the

head-man, placed a light (in token of divine homage) and continued

day and night in severe penance ; directed to his tutelary god. The

latter visibly appeared, and directed him, as the reward of his penance,

* Caja galedupa, Rumputus. Dalbergia arborea, WitLD. Kurrunja, Sans.

AInsLiz.—Mat. Med. Ind.

1838. ] Zemindars of Pattiya pa Nayaker, 473

to clear the country around ; to take it in possession, and to build a town

on the spot, where he had performed penance, to be called in comme-

moration of that penance, Zavasu-medu (or the hill of penance).

Subsequently during the disagreement between NAcama Nayaxar and

Cuanpra Seeara Panpiyan, the former, while proceeding by way of

Dindigul towards Pyney to visit the shrine at the latter place, was

taken ill; in consequence of which it occurred to him, that if he called

the aforesaid penitential’ head-man, this person would be able to cure

the disease. Being sent for, he came ; and, putting Veputhe (or sacred

ashes) upon the patient, cured him. In consequence N&cama Naya-

KER gave him permission to clear away land, build a town, and call

the place Zavasu-madu, therewith dismissing him. At a subsequent

period when VisvsnatHa NAYAKER and Artya Natrwa Murtnatiar

went to fight against Kayattattur, they called Cuorata Nayax and he

was appointed to guard the viceroy’s tent. CHoraua Nayak fell in the

battle. The second chief, son of the former, was named Racuu Rama

Cuorata Nayax. He ruled 42 years. The third son of the last, and

bearing the same name, had charge of one of the bastions of the fort of

Madura, and ruled 49 years ; 4th, of the same name ruled 50 years ;

5th, same name, 2 years; 6th, Pona SAmt Cuorata Nayak, 10 years ;

7th, Raghu Rama Cuotaua Nayak son of the last, was called upon to

accompany Rama Paryan in the war against the Sethupathi, during

the time of TrrumaLa Nayaxer of Madura; and on the return from

that expedition, was dismissed with presents. He ruled 42 years.

8th, Cuoraua Nayaxer ruled 40 years; 9th, Raghu Rama Cuorana

Nayaxa was called upon to guard the tent, and to accompany the expe-

dition against Zanjore; from which returning victorious he was dis-

missed with presents ; while obeying orders from Madura he ruled 45

years ; 10th, CnoraLa Nayaxsr, 33 years ; 11th, Raghu Rama Cuo-

paLA NAYAKER 380 years ; 12th, same name, 19 years.

The whole of the preceding twelve were sons in direct succession.

With the mention of the name and rule of the twelfth, the writing ab-

ruptly concludes. 1

Section 4.—Account of the zemindars of Pairiya pa Nayaxer, of

| Dindigul district.

Our ancestors were of the Penchai district. In Sal. Sac. 1257,

Cal. yug. 4536. Watt sahib, the officer of the Delht padshah, invad-

ed the rayer’s capital, Wautanra Maxr NaYAKER was summoned ;

and going against the invaders, returned victorious ; on which account,

the rayer being pleased with his services, gave various honorary dis-

tinctions and villages in the south. He fought with the Vedars and

474 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts: (June,

Kallars of those districts ; and put them to the edge of the sword. He

ruled there 33 years. His son was named Laxaman Nayaker, who

ruled 42 years. VetrAta Maxi Nayaxer, 15 years. This same

person went to Madura, and had an interview with Cuanpra SEGARA

Pawnpryran, when his tribute was settled at one hundred chacrams. It

is then again added that he ruled 19 years, but his son is most proba

bly intended. His son was Cima Navaxen. His son was YetTaMa ~

NaAyakeEN, who ruled 23 years. His son was Pauitryapa NayaKken

who paid 100 chacrams, and ruled 41 years. This chief built a mud

fort, also a Vaishnava fane, and a porch to Ganesa. His son was

CanacuLa NayAKeER, who built an aqueduct for the better irrigation

of the lands of several villages, and ruled 38 years. His son was

Corrama NayYAKER, whoat the time when Visvanatua NAYAKER;

the son of Corrama NaGama Nayaker, came to the government of

Madura, went thither and had an interview with that viceroy; at

which interview the yearly revenue was settled at 200 chacrams, and

Cortama Nayaker returning to Allipuram ruled 38 years. His

son was Pautryapa Nayaxer. His neighbours, AmmryapA Naya-

Ker, and Vari Konpama Nayaker, wrested from him two villages ; the

former took Vechandiyiir, the other took Chettiyampatti, with its re-

servoirs of water. PautryApa Nayaxer paid 200 chaerams as tri-

bute, and ruled 41 years. His son was CHacAua Nayaxrr. A

famine arose, in consequence of which the whole tribe took refuge with

the Virupacshi Poligar. He had before wrested from them some vil-

lages, and they pledged to him. Allinagaram for sixty culams of millet,

which they were subsequently disposed to repay, requesting that plac

to be restored to them; which request was refused; CHACALA

Nayaxker ruled 21 years. His son was ANavarA NayAKer, who

paid his tribute of 200 chacrams, and ruled 27 years. His son was

Bop Nayaxer, who made several improvements for the better irriga-

tion of the villages of his district. In the time of Vencata rayer he

went to an interview with that chief at Dindigul ; and he was there

required to pay 300 chacrams as tribute; he ruled 45 years. His

son was Bommatu Nayaxer, who paid the same tribute to the same

place, and ruled 41 years. His son was Cancu1 Varapva NaYAaKgRs

‘who paid his tribute, and ruled 41 years. His son was CHACALA

Nayaxer. Mesr sahib then ruled at Dindigul, and raised the tribute

to 700 chacrams. When Syep sahib ruled, he raised the tribute to on®

thousand chacrams. CHacata Nayaxer ruled 39 years. His son

Parutyapa Nayaker succeeded, paid the same extent of tribute, and

ruled 25 years. The Dindigul province having come under the govern-

1838.] Zemindars in the Dindigul district. 475

ment of the Honorable Company, the aforesaid tribute of 1000 chac-

rams was paid during the collectorships of Messrs. McLrop, Rankin,

and Wywcn. In the time of Mr. Hurpis the same. “In the Nala

year I paid 700, and being unable to pay the other 300 my district

was assumed; and Mr. Huropis protected me, by giving me an allow-

ance of sixty rupees monthly.” The lands were surveyed by measure-

ment; and it would appear as if a committee investigated the subject in

the time of Mr. Parisu, adjusting the tribute at the rate of 561 chac-

rams. The account is written by the grandson of the beforementioned

PauyyarA Nayaxer, bearing the same name. He dates his acces-

sion in Fusly 1221; with the mention of which date the writing con-

cludes.

Section 5.—Account of the zemindars of Succampatti, in the Dindi-

gul province.

(Copied from a palm-leaf manuscript. )

The same origin from the north, the founder of the race served with

VisvanatHa Nayak against the Muhammadans, and was sent down

to the Pandiyan country. One of the chiefs fell in the struggle

against an illegitimate son of the Pandiyan. On this war there are

some things in the document worth consulting. The war against the

Sethupathi, and against Tanjore are also noticed. For the rest the

minute details much resemble the preceding.

Rageicge «bali of the zemindar of Ammaiya Nayak palliyam, in

Dindigul district.

This account is copied, it is stated, from records writen on copper,

and carefully preserved by the family. It indicates a like origin with the

other preceding chiefs from the north, and has much minuteness of de-

tail concerning the different chiefs, and some notice of the discovery of

an image, and founding of a fane, whence the chief derived his title. For

the rest the account does not contain the mention of new or command-

ing events.

Section 7.—Account of the race of Copatya Nayak, zemindar in

the Dindigul district.

The origin from the north; they were sent to the south to assist in

collecting the rayer’s tribute, they were established in the town named

after Copaiya Nayak, by Visvanatua Nayaker, and had charge of

one of the bastions of the Madura fort. Like the preceding they came

under the Mysore government, after the Mysore conquest of Dindigul

province. There is however nothing eee added to the details of

leading events before given.

emreetcenteest 8 SL.

a a

476 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

Section 8.—Account of the race of Cunapa Nayak, zemindur of

Nila-cotiai in the Dindigul district.

The account commences with the summons of the rayer, given by

sending round red garments, to raise troops to resist the Muhamma-

dans. The repulse of the first hostile manifestations of the Muham-

madans induced the rayer to present the founder of this race with va-_

rious honors and to send him down to the south. He represented that

the country was so wild, and unsettled, that he wished to have it for ten,

years free of tribute. The assumption of the Pandiya kingdom, the

war against Kayattatuy, where the five illegitimates ons of the Pandi-

yan were conquered, appear as before. The I83th chief, Cutapa NAGAMA

Nayaker, was an author; and composed the moral work entitled

Viravidudithu, (said to have been printed by a native at Madras.)

Conquest of Dindigul province by Hyper Aur mentioned. Nothing

else very particular ; except the assumption of the Padliyam.

Section 9.—Account of Carupa TAMBIRAN, zemindar of Cottai Kddu

d-duccam, in the Dindigul province.

This pdlliyam (or feudal estate), had its origin at a somewhat later.

date than the preceding ones; and was founded by a Tambiran, or one

of the class of ascetics. The account is very destitute of incident. It

is illustrative of opinions, and manners.

Section 10.—Account of the race of Bont Nayak, of the Dindigul

province.

The account commences with the destruction of Vijayanagara, by

the Muhammadans, when the ancestors of this race fled towards the

south. The first of the race purchased his estate from an ascetic, who

had before held it by a grant from one of the earlier Pdndiya kings.

In the reference made to the former possessor there would appear to be

some illustration of the hog-hunting, which figures in the Madura

Sthala purdénim, as attended with important consequences. Nothing

very special appears in the subsequent history of the various chiefs, or

possessors of the estate.

A petition to the Honorable Company to repair a certain annicut (or

water-course) follows, of no permanent consequence.

There is a copy of an inscription commemorating a grant of land from

one ConpamMa Nayak toa Brahman. Also copy of another inscrip-

tion commemorating a gift of land by Apparya Nayaker, a poligar, to

a female slave of a Vaishnava fane. ‘These three last documents are

not reckoned in the list of contents of the book ; and seem to have been

pasted in after the book had been bound up.

fad

es A te

Salt

~—_

‘tow Po

1838.) Fanes in the Dindigul district. 477

Section 11.—Account of Pertya Murruou Samiya Nayaxgr, of the

Devaram palliyam, in the Dindigul district.

The Mahratta did not pay tribute to the padshah, when the latter di-

rected the ancestor of this poligar to go against the Mahratta ; and, as

the doing so was attended with success, the padshah rewarded the

chief with honors and distinctions. The padshah passing one day near

the latter’s residence, demanded one of the females of the tribe in mar-

riage ; threatening to take away the same person by force if refused.

An evasive answer was givem; and the account abruptly breaks off.

The inference is that the tribe fled to the south, to get away from the

Muhammadans, as mentioned (Section 8rd) in the account of a forego-

ing chief.

Section 12.—The local legend of the fane of Comba-palliya-patta, in

the Coimbatore province.

A legendary account of a fane to which at first a Sudra was hiero-

phant ; but which acquiring celebrity, from some alleged cures of people

who had been blind, obtained afterwards a Brahman as officiating cere-

monialist. Except as illustrating native manners, and opinions, the

section has no special value.

Section 13.—The local legend of the fane of Ranca Nayaxsr, tm the

Devaram feudal estate.

A peasant struck against a stone, while going on‘his work, and fell ;

on which being angry he was going to break the same, by which means

it was discovered to be an emblem of Visunu ; and, a fane being built

over the stone, it became in some degree celebrated ; but falling into

decay, at the prayer of some devotee for rain, a form appeared saying,

that if the shrine were honored as it used to be then there would be rain.

Nothing further is added.

An account of Cholt mali-alagar fine, in the Devaram feudal estate.

A boy, of the ordinary people, named CarupEn, was frightened and

chased by a spectre ; which circumstance he narrated to the village peo-

ple; who, recognizing the spectre to be an appearance of ALAGAR

(VisHNu), came and saw the place, and afterwards built a fane in com-

memoration of that appearance.

Section 14.—Account of the fune of Kildtesvarer in Uttama-palhyam

of the Dindigul district.

‘A person had been accustomed to go as far as Calastri on pilgrimage ;

but, one day a form appeared, and told him it was not needful to take

3.0

—

ee a

478 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [June

so much pains in going so far ; that underneath atree, pointed out, there

was a form of the same god, which could be there worshipped. A fane

was built there; which a trader afterwards enriched by a considerable

donation, and it was enlarged and ornamented.

Section 15.—Account of the different fanes in the Uttamam-pdlliyapet

district. |

It was anciently a teak forest, visited by the five Pdndavas, = by

them considered to be an excellent country ; whence the term Uttamam

signifying “excellence.” There follows some other matter, concerning

Nila-Candesvara fane, so evidently fabulous as not to merit much at-

tention.

Copy of an inscription on the fane of Callatésvarer in Uitama-palliyam.

It is dated in the reign of MancamaAt of Madura in the Cali yuga

year 4794, and in Sal. Sac. 1415. (In the latter date there is an-error,

the figure of 4 must on the inscription itself be 6 ; as appears both by the

known period of Mancamat’s rule, and the date of the Cali yuga era

which is correct; we must by consequence read Sal. Sac. 1615.) It

- commemorates a gift of land, to the fane ; and is of no importance, as

belonging to so recent a period.

Copy of an inscription on copperplate in the same fane.

Dated Sal. Sac. 1655 in the time of Bancara TinuMALA NAYAKER.

It commemorates a gift of two pieces of land, to the said fane, in perpe-

tuity ; and those who pervert the gift, from the fane, are threatened

with the severest visitation for the crime.

The St hala purana of Pulavinesvarer svami.

The legend is very brief; among other things it appears that, the

images having been destroyed, the god appeared in a vision to a ruler,

and said that next day an ark would float down the stream, in which

would be found a female image, which must be consecrated, and placed

in the shrine. The box came down the river, having a female image,

with some citrons and other fruits; and the consecration took place.

The names of Vira Pandiyan, and of Vicrama Péndiyan, appear in the

legend, but both names may be merely titular. No mention of any

date occurs.

Memorandum of a gift of an agrahdram (or Brahman almshouse)

made by one named NaraAsapatyer. The place was called Narasapa

bhupdla Samudram. The recorded documents perished by fire.

1838. ] Legend of Pashu-mali. 479

Legend of the Surabv’hi river.

In consequence of the penance of an ascetic, Siva came to the wil-

derness, where the said ascetic resided ; who, asking that a river might

be caused to flow through that wilderness, Stva directed Surab’hi (or

Camadhenu ), the cow of the gods, to be metamorphosed into this river ;

which accordingly took place. Certain marvels occur there; and the

beating of drums, and sound of other musical instruments, are heard

there at midnight. As the river flows from a rock, so any thing which

falls into it becomes petrified.

Legend of the village called Camban.

A man selling bracelets passed by an ant-hillock at this place, where

a female stood, who asked him to affix a pair of bracelets ; while doing

so, two other arms appeared, on which two other bracelets were placed;

and she directed him to go, and get paid by Pardcrama P&npryan;

who not only complied, but built a shrine over the spot, where the god-

dess had appeared. In later days a poligar built a town near the place ;

and, at a still later period, KorHar Verma raja built a town, and a

. fort, in the neighbourhood,

Legend of a place, where a fair, or general. market of commodities,

used to be held, but long since disused. It is to the south of the last

mentioned town called Cambam, and south of the river Suraub’hi. The

legend amounts to little, or nothing ; but the situation, on the borders

of the ancient Pandiya, and Chera, countries, throws a feeble gleam of

light on the extensive commerce which anciently took place between

those countries; encouraged by the intercourse of European traders

with the western coast.

Legend of Pashu-mal, or the Cow-mountain.

A cow-herd, not finding food for his cattle, drove them to the foot

of this hill, and then ascending it, chose a cool station for rest: one

cow strayed a long way from the herd, and at a forest-pool met a hun-

gry tiger. The cow pleaded, that it wanted to go and suckle its calf, and,

after the security of an oath that it would return, the tiger permitted

it to go. The cow went for its calf, and met a snake by the way, to

whom it told the tale; it then brought its calf, and the snake to the

tiger, but the tiger, struck with such a display of veracity, refused the

meal. The cow remonstrated, in vain. At length Srv came, disguis-

ed as a Brahman, when the cow ran at him; but, evading, he disap-

peared ; and returning with Parvati, and the thirty-three crores of ce-

lestials, he gave beatitude to the cow, to its calf, and to the snake. The

mountain acquired the name of Pashu-mali. (This inane legend is

30 2

— ee

480 Analysts of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

either purely such, tasking credulity to the utmost ; or else it is a fable,

couching some other circumstances under the veil of symbols, but if so —

there is no clue to the precise meaning.)

Copy of an Inscription on the fane of Kidal Alagiya Perumal, in the

Dindigul district.

Dated in S. 8. 1591, Collam era 844; gift of land, by one named

Kuctssecara Perumat; with a strict injunction, that the gift be not

perverted to any other use, than the service of the said fane.

End of Book, No. 5, C. M. 759.

General Remark. It was not my intention to take up the accounts

of southern poligars, or local legends, at so early a period, but this book

was found to be inso pitiable a plight, from the paleness of ink, and de-

struction effected by insects, that I gave it to a copyist, quite uncertain

whether he could effect its restoration. This has however been accom-

plished; the sense being generally preserved ; though with occasional

breaks, of no great consequence.

The accounts of the southern poligars (of which the present may be

accepted as a specimen, out of many more) are useful ; chiefly in giving

a great variety of details, as to the subversion of the old Pandtyan dy-

nasty, by the power of the rayer of Vijayanagaram, and the subsequent

events of the northern rule at Madura.

The local legends, herein contained, exhibit a state of society such as

we should not imagine, without such testimonials. The precise nation-

al character, at any given period, can however only be certainly known

by such documents.

Manuscript Book, No. 21. Countermark 775.

Abridged accoumt of the Vedas, Sastras, Puranas, various temples,

and books of general literature.

1. The four Vedas and connected books. The Mimansa, and later

Védanta books.

2. The Upanishadas, 32 in number; summary explanations of

their contents, including the designation of the four leading divisions of —

castes among the Hindus.

3. Law treatises on the Manu-niti books of eighteen authors enu-

merated, some of them of great antiquity. |

4. The eighteen Purwnas, the names specified ; distinguished into

Sawa, and Vuishnava kinds.

A concise indication of the general nature of their contents.

1838. ] Account of Books of General Literature. - 481

5. The eighteen Upa-puranas, the names of them are given, The

general nature of the contents is specified.

6. The Bératham, the Rémdyanum, and some other books, contents

explained; the matter of some of them is censured, as tending to

‘bewilder mens’ minds, and sink them into gross sensuality.

Notice of some books connected with the life of Crisuna; the ad-

ventures of Naxa, and other books, of the kind of poetical, or extrava-

gant, romance. |

7. The Nétaga works, or dramas.

8. The J/Jambu class of books, or abstracts of ancient and extensive

compositions ; the said epitomes having been made by CAut-pasa, and

other poets or learned men; and being adapted to aid as a guide to an

outline acquaintance with the originals.

9. The Bana class of books. 3

These are explained to be erotic treatises, teaching the art of fasci-

nating the eye ; according to the common fable of arrows.

10. Upa-jinna, books of adventures ; these describe the great suf-

ferings of certain personages, and the happiness which followed. They

refer to HariscHANDRA; Naa; Cusaua, son of Rama; and Sita,

wife of Rama.

11. The Nigundas ; seven are mentioned. , They are of the diction-

ary kind, containing works with synonimes or explanations.

12. The Ramdyonas, or various Tamil versions of this poem ; four

are mentioned.

13. The Barathams, or versions of the Mahabharata ; various other

tales, fables, and the like kind of works.

14. Books peculiar to the Vaishnava system ; a considerable list of

these is given, thirty-eight in number; several of them have the word

mystery added to the specific name. Accordingly to the explanation,

they relate to the spiritual interpretation of the symbols employed by

the sect, or to the‘esoteric doctrines, and much of the contents apper-

tain to a future state of being.

15. The Vedanta-sastras.

The Prva mimansa of Jaimini: comments of BarrAcHARya,

Veydsa, SANCARACHARYA, and some others.

16. The Jyotisha system, or astrological works.

These blend, what we term astronomy and astrology together ; they

are ascribed to eighteen rishis, whose names were probably attached to

them by later writers. The amount of the whole is stated at four lacs

of slocas or four hundred thousand poetical stanzas, in the Grantha, or

Prdkrit, of the south,

482 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

17. Epitomes of the foregoing systems.

18. The Cal jndna systems.

These relate chiefly to magic ; with a few exceptions such as the Ba-

ratha sastra relating to dancing, and such as relate to ceremonies,

Others profess to teach such arts as flying in the air. Stupifying ene-

mies, casting arrows, neutralizing the effects of fire, and a variety of

similar matters ; the total amounts to sixty-four kinds of such arts.

19. Sthala puranas of the Chéla-desam.

Forty-six of these are mentioned, relating to various places, ite

the twenty-four Kadams, or yojanas of the Chola country ; of which the

boundaries are mentioned in the explanation; and which country is

usually estimated at two hundred and forty square miles.

20. Names of fanes in the Péndiya country, eighteen of these are

mentioned, each of them having its local puranam.

21. Local puranam of the hill country.

One only is specified.

22. Fanes in the Chéra country.

Fourteen are mentioned, each having its local legend of marvellous

circumstances.

23. Fanes of the middle country.

Two are specified, with their puranas.

24. Fanes of the Tonda country.

Conjeveram and other fanes, to the number of thirty-seven, are enu-

merated, with their puranas.

25. Local puranas of the north country.

Ayodhya is the chief ; and, connected with it, eight others are enu-

merated.

26. Miscellaneous puranas.

Eleven are mentioned ; it being added, that there are many more.

27.. Miscellaneous Jamil books.

A very long list of these books is given forming a useful index, in

connexion with the brief explanation of each which is attached: of

course the value of these works is not uniform. The particular sec-

tion of dramas is here noticed, because the list. contains several which

are formed on events mentioned in the Christian scriptures, and which

are supposed to be the productions of Roman Catholics. The list of

medical books is somewhat full. To the mention of Saiva works some-

thing expressive of condemnation is usually added.

28. Grammatical works.

Thirteen of these are mentioned ; of which in particular the Nannul,

Toledpiam, and Ténnul are well known.

1838.] Books of General literature. , 4183

29. Another list of astrological works.

The former list was of Grantha books; this of works in Tamil.

Twenty-one are specified.

80. Miscellaneous arts, mechanics, building, &c.

Art of constructing forts, houses, fanes, of settling a village, naviga-

tion, and a variety of other similar things; enumerated as taught in

thirty-six works, the names of which are given.

31. Local puranas of Saiva fanes. Sixty-three of these are speci-

fied; they are to the north of the Cavert.

32. Fanes on the south bank of the Caverz river.

One hundred and twenty-seven are enumerated, each having its S?’-

hala puranam, of which, in the brief explanation, some mention of the

origin is given ; but without specification as to each particular legend.

33. Sthala purdnams of the Pandiya country. Fourteen of these

are mentioned.

34, Hill country —One puranam.

85. Conga nad, local legends.—Seven are enumerated.

36. The fanes in the middle country. Twenty-two, with each one

its legend, are enumerated ; the productions of Appar, SunTargr and

ManicavAsacar.

37. The legends of fanes in the Zénda country : thirty-two are enu-

merated.

38. Irza nad, local legends.

By Irza nad here seems to be meant Ceylon, as the purdnam is said

to describe the Candi desa, surrounded by the sea.

39. Local legends of the north country.

Five are mentioned, Kazlasa being included.

40. Names of St’hala puranas of the Tuluva country.

Gokernam is alone mentioned.

The total of Saiva fanes, and legends, is here stated to be (ro bin-

dred and seventy-four.

Al. The A’gama sdstras.

The 28 Sawa dgamas ; the names are given; but, though a general

indication of the subjects is added. yet for fuller information a reference

is made to brahmans versed in those books.

42. Summary or recapitulation.

The contents of this summary form a rather interesting synopsis of

the various religious systems and some of their peculiarities, within

the extensive country usually denominated India.

43. Total of the books before mentioned.

A few further remarks on the distinctive classification of the various

books contained in the preceding enumeration.

484 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

Observation. The foregoing is a sort of catalogue raisonnée, although

not in logical method. The preparation of it must have demanded

considerable pains and care. I imagine that several persons must have

been engaged in its arrangement. The language is neat and correct,

wherever there is detail or explanation. Altogether it seems to be a

valuable document for occasional reference. It was written on country

paper, completely eaten through by termites, causing distinct perfora-

tions ; so as to leave some words irrecoverable or doubtful. It has

however been restored with sufficient, and satisfactory, accuracy. A

full translation might be desirable, as being adapted to present the

learned in Europe, or elsewhere, with a more complete view of the pre-

cise nature of native literature in the Zumil country, than could else-

where be obtained ; and certainly, such as no European could prepare.

Manuscript Book, No. 16. Countermark (not legible.)

Section 1.—A Malayalam book, containing an account of Kerala désam,

translated into Tamil.

This book is the Kerala Utpatti translated, as noted at the end of

the document, from the Maliyalam MS. of the late Mr. Exuis. On

comparison with the copy of the original Kerala Utpatti, in this collec-

tion, it was found that the translation was begun, not at the commence-

ment, but farther on; the omitted portion being appended at the close.

The translation also differs, a little in a few places, from the original ;

intimating some small differences in the two copies of the original. The

book (No. 16,) containing this translation, being in a greatly injured

state, arising, not as usual from insects, but from having seemingly been

exposed to damage from sea water, it claimed attention, if from this

cause alone. In consequence the whole has been re-copied ; and at the

same time the proper order of the translation restored.

Section 2.—A copy from an original manuscript in the possession of the

Lady of Cannanore in the Malayala countr ye

It is (improperly) styled the Kerala Ulpatti.

Subsequent to a certain flood, and in the Cali yuga era 3491, the

Kerala raja was crowned, at twenty-five years of age; and he ruled

sixty-three years. A list of fifteen kings, and the period of each one’s

rule is given. A prophecy of an astrologer is then introduced, in-

timating that evil days to the Kerala country would come; foreigners

would rule; the king would turn Muhammadan; and the country

adopt that religion. The birth of the child, through whom these

changes were to happen is then particularly adverted to, being the

1838. ] Chronological notice of Malayalam. 485

CueRuMAN Perumal who went to Mecca. He was 40 years old

when he went away ; and his instructions, to be observed during his

absence, are stated. He died on the return ; only his companion reach-

ed Kerala, who turned the family of CHzruman Perumat to the

Muhammadan faith; and styled the son of the late king, Sultan Mvu-

HAMMAD Att. ‘This was in Hegira 64. A list of descendants follows

with Muhammadan names, sixteen in number, and then two female rulers.

Certain feringhis (foreigners) came in the year 359 (Hegira supposed),

and fought with the Muhammadans, in the Ma/dive islands, turning some

of the people to the foreign religion ; in consequence of which, aid was

sought by the Muhammadans ; the leading men among whom came to

Cannanore in a dhoney, and an agreement being ratified, and recorded

on copper-plates, aid was sent; the foreigners were extirpated, and the

power restored to the Muhammadans. They were subject to the Can-

nanore rulers; but one or two among the island chiefs assumed inde-

pendence, leading to wars and interventions. This notice of the Maldives

is introduced as belonging to the time of Isar Bokuar in the year

455. The list of kings, down to the second of the two female

sovereigns, was before given.

Remark.—This is the most plain, matter of fact, document regard-

ing the Malayalam country which I have as yet met with. The

appended statement concerning the Maldives is exceedingly curious. It

seems to me that the whole document, which is but brief, claims full

translation ; as offering matter proper to be compared with other docu-

ments, concerning Malayalam, wherebygeneral results may be dedu-

ced.

B. MALAYALAM.

Book No. 3. Countermark 896.

Section 1.—Chronological notice of Malayalam, containing the dates

of Crisuna, of the Pandavas, and of CuzerumMAN PeruMaL.

CrisHNA was incarnate and flourished on earth for 107 years. He

lived during 94 years of the close of the Dwapara yuga, the remainder

in the Cali yuga, and was contemporary with some other connected

persons, such as DuerMa Raga, and ArsuNA: about the same time

was the era of the great war. Various dates are given connected with

the close of the Dwapara, and beginning of the Cait yuga. In the

distress which followed the great war, a brahman came to CRISHNA

and Arguna, and complained of the loss of his nine children. Crisana

was silent, but Argsuna, on learning that the brahman’s wife was preg:

3 P

486 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Junx,

nant, guaranteed the life of the child, even if necessary by himself

entering the fire, as a sacrifice to Yama, to save the life of the child.

CrisHNA rebuked Arjuna for so rash a promise, and took him to

Vaicantha, where the nine children of the brahman were found to be

comfortably seated on the lap of Lacsamr. They were brought back

to earth, on a celestial car ; and the place where this descended, called

Tiruponutara (near to Cochin) was afterwards set apart.as a holy

place, in the fifty-first day of the Cali yuga. CurisHna died in the

eleventh year of the Cali yuga ; D’HEesma Rasa died also in that year ;

with a difference between the two periods of only 25 days. In the

year 148 Padma néba svimi was established. (This is the image

worshipped in the capital of Zravancore.) Subsequently in the year

3444 Cusrumat Perumat flourished at Tiruvangi-culam (A. D. 342).

He distributed the country under various chiefs, and gave the official }

emblems of office. He died in 3508 (A. D. 406). The arrival of a ?

foreigner at Collam (Quilon ) is noted in the 425th year of the Collam A

era (A. D. 1249). Tirwmala dever svamt, was established at Cochin in |

C. E. 469. In C. E. 971 (A. D. 1795), the Vetta raja was killed by

foreigners, the Landa-para, (apparently designating the English.) ;

Remark.—tThis short paper seems to merit a full translation. q

ee Lh

Section 2.—Account of the modes of hunting in the Malayala country.

There are three modes, one that of Arjuna, one that of Ayyapen,

one that of Cdttala (or foresters). The various descriptions of people

requisite to hunting specified. Certain hunting phrases explained, and

terms which, as signals, designate the nature of the animal to be pur-

sued, and the number. Six other kinds of hunting are afterwards spe-

cified. Mythology, and a visit to heaven to fetch down four images

thence, mingled with the other matter.

Remark.—To some this section would be curious, and interesting ;

it is however of no further use than to aid in describing manners and

customs.

Section 3.—Account of agriculture in Kerala desam.

Invocations to Rama and Ganusa. The people of the land address-

“ing Parasu Rama stated that, though the land was fertile, yet that

they knew not how to cultivate it. He in consequence is represented

as giving them instructions how to proceed. ‘The first part relates to

preparation of the ground, care of oxen, and qualifications of the cul-

tivator, who must not eat flesh, nor use intoxicating liquors, nor allow

himself indulgence in sleep ; with various other details. The second

part is put into the mouth of a rishi, as deputed by Parasu Ramae

3 a

1838. ] | Regulations of the Kerala-desa. 487

It relates to choice of seed, and propitious time for sowing, in well

ploughed ground, by oxen well fed, near to places where there are

many inhabitants and where water can be obtained, as without water

the best labours will be fruitless. Other connected details.

The third part relates to manure by decayed skins, ashes, dung and

the like. The rainy season when water descends in torrents from the

mountains, to be attended to, and the streams collected into reservoirs.

The planting and cultivation of rice. The planting of cocoanut trees.

areca, palms, pepper, vines, and other trees, as productive of great

advantages. These, and similar matters, are given in detail.

The fourth part refers to the following topics. Times of beginning

agricultural labours, on reference to astrological configurations. ‘Time

of harvest ; rules as to the choice of horses, bullocks, and other cattle,

in the purchasing of them, and modes of managing or taking ¢are of

them so as to become most useful for agricultural purposes.

The four parts are in poetical language. They form a kind of brief

georgics ; not well capable of being abstracted. This paper on agri-

culture in full, might be interesting to the curious ; and would be re-

quisite in any general description of the Malayala country.

Section 4.—Regulations, (or laws of the Kerala-desa.)

Discrimination between the person of integrity, and one devoid of

truth. Qualifications for good government, and for exercising the offi-

ces of a statesman. The duty of a king to protect the four classes of

the people or the brahmans, military, merchants, and cultivators,

Local customs, and subdivisions of people. One who abuses a

brahman is to have his tongue cut out. The distance to be observed

by a Sudra in approaching higher classes ; different classes of Sudras

having different measures of distance assigned to them; rules of debtors,

loans and interest : modes of recovery in case of dishonesty. Recom-

mendation not to go to law ; but to refer the case to brahmans or other

special arbitrators.

Laws of marriage. A brahman may marry four wives, and of each

of the inferior classes in order, without crime. Law of bonds for debt,

which hold good for only twelve years ; and after that period must be

renewed in order to be valid. Laws for regulating the forming of

lands, and settling disputes which may arise thereupon, which subject

closes the document.

_ Remark.—This paper seems to be of some importance, towards any

just explanation of the great peculiarities that obtain in the Malayala

country.

3 Pp 2

488 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

Section 5.—Original account of Kerala desa.

This is the Kerala Ulpatti in the Malayala language, before ab-

stracted ; see first report Art. C. and restored MSS. vol. 1. C.

Section 6.—Biographical notice of SANCAR ACHARYA.

This notice is written in the Malayala character, and in the San-

skrit language.

It contains an account of the birth, education, and subsequent pro-

ceedings of SancarAcuarya, the great disputant; the opponent of

Ramanusa; and founder of the Adwita brahmans; whose leading

tenet is that the deity and the human soul are not two things, but one

and the same. ‘This account is written in a series of Sanskrit sldcas,

or-stanzas. There are other documents in this collection, concerning

this polemical champion, better fitted for abstracting than inflated poe-

try. This paper has received attention in a few places, where the

great paleness of the writing indicated the need of restoration. All the

remainder is in a very good state of preservation. |

Section 7.—Memorandum of Maliyalam books.

This is a brief list of books illustrating the history or manners of the

Malayalam country, with an indication as to the persons in whose

hands they may be found, one of the works referred to, is contained in

this collection, in a Tamil translation, being the document from Canna-

nore, noted at the close of the foregoing Tamil manuscripts. There is

also mention of the various rajas, or chiefs, in Malayalam at the time

when the document was written.

Section 8.—Regulations of the Malayala country, relating to laws

and manners.

This section is headed Vivahadra Samudra, and is a Sanskrit ver-

sion, in Malayala characters, of the same general subjects as those

treated of in section 4. That section is in plainand ordinary language;

hut this is in verse, and differs a little from the other; but in so far

as rules or laws are concerned, not to any material degree. Each sléca

kas an interlined Tamil translation ; apparently made with a view of

aiding the late Mr. Exxis in his inquiries, since the document bears 3

note, that a copy of it was transmitted to him. The document has

been restored, and may form a useful record for the sake of reference.

Section 9._Account of the tribe of Mapalamar, at Panniyur village,

in Malayalam, |

Answer to an inquiry by the collector in 1812, concerning the ori-

gin of the Muhammadans in Malayalam.

1838.]} Account of the Mapalamar tribe. 489

The writer, Jain Upp1n Manwup, in reply states, that in the time

of CHERUMAN PrRuUMAL a ship came from another country in which

were Jews and Nazarenes, (Christians,) together with their families,

who were permitted to settle ; that a second ship came from Arabia,

bringing Muhammadans, among whom was a sheikh, and that Cus-

RUMAN PeRUMAL inquired from him much concerning the religion and

customs of the Muhammadans; that CHERUMAN PERUMAL became a

Mussalman, and after making over his dominions to his relatives and

others, left the country; that a ship being provided, he went with the

sheikh by sea, the ship touching at various places ; and, at length, at

Mecca. It isadded that the king, residing there some time, studied

various books ; and then came back, bringing with him several teachers.

His health was not.good; and he in consequence charged those to

whom he had delivered over his power to receive and propagate the

Muhammadan religion. After his death the Muhammadan system was

disseminated in some places, and mosques were built.

Answer to the question, what are the peculiar manners and customs

of the same people as now naturalized in the country,

-The reply adverts to the cultivation of pepper, and trade in that

article, originally carried on by this people. Three feringhi ships

came to Calicut for the purpose of trading. The feringhis began

to form plantations, and to monopolize the pepper trade, demanding a

recognition of the supremacy of their flag, and allowing no vessels to

trade, except such as carried a license from themselves. Under these

circumstances application was made to the Sultan of Roum ( Constanti-

nople ?) in consequence of which three Arab vessels armed, were des-

patched. Disputes and fighting with the feringhi people followed ; the

result of which was that the Mdpalas had greater facilities for com-

merce than for a time had been allowed them.

In Hegira 904, (A. D. 1489-10,) a great man of their tribe came

from Arabia; and being on good terms with the Calicut raja, he re-

quested and obtained leave to build additional mosques in the country.

These buildings were erected, and the people, together with their reli-

gion, flourished.

At a later period the padshah took the country, and distinguished

these people, as being Muhammadan, with favors and privileges.

But from the time when the English acquired power in the country,

their privileges had not continued, and they were consequently aggrieved.

Connected with Pondni-nagara, there are sixteen mosques ; for the

maintenance of lights and other matters in which the sirkar allows

nothing.

;

490 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

The writer closes with some brief mention of his ancestors and

himself, from which it appears that they and he had been hereditary

chiefs of the Mapalas.

Section 10.—Account from Yogiyar (or religious ascetics), at the

village of Alipudumbu, in Malayalam.

The ascetics of the said village address Mr. Baser, who had direct-

ed certain queries to them, and after briefly adverting to the formation

ef the country, the location of brahmans in sixty-four villages, the

choice of a king, and privileges of the Nambirt brahmans, they pro-

ceed to state, in answer to an inquiry, as to ancient books, that the

Kerala Ulpatti exists in the common language, and that a copy of the

work in Sanskrit may be found at Codangnur, (Cranganore?) In

reply to another inquiry they state, that there are no inscriptions on

stone remaining ; to another reply as to events subsequent to Parasu

Rama, they state that Parasu Rama formed the country and located

therein the brahmans, in sixty-four villages, charging them with certain

duties and ceremonies; that these brahmans introduced CHzRUMAN

PrerumMat as king ; that CHERUMAN PERUMAL appointed other chiefs,

and subordinate divisions of government. They further state, that the

Malayalam country property extends from Gokernam in the north, to

Canya Cumari (or Cape Comorin) in the south; and they advert to

the religious foundations, and different images worshipped within the

boundaries of the country. (The whole of the reply is very concise. )

There follow a few Sanskrit slocas (stanzas) in the 4/alayalam ?

character, supplied by the chief of the beforementioned ascetics, and

simply confirmatory of the brief account given: it is not stated from

what book or record the stanzas were obtained.

Section 11.—Account of the Cottai yatta, chief of the Mapala caste,

im Malayalam.

( This title in the index of the original does not well agree with the

contents. )

Certain persons, whose names are given in reply to certain queries

from the cutcherry made in July, 1806, wrote to this effect.

There are no stone or copper inscriptions in the country concerning

ancient kings, they had learnt from their forefathers, that in the dis-

trict of Puaracu-mitil (the Wynaad country), to which their answer

refers, of old, there were no other inhabitants than Verdars (wild

hunters ), under rulers termed Verda r4ja. In those days a Cumbala

raja, proceeding from the north on a pilgrimage to a shrine named

Tirunelh, had to pass through the Wynaad country, and was taken by

1838.] Account of the Cotta yatia chief. 491

the people. Being carried before the Verdar raja he stated his rank

and object. The Verdar raja told the foreigner that he must marry

one of the daughters of the kingly tribe here, or else he would not be

suffered to depart. The stranger objected that he himself was of the

Cshetriya caste, and could not marry into the Verdar tribe ; but not-

withstanding if the latter raja would consent to the entire ceremonial

being performed according to the Cshetriya rites, that then he. would

agree to the marriage. The Verdar raja consented, and the other

then directed that himself and intended bride should be kept in sepa-

rate rooms up to a certain propitious day specified ; that meantime a

large pandal (or booth) must be erected and lined entirely with silks

and other costly materials, and the whole place must be filled with the

fruits of the nelli (Embiic myrobolan) Phyllanthus emblica —Pinn.

and tént (Terminalia bilirica.—Roxs. )

The Verdar raja was also to cause all the people, bearing arms in

his country, to assemble by that time in a certain fort. To these in-

structions the Verdar raja consented. The Cumbala raja had two

companions, one a Jidadhart, (or ascetic with matted hair,) the other a

Sudra Vellazhan ; by the instrumentality of these persons he wrote to

the king of the Curumba country, and to the Cofta raja, mentioning the

precise time fixed, and bidding them come just then with all the forces

they could command, and to enter the fort at the giving of a certain

signal by sound of trumpet. At the time of the marriage ceremonies,

musicians were appointed, the Jadadhavi being their leader, who gave

the projected signal ; when the Curuwmda and Cotta chiefs entered the

fort with their troops ; by whom the Verdar raja and the greater portion

of his people were slain: a few escaped. On coming to the place where

the Cumbala raja was confined, he told them who he was and came out

to them. The other chiefs then asked him as to the future government

of the country thus acquired. He replied that his own country was too

distant to admit of his having any thing to do with this country; and

that it was sufficient to be saved from the disgraceful marriage that had

been intended. The other two chiefs then gave him presents and com-

plimentary honors; and seeing him well attended, sent him away to

his own country. The Jadadhari received a district of land to rule

over. The before intended bride was given in marriage to one of the

Nambiya caste, who was entrusted with the government, under the

Curumba and Cotta chiefs. These next consulted how: they should

divide the country ; so as to avoid disputes. They agreed to set out in

different directions, and to make the spot, where they should meet the

boundary. This plan docs not seem to have answered ; and the Cotta

492 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. { June,

raja desired the Curumba chief to take the whole country; and should

his posterity fail, then it should come to the Cotta chief, or to his pos-

terity, and so on alternately. The Curumba chief obtained the power.

The aforesaid Jadadhari had a daughter, who married the Cota chief,

or his descendant, and transferred her hereditary possession with her-

self. Subsequently the Cotta and Curumba chiefs were at war with

each other; a state of things which was put an end to, by the country

coming under the rule of the East India Company.

The foregoing account is attested by the signature of fourteen indi-

viduals, as being that which they had received from their forefathers,

by tradition.

Remarks.—This document to say the least is curious. The Verdar

chief, the Hindu raja, and the Curwmba chief, seem to have been of

distinct races of people. The Cotta chief is understood to have been a

Hindu. The abstract above given is rather full; but the original do-

cument being copied and embodied in the second volume of restored

manuscripts, can at any time be consulted for the purpose of full trans-

lation if considered to be desirable.

Section 12.—Account of the tribe of Fiyare-jati in the Malayala

country.

A legendary account of the origin of the tribe from seven females,

descended from the world of the gods; by whom Siva, assuming, the

form of AGNESVARA, had seven sons. These seven sons were fixed

by Parasu Rama, in the land as heads of tribes. The names of the

tribes are given Their occupation is to procure the sap of the palm

tree, and deal in the fermented, or distilled liquor. One of the tribes

descended from one of the seven, named CamAtAn, having received an

insult from a Sudra man, emigrated with his clan to the Irza country ;

whence CHERUMAN PERUMAL sent to recal them, and allowed them

to revenge the insult by retaliation. They subsequently resided in the

country. They know of no stone, or copperplate inscription among

them ; but such as exist at Zvravancore.

Section 15.—Account of Parakun Mitil.

Brief notice of the arrival and settlement of a tribe of Muhamma-

dans in the neighbourhood of Calicut ; their wars with some neighbours

ing chiefs ; and the privileges and immunities which were granted to

them.

1838.) Accouut of Panniyur village. 493

Section 14.—Account of Manirxya CHENDU, a trader, a Jaina inha-

‘bitant of Calicut.

The statement is written by Manrkya, who derives his ancestry from

Gujerat where his forefathers were traders, and of the Jaina religion.

The account is very brief.

Section 15.—<Account of Musata, chief Inhabitant of Mangatambalam,

a village in the Malayala country.

A reply to questions the same as proposed to other classes of people.

They have no inscriptions. Parasu RAma formed the country into

sixty-four districts ; but did not establish any images or fanes. These

were afterwards formed by CuHERUMAN PERUMAL, and the brahmans.

In Tuluva there were 32 village districts, and 32 in Malayalam proper. |

The people of this village came originally from Rama Natha Kara.

Parasu R&ma, when he brought them hither, promised to them pro-

tection, whenever they should think of him; and then went away.

They wished to try his veracity, and called him without necessity ; on

which he testified great anger, and, saying he would not on any account

come among them again, disappeared, Legend of the origin of a fane

at Muriyur, founded on the circumstance of a stone giving out blood,

when used as a whetstone. Some particulars are given of the extent

and proceeds of the land possessed by the writer, named Musara, a

chief man and belonging to one of the six subdivisions of the Nambiri

brahmans.

Section 16.—Account of Panniyur village in the Cuta-nad district.

No inscriptions : a reference to the location of brahmans by Parasu

Rama at Rama nad (said to be near Calicut, or distant from it about

8 miles) and to local arrangements made. In reference to an inquiry

as to some disabilities to which the brahmans of this village are liable,

the reply traces up the occasion to an Agnihotra, or kind of sacrifice,

at which a king of Calicut named Samanpa refused to allow these

brahmans to assist ; and he died without offspring, in consequence of the

anger of brahmans, which he thereby incurred. There are some few

other connected details. The dates of a particular sacrifice ; of the es-

tablishment of an idol named Varaha svami, and of the ascendancy of

the Muhammadans, are given; but with some added expression of un-

certainty. In reply to another inquiry, as to the cause of the aforesaid

king’s rejection of the brahmans, an answer is given, deducing it from

their unwillingness to give up ancient rights by concessions to the raja

ef Calicut. ‘the ascendancy of the Bauddhas is noted; concerning

whom a council of brahmans was held; and a Jangama rishi's advice

3 Q

494 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. _ (June,

—

was followed. By doing homage to VARAHA SvVAMI according to the

Jangama rites, they succeeded in getting rid of their rivals and adver-

saries. CHOLA PERUMAL is mentioned as participating in the affair ;

and he was killed in consequence by a brahman, named KoxArra K<A-

RANAVA PADA, who for some short time afterwards, took on him the

management of the government : possessing an ascendancy over all other

rulers of Malayalam ; an inquiry as to the time of arrival of a Numburt

brahman, referred to in the account of that feud, and as to the time

of the Ganga coming to Malayalam, is not answered with certainty ;

but it appears, that when the sacred water came, a dispute arose be-

tween the Calicut raja and the Vella’tta raja as to which should first

bathe in it, and this dispute led to fighting, in which several of their

people, on both sides fell. Inquiry as to the legend of the fane at

Panniyur. The answer refers to PAnAsu RAma and his calling the

brahmans from Huat-cshetriyam, to come to Malayalam ; which they

refused to do, unless in that country as well as in the one where they

resided there should be a Varaha svami, and a sacred Ganga. Incon-

sequence Parasu RAmA performed penance, and effected substitutes

for both things desired; whereupon the brahmans came, settling at

Chovur and Panniyur ; between whom afterwards disputes, and fight-

ing arose. In later days the Vaishnava brahmans reside at Pannityur

and the Saiva brahmans at Chovur, being at enmity with each other.

An inquiry as to the origin of the celebration of the coming of the

Ganges once in twelve years into the tank at Pannzyur, is not met by

a direct answer; but reference is made to the rejection of an outcast

man ; who had presumed to approach at the time of the Ganges water

coming to the fane. In reply to another question some discrimination

is made between two subdivisions or classes of brahmans at Panniyur.

They do not know the cause why, a particular Zambirdn, or ascetic,

acquired celebrity.

The signatures of six Namburi brahmans are affixed to the docu-

ment in attestation of its veracity.

Section 17.—Account of Savaccudu ayirrad in the district of Hob-

halh.

No inscriptions. Replies to inquiries (possessing a close similarity

to the queries transmitted by Mr. Basen to other places), do not appear

to offer any thing specially interesting. The account, sent in, is at-

tested by the signature of three persons of the Sudra class.

Section 18.—Account of ancient matters relative to the Curumba nad.

Reference to the formation of the country by Parasu RAma and the

introduction of the brahmans. ‘These afterwards invited a king from

1838.] Kings of the Cali Yuga. 495

the Pandiya race, who was crowned on the summit of the highest moun-

tain in the country. Subsequent to the rule of seventeen kings, each

ruling twelve years, CuzRuMAN Perumat ruled as the eighteenth, and

did so for thirty-six years. He divided the country among several per-

sons, one of whom was the Curuwmba raja, who governed thirty-six ka-

dams, (or yojanas.) The race failed, and an adopted son was made chief.

Bounds of the district stated. Ata later period being troubled by the

Muhammadans, the people emigrated from the district. The English

rule was greatly welcomed.

Section 19.—Account of the tribe of Caniyara Pannikar.

In reply to an inquiry concerning their tribe they state ; that their

ancestor was a brahman and give a legend of mythological kind, to

account for the dezradation of his posterity: astrological matters are

mixed up with the legend.

General Remarks. The contents of this book, of so very varied

' value, have had a note in passing. From the seventh section tothe

end the documents are loose papers, tacked into the book and written,

for the greater part, on so fragile a material as China paper. It was

therefore judged suitable to re-copy them in a more permanent manner.

Some of the documents are not without value. They are the results of

queries circulated by Mr. Baser, perhaps at the suggestion of Colo-

nel MAcKeENZIE, as is rendered very probable, among other reasons, by

the first inquiry always being respecting inscriptions ; and it would ap-

pear that, in Malayalam, there must be a greater paucity of inscriptions,

than in other parts of India.

Professor WiLson has entered this book Des. Catal. vol. 2, page

xexi, Art. 3, giving only a transcript of the English headings of sec-

tions prefixed to the book. In Section 6, the word “originally” is not

in the said headings, and its insertion in the catalogue conveys an error.

The entry is “ History of Sankarécharya composed originally in the

Sanskrit language.’ The document is still in the Sanskrit language,

though written in the Paluyalam character.

C. TELUGU.

Palm-leaf Manuscripts.

1—Cali yuga Raja charitra or account of kings of the Cah yuga,

No. 131, Countermark 330.

This manuscript reckons, at the commencement, by the era of Yudis-

thira; the whole of which era is stated to include three thousand and

a i -four (3044) years. In this period the following kings reigned.

3Q 2

496 Analysis of the Mackenzte Manuscripts. (Jung,

Era of

Years. Yudist’hira.

Pages eden eo Be cod cikecca sich a Gennes seaman he

SATU pcs sao oh noo wesixeueal vawtaasetsccnes oa ee 90

RO APOIUIED: | 0s « oiane ous docgdeacurgceuemenneas 10 100

pA Til TANAs ois st 9.:00pne wneie es one ode 2shiie ainptieen ee 204

SUGha MANS EAA. as cacaesbnd ver oaueainvestidea cen eelioe 486

RUG cen csasdpne' Set mney dp wx cane tears Kan ee 628

Vishnu ie. EN RR AT AEE Oe 834

Chandra Guptiay <.....00-. 210 1044

VicramAaditya, (a son of Chutdea aati . 2000 3044

The era of Vicramaditya, beginning with him, eaianda 135 years.

Years. Vic. Era.

Bhoja raja,.. Bf A Me Mea Pgh

His son Phe ts ilewible),_. ashi via Ne aes ein OO ato 135

To the south of the Narmathi ( Nerbudda), river the reckoning by

the era of Vicramdditya ceased; but continued to the north of that

river. The era of Silivahana followed; containing eighteen hundred

years. In this period the following kings reigned.

Years. Sal. Sac.

Salavahaivay Zo hiva cot VAY AMOUR CRIS Be ogee

Wadhava°verings\* 24 .s¢Al led AA i 39, ee

Kotta WWevanay io wisi. Oh ee PT. ALS 2k a eee

Nila Candas... iCute ak GAR 20T ee ve ees a

Maokanthis WG AGT RA ARE, 2a ee GGT

Choda mah4 raja, and his Face... so atin Sea

Yavana Bhoja,... BARS, 21a R ER eS

His race during sight Henlaanianis sdb edt ce Reeetiee S10 em

Subsequently came RAMA DEVA-RAYALU and others. There were

from Sal. Sac. 895 three thrones, that is, the Narapati, the Gajapati

and Aswapati ; the whole of whom ruled during a period of five hun-

dred and ninety-one (591) years. The Narapati, and the rayer dynas-

ty, (of Vijayanagara,) the family names of the two dynasties being

Shampita and Calagola. The Gajapati are the Vaddi kings (of Oris-

sa), the family name of the dynasty being Mirydla. The Aswa-

pati are Muhammadans. The Ganapati ruler, (of Warankal,) named

Rupra, yielded them no obedience, and inclusive of Prara‘pa Rupra

_ and his race, a period of 160 years is reckoned down to S. S. 1505.

This race is stated to have governed fourteen principalities. The Ga-

japatt race is said to have ruled for 155 years, during which they built

many agraharas (or almshouses) for brahmans, The accountants

1838. ] Parast Rama Vijaya. 497

employed by them were of the Tamil country and the head inspectors

were Caurus (a class of Telugu) people. Both were afterwards re=:

“moved to make way for the Miyog: brahmans. This was in Sal. Sac.

1210. Subsequently six generations of the Reddivary ruled, during

one hundred years down to Sal. Sac. 1310. There follow some details

in which the concerns of the rayer dynasty and affairs of the Gajupati,

Mukanthi, and Muhammedan rulers, are much interwoven. ‘The ac-

count comes down to the grandson of ALum Swan, named AnMED

SHAH, Sal. Sec. 1672, (A. D. 1750,) after which period and down

to Sal. Sac. 1720, (A. D. 1798,) it professes ignorance,

Remark.—This manuscript of nine large-sized palm leaves fully

written is, for its size, respectable. There seem to be some anachro-

nisms, and an occasional inversion of the order in which the rulers men-

tioned governed ; and it is quite evident that too long periods are given

to individuals, especially at the commencement; but these periods are

not always to be understood as wholly occupied by the individual men-

tioned. He may be the head ofa race, or the only person of any note

during that period ; and sometimes such authors, as the present one

must be understood as doing the best they can. Upon the whole this

manuscript might deserve full translation ; the requisite checks and

comparisons to be supplied by annotation. The book is complete and

in tolerably good preservation : insects have begun to attack it ; but as

it will require to come under notice again, its restoration has been for

the present postponed.

2.—Parasu Rama Vijaya, or the Triumph of Parasu R&ma, No. 84,

Countermark 388.

Vysa'sa and VALmiIca, being in the celestial world (or Sverga-loca),

narrate to InpRA the events which occurred in the Zreta yuga, or

second age of the world; to the following purport. The chucra, or

missile weapon of. Visunu disputed with its holder, telling him that by

means of itself (the chacra) Visunu had gained his victories, over

the asuras and others. In consequence of this presumption VisHNU

condemned the chaera to be born on earth. Accordingly the chwera

came into the world as the child of Krira Viriya, but without either

legs or arms. The astrologers, being consulted, recommended the

monster's being abandoned, and exposed in the woods, or waste places.

Being so exposed, ATHISESHAN fed it with poison, considering the

case to be desperate, as if not nourished it must die ; and the case could

"be no worse if poison failed of yielding nourishment. The child surviv-

ed, and the serpent carried it toa fane of Siva, and left it there; af-

498 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Joune,

ter committing it to the-protection of Stva. By command of the god,

the brahmans belonging to the fane reared up the child. Subsequent-

ly Siva asked the lame and helpless monster what gift it wanted. It

requested five hundred hands, anda thousand legs. The petition was

granted ; and, the name of (arta Viriya Arjuna being bestowed, this

now powerful being was appointed a Chacra verti, or emperor. He :

ruled in Jambuna-puri, a town built for him by VisvacarMa, (the ar- H

tificer of the gods,) who was specially summoned for the purpose.

While he was thus ruling on the banks of the Marmathi (Nerbudda), in-

dulging in the usual kingly recreations, RAVANA came thither; and by 3)

his orders, was imprisoned. In consequence of this imprisonment a :

war arose as the younger brothers, and other relatives, of RAvana did :

their best to effect his release ; but their efforts were too feeble; and

Karta Virtya merely sent his son against them, by whom they

were conquered. ViBuuSHANA, younger brother of Ravana, there-

upon went to Putasr’Hya (the great rishi), from whom their family

was descended, and besought his interference. Punast’HYA in conse-

quence interceded with Karta Vik1ya, representing that Rama CHAN-

DRA Was appointed to come and kill the said RAvana ; on which re-

presentation RAvawa was released. Subsequently Karra Viriya

contemplating the extent of his power, his numerous family, clients and

dependeuts, became elated, and greatly vexed the brahmans.

(In this place there occurs a chasm in the manuscript. )

Parasu RAma, being greatly incensed, comforted his mother with

the assurance that he would go and kill this Karta Virtya, who had so

slain his father, (i.e. JaMADAGNI.) Taking with him the bow which

he had received from his preceptor SusrauMawya (which the latter had

derived from Inpra), he proceeded to Jambuna puri, and sent a chal.

lenge before him, by a messenger, announcing to the tyrant Karra

‘Viriya that he was coming to do deadly battle. The monarch in-

censed prepared to go out to war, by collecting troops and munitions ;

but his younger brother Sirrira Virrya represented that the occasion

did not call for so much, and that, if permitted, he would proceed to’

meet this enraged brahman. Sirrira Virtya was accordingly sent,

but his troops were destroyed, and himself slain. The king hearing of

this disaster, was again about to proceed when another younger brother

named Sasi Mucua, made a representation, as the other brother had

done ; and was, in like manner, sent forth with troops: in fighting with

Parasu Rama he also fell. The son of the monarch named Haya-

HAYA now came forward; and, after considerable fighting with Paraso

RAma, he could not conquer, but himself was killed. The monarch

1838.] Parasu Rama Vijaya. 499

was distressed ; and wondered that a brahman could possess so much

prowess. His wife’s brother named Camacrotua offered his services,

and was sent forth at the head of troops. He went to the contest, and,

after sacrificing his troops, also perished in the combat. Karra Virtya

now took counsel with his ministers who represented to him that the

brahman was certainly an incarnation of the divinity ; so that it must

be useless to attempt resistance ; that consequently the proper course

would be to effect a treaty of peace, when the adversary would become

a protector. His queen named Ca RUNIYA-Dev1 made similar represens

tations, which were disregarded ; as were also the cautions of his other

advisers. Having already lost his nearest relatives, he disdained to

crouch, merely for his own life, to a brahman. Sending out missives

to all his warriors, he assembled them, and putting himself at their

head he entered his war-chariot, and went forth to battle. The contest

lasted fortwenty-one days; when Karta Viriya’s people were all slain.

Parasu RAma now took counsel with Narepa as to the expediency

of fighting with Karra Viriya, when Narepa observed that the

adversary was the Chaera, and that specially for the purpose of

killing the incarnation of that weapon he (Parasu RAmA) had been

born. Encouraged by this information Parasu Rama came to the

personal contest. It continued for seven days; and, at the close,

when Karra Virtya was injured and disabled by the arrows which had

been poured in upon him, Parasu RAma came to close quarters, and

with his axe chopped off his five hundred arms. Karta Viriya now

made the last desperate attempt to fall upon, and thereby crush, his

assailant ; but in the attempt Parasu Rama forcibly struck the mo-

narch’s head with his hand, and deprived him of life. The whole of

the celestials witnessing this result greatly lauded Parasu Rama. The

queen, and the other families of the palace, who had lost their husbands

im the battle, were desolated with grief; but Parasu R&ma dispatched

Narepa to them, with the consoling assurance that all things had hap-

pened by superior causation (or by destiny). The whole of the said

females burned themselves on the funeral pile, with the bodies of their

slain husbands ; and thereby obtained beatification.

Parasu Rama returned to his mother and announced, that the pre-

existing cause of enmity had been to the fullest degree avenged ; and,

upon receiving her commands he, in obedience thereto, returned and

assumed the government of Jambuna puri, releasing from prison all the

persons whom the late king had confined therein. While he was pros-

perously ruling there, the whole of the brahmans assembled and repre-

sented to him that on account of the fault, which had a reference to his

“500 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

‘mother, he had previously, in promise, made over the whole of the land

in free-gift to them (the brahmans), and could not equitably assume

the reins of government himself. Not to forfeit his veracity he deter-

mined to act up to his promise ; and relinquishing the whole land to

them, retired, and built himself a hermitage of branches and reeds.

The brahmans however still pestered him ; asking him if it was right

to sell jewels, and other valuables, when he had made over every thing

to them. Incensed beyond endurance he went away, and besought a

territory from the sea, which he received, in accordance with his re-

quest ; and there he resided. While living there Rama CuHanpra_

together with Sita his consort, came that way. Parasu R«ma

scolded him for taking the same name, saying, “ I am Rama, but if

you indeed are Rama then bend this bow.” The other R&ma did so ;

but according to this authority (differing from the Ramayana) it broke.

Parasu R&ma perceiving the stranger’s strength paid him great com-

pliments, and then, dismissing him, sent him away to dyodhya, Para-

su R&ma himself continued to reside on the territory which he had

acquired.

Observition—The chasm in this manuscript (extending it appears

to 41 palm-leaves), would in a literary point of view be serious, espe-

cially as the book is a copy of a poem become, as I understand, very

scarce, and not to be met with elsewhere at Madras.

In the bearing of the half legendary, half historical, subject on the

leading object of the present researches the deficiency can be briefly

supplied from other sources to the following effect. .

The rishi named JamAvDaAGnt, father of Parasu R&ma, possessed

the cow of plenty Cumadhenu or Surabhi, and by means of this cow on

the occasion of a certain hunting party, all the suite of Karta Vir1va

were satisfied. The monarch, in consequence, considered the posses-

sion of this cow to be an object to him, and asked it of JAMADAGNI

who refused it, as a matter of course, it being the cow of the gods. No

solicitations or molestations being sufficient to obtain the cow as a gift,

Karta Viriya killed Jamapacnl, to get at the desired treasure, by

force. Hence the resentment and vengeance of Parasu R&ma. It

is probable that the missing leaves would contain an account of the

birth of Parasu Rama. ‘Towards the close of the poem, the brah-

mans remind Parasu Ra’ma of the fault concerning his mother which

is rather equivocally expressed, but most probably alludes to the fol-

lowing circumstance.

JAMADAGNI’s wife, the mother of Parasu RAdma, was named Re-

Nuca ; and one day, for a mental transgression of strict conjugal fide-

1838. Parasu Réma Vijaya. 501

lity, the father in anger told Paras» Rdma to take his axe and cut off

her head. He obeyed, and cut off the head of his mother, near a

Parcheri or hamlet of out-caste people, as well as the heads of some

of those persons, on their opposing his design. The father approving

his proceeding, asked what reward he required, when he requested

that his mother’s body might be re-animated. The father consented

to his request, having at the same time power to fulfil it, and gave di-

rections to his son as to the mode in which the head and body should be

joined together ; promising to re-unite, and re-animate them. In the

hurry of the moment instead of his mother’s head, PaArasu Rama

applied the head of an out-caste woman to his mother’s lifeless trunk ;

when the whole became re-animated. It is stated that on this legend

the Partars, (or outcastes) found their worship of various local numi-

ma, being none other than ideal forms of the wife of JaMADAGNI, con-

sidered to be divine as having given sare) to an alleged incarnation of

the divinity.

I have no doubt, that all the alleged avatdras of Visunu ai

forth, each one, some great historical event ; not always possible to be

rescued from the obscurity of fable. The preceding ones seem to

have had their site out of India, but from PArasu RAmaA downwards,

all clearly appear to have occurred within the boundaries of this coun-

try, Hence I think the incarnation of Parasu Rama points to the

first acquisition of power by the brahmans, after their coming to India

from the northward of Himalaya. There is however much more con-

nected with the destruction of the Cshetriyas, or aboriginal rulers of

the land, than can with propriety be founded on so comparatively slight

an authority as this poem. The whole however will probably come

under view ; and it may be safer to advance step by step, than to ha-

zard conclusions without carrying full conviction to the mind of the

‘reader.

It is superfluous for me to notice the oversights in this poem, by its

-author, as to dignity and consistency of subject. A weapon reproaches

its wielder, is sent down to the earth for penance, and followed by the

offended deity to overcome it there ; and the deity, without foreknow-

ledge, is in some doubt as to the prudence of attacking its own in-

strument, under so formidable an appearance, until set right by that very

-questionable character, and meddler in all mischief, termed Nareda ;

to which may be added the existence of a duplicate avatdra, and the

-elder portion not recognizing the younger one. These noddings of

intellect are however so common in Hindu mythology that they must

3.R

{

;

—

502 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. fs UNE,

not be thought strange. It is the inseparable concomitant of falsehood,

that it carries, within itself, the evidence of its own character.

In the minor matter which regards the condition of this manuscript,

it is sufficient to observe that it is old, and worn away at the edges.

If complete it might be restored ; but, until it can be completed from

some other copy, it may lie over for the present. The abstract given

will suffice for every valuable object of these investigations. It is

briefly mentioned in Des. Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 333, and therein term-

ed. ‘a prose narrative.”

3.—Tanjavur Charitra or account of Tanjore, No. 122. Counter-

mark 3205.

The book commences with the mention of the appeal of Cuanpra Sx-

GARA PANDIYAN to VisayaGARA, and the sending of Nacama Naya-

KER to repel the invader of the Pandiya kingdom, that is Vira Szecara

Cuota; whose invasion was thereby nullified, and his own dominions,

the ancient Chola kingdom, conquered. Over this kingdom Cuevapa

NAYAKER was appointed viceroy in consequence of his having married

Murvi-yAmmat the younger sister of TrrumaLamna, the wife of Acuy-

UTA DEVA-RAYER ; this viceroyship being the dower. He built, and im-

proved, various fanes. His son was AcuyurarA Nayapvu. His son

was Racuu Natua Nayapv. His son was VigAyYA RaGuAva Nayapu

who built a new fort at Tanjore, and made many other improvements.

He built a Mantapa at Mayuram (perhaps Mayaviram), he daily fed

12,C00 brahmans, and eat himself afterwards. In a rainy time he was

advised to cease doing so; but he maintained that his own household

could not be allowed to eat, till the brahmans were fed ; and when an en-

tire want of fuel was stated to exist, he ordered every wooden material

about his house to be taken down or pulled to pieces in order to supply

fuel. In three days this supply was exhausted ; he then directed all the

‘vestments in the palace to be dipped in oil, and made use of for fuel.

At this time a most valuable jewel became missing from the nose of the

female idol in the Sri-rangham fane, and the head brahman was great-

ly molested, as being suspected of the theft. A brahman woman be-

came possessed ; and, speaking in the name of the said goddess, said

that the jewel would be found in one of the pots used by Visaya’ Ra-

Guava for boiling rice ; where accordingly it was found, to the no small

joy of the suid ruler. In consequence he gave twenty-four thousand

pagodas to the fane; and, having another image made, the~ precious

jewel was put in its nose, and sent in state to the shrine. He daily

went to that fane, before breakfast, keeping 50 bearers as station-run-

1838. ] Account of Tanjore. 503

ners to carry him. Cuoxa Narua of Madura sent an embassy to demand

a_wife of the family of Visaya Racuava, which was refused, in anger ;

and the reason stated to be, that a Zanjore princess married to Tiru-

MALA Savurt, from a simple preference given to her father’s town, so

hurt the pride of Trrumata Nayak that he put her to death; and the

Tanjore family then made a vow never in future to give a wife to the

Madura rulers. The messengers were contemptuously treated. A war

was the consequence. It interrupted Visaya Racguava’s visits to Sri-

rangham ; but he built a lofty hall in Tanjore ; and theve, with his face

towards Sri-rangham, performed his daily ceremonies. ‘The war pro-

ceeded to the disadvantage of VisAyA RAGHavaA, because of certain

incantations, with pumpkins, performed by a brahman, at the request

of the Trichinopoly king. When the fort of Tanjore was assaulted,

VisayA RaGHava made preparations for the combustion of the fe-

males of his palace, lest they should fall into the possession of the adver-

sary. That combustion took place ; but not until the crowned queen

had sent off a nurse with a young child, four years of age. Visayva

RaGuHAva became reconciled to his son Manara; and the latter fell

in a personal contest, hand to hand, with the commander of CuoKxa

Natua’s troops. The ruler VisayA RaGuava personally engaged in

the contest, and is stated to have requested that musketeer’s might not

fire on him; as, if he so died, he could not obtain beatitude. He was

killed (as he preferred) by the sword. An apparition of himself fully

attended as usual, came to the gates of S7t-rangham, and demanded

entrance, which was conceded ; under an idea that he might have made

peace with the ruler of Zrichinopoly. After the usual ceremonies had

taken place, nothing more was seen of him, and the circumstance being

reported to Cuoka Nartna the king, he observed, that it was because

of his being a very great devotee of the god. He gave prompt orders

by post for the performance of all funeral ceremonies to the bodies of

the deceased; and then assumed the whole of the country. He con-

fided the charge of it to ALAGIRI, the child of the nurse, by whom he

himself had been reared, being his foster brother. Meantime the nurse

that had fled with the child of Visaya RaGuava remained at Nega-

patam ; the child passing as her own, till it was twelve years of age;

when Vencana a Miyogt brahman, a Rayasam or secretary of Ra-

GHAvA, heard of the matter, and went thither to see the child. In the

course of twelve months he assembled about a hundred dependents of

the late Visaya Raguavya ; and, taking the nurse and child, proceed-

ed with these, and those dependents, to the Visapur padshah where

they met with a favorable reception, and a promise of aid; being, how-

3 R 2

504 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Juns,

ever, kept in waiting for a short time. In the interval ALAgGiRI, to

whom the fort of Tanjore had been confided, affected airs of indepen-

dence by writing on terms of equality to Cooka Natua; and when

reproved for doing so, he returned no answer. Cuoka NaTHA was

deeply displeased ; but restrained, for the time, any expression of anger 5

considering that ALaciri had strengthened himself and could not be

assaulted without mature preparation: under these circumstances the

Mahratta chief approached. He was sent by the Vesapur padshah,

with a small force to reduce ALAGIRI, which force he increased by

auxiliaries, derived from his two brothers at Bangalore, and Ginjee.

ALAGiRI went out to meet the invaders, and a pitched battle was fought,

with considerable numbers engaged ; when 400 Mahrattas, and 500 of

ALAGIRI’s people fell ; and ALaciri being quite unable to inspirit his

people, so as to maintain the engagement, these fled, without looking

behind them, till they reached the fort of Tanjore. Thence ALacGiRI

sent a supplicatory letter to Cuoxa Natna of Trichinopoly ; but the

latter guided by pride, and resentment (rather than by policy) refused to

interfere, or send any aid. EcKog1 now laid siege to Tanjore and VEN

CANA, the aforementioned Viyogi brahman, it seems, was inside the

fort, busied in promoting disaffection. The manuscript states that

AvaGiri finding himself in danger of being arrested, and imprisoned

in consequence of the machinations of the brahman, fled, with all his

family and immediate dependents, by night, and took refuge in Mysore.

In consequence Ecxogr had the son of VisAaya RaGuava mounted on

an elephant ; and the said son, named Cuenca Mara Dasu, made a

public entry into Tanjore. EcKos1 committed the ceremonials of his

being crowned to the Niyogi brahman; and retired to his troops with-

out the walls. The ceremony of crowning took place.. Subsequently

the nurse pointed out the spot, in the palace, where the treasure, ac-

cumulated by the young man’s ancestors, had been deposited ; whence

were taken twenty lacs of pagodas, and six lacs of pagodas in jewels.

With this treasure, a portion being reserved for the newly installed king,

munificent donations were made to Eckog1, and others who-had been

concerned in the restoration. To defray the expenses incurred by the

troops, EcKouJ1 received the districts of Combaconum, Manarkoil, and

Papavinasam ; the revenue arising from them to be so applied. It being

customary for a king to have a Dalavayt, or prime-minister, the gene-

tal voice was ina favor of an appointment of the Niyogi brahman,

named Vencana to that office, and arrangements to that end were be-

ing made ; when the young man, consulting his nurse, whom he regard-

ed as his mother, she strongly urged the appointment of the Chetty (or

1838. ] Account of Tanjore. 505

merchant) who had protected them in their distress, and this advice

prevailed. The Niyogi brahman, bitterly disappointed, counselled

Ecxogi to assume the country, which he declined to do. At length, _

however, by repeated solicitation, Eckoy1 explained to him that by such

a proceeding he should incense the padshah, and endanger the lives of

his father, and kindred. While engaged in conveying secret informa-

tion of the state of things to his kindred, news came of the padshah’s

death ; and Eckos1, being exempt from fear from that quarter, next

directed his precautions towards Trichinopoly, inquiring if he had to

anticipate opposition thence. The brahman told him not to fear, but

simply to come with his troops and he (the brahman) would insure him

the fort; perhaps without firing a shot. In the fort the brahman_ busi-

ed himself with magnifying the anger of Eckos1 concerning arrears un-

paid ; and on the intelligence of Eckougt’s troops being in motion the

panic was wrought up to such a pitch, that the young man fled, and

thought himself happy in receiving from the poligar chief of Ariyatir

assurances of hospitality and protection. Ecxogt entered the fort with-

out opposition ; and from that time downwards his descendants ruled.

Their names are mentioned. The names of the children of Cuenca

Mata Dasvu, and some of their marriage connexions are added. They

received fiefs first from CuHoka NATHA; and, ata later time, when

Trichinopoly had been taken by the Mysoreans, these also extended pro-

tection to them. During the time of Trppu sultan the king of Candi

sent for some of the existing dependents ; married them to his relatives:

and gave them fiefs in Ceylon. At the time when the manuscript was

written, a descendant of VigayA RAGHAVA was living in the village.

close by the fane of JAMBUKESVARA. With the mention of this cir-

cumstance and the statement that such is a full account of Tanjore, the

manuscript ends.

Remark.—This manuscript is in a very good state of preservation,

and by consequence does not need to be restored. It is historical, and

valuable. ‘The opening portion very clearly connects the close of the.

Chola dynasty with the commencement of the rayer’s acquisition of that,

country, and fixes the time to the reign of Acuyura rayer. This is:

‘an important point gained; and one which I had not before met with,

The native line of viceroys from Vzjayanagara, become princes by the

fall of that capital, is another acquisition. The other events confirm or

explain the statement contained in the Telugu manuscript, translated

and published in the second volume of oriental manuscripts, with some

variations ; as must always be expected in two distinct, and independent

narratives of the same events. On the whole, I consider this document

506 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [Jung,

very valuable, as a contribution towards the history of the Tanjore.

country during the whole of the 15th and 16th centuries, and as such

I strongly recommend its full translation.

Professor Wiusow has entered this manuscript in his Descriptive

Catalogue, Vol. I. p. 310, Art. XIII. He mentions two copies, but I

have only met with one* and that one is complete. The notice of the

contents which is given in the catalogue, is entirely wrong; and if it

do not praceed from a mistake in having classed together two different

works as two copies merely of the same work the error is otherwise un-

accountable. With the title of Tanjawur raja Cheritra, the notice

entirely relates to the viceroys or princes of Madura ; of which the

account given is correct, as far as it proceeds, and must necessarily

have been deduced from some other authority ; but it is entirely incor-

rect as any exhibition of the contents of this manuscript. I am however

too sensible of the difficulties attending these researches to consider the

error as any otherwise than unintentional, and if the native assistants of

Colonel Mackenziz£ gave to Professor WiLson so false a representa-

tion of the contents of this manuscript (being moreover Telugu brah-

mans by birth) they alone are inexcusable. I had made my own

abstract before seeking out the document in the catalogue, and com-

paring the two notices.

4.— Tanjawur Charitra, (or an account of Tanjore,) No. 121.

Countermark 316.

The above is the English title on the cover, and a Telugu title on

the other cover is Tunjawur rajalu purvottaram, or an ancient record

of the kings of Tunjore. Both these titles are wrong. On a palm-leaf

inside, the book is entitled “‘ an ornamented poetical acount of the four

gates of the fort of Zanjore.” ‘This title fully and accurately describes

the contents. It contains merely exaggerated descriptions of the fouy

gates ; with such inventions connected therewith, as are natural to the

imagination of a native poet. By consequence, whatever may be its

value as a poem, it is worthless in any historical point of view.’ ‘There

is a very slight deficiency at the end of the first section—(on the first

gate)—apparently of a few stanzas: for the rest of the manuscript is

complete ; and, though old, yet it is in tolerably good preservation. At

the end there is a short poem appended, containing praises of Visunv;

so much may suffice for this book.

Note.—I do not find this manuscript entered in the Descriptive

Catalogue, as a distinct work ; and therefore conjecture, that it must have

* See the following article.

1838. ] Account of the Chola-rajas. 507

been classed by mistake as the duplicate copy of the preceding manu-

script. Indeed I have scarcely any doubt to the contrary.

5.—Maliyadri Narasimha Chandasu, (or a Treatise on Prosody, dedi-

cated to Maliyadrt Narasimha, a form of Vishnu,) No. 94. Couns

termark 487. |

This work which attracted my attention from having the word Cha-

ritra, or history, (erroneously written in English letters for Chandasu)

on the cover, is by Kavi-KETHANI, and treats on the art of Telugu

poetry ; giving the laws that should guide the construction of the differ-

ent kinds of metre. It is of some length, in a beautiful hand-writing>

and in good preservation. The poem is valuable, on the subject to

which it refers; but does not bear on the leading object of this inves@

tigation. |

The work is briefly entered in the Descriptive Catalogue, Vol. I. p.

353, as a “Treatise on Telugu prosody, by Lincaya Manrri of

Veylatur.” This name probably designates the author's patron. |

Manuscript Book, No. 83. Countermark 787.

Section 1.—An account of the Chola-rajas.

VayaL Varzi AvitTa CHoLAN was crowned at 16 years of age at

Cahyur, west of Trichinopoly. He confided the government to a

minister, and occupied himself in the worship of Siva. He fostered

the Sazva religion. A wild elephant greatly troubled the country. A

hundred men were sent to take it; and the elephant, being pursued,

met in the way an ascetic, bearing a garland of flowers sacred to Siva,

which it seized and tore: the ascetic greatly incensed killed the 100

men, with an axe which he carried, and also the elephant. The Chola

king, hearing of the circumstance set out with a force to destroy the

adversary ; but on coming near, and seeing only a devotee of Siva, he

kept his followers at a distance, and alone approached: he addressed

the ascetic in terms of great humility. The ascetic was so overcome

with sorrow at having killed the elephant and people of so devoted a

follower of Srva, that he took the king’s sword to kill himself, which

the king prevented ; and a dispute ensued, which should kill himself,

The king because his people and elephant had offended so devoted a

votary of Siva, or the ascetic, because he had killed the elephant

and people of ‘so exemplary a king. Asa child was born to the king

on that propitious day (Suba-dina) the child was called SuBA-cHoLaNn

who being installed by the care of his father, the latter died after ruling

350 years. Supa-cHoLan married and came to live at Jambhu kesva-

508 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

vam, where he ruled 35 years. Some fable follows, about the birth of

JAMBHUKESVARER, the tutelary god. The son of SuBa-cHOLAN was

called Vara Guna Cuotan. He dedicated his wife to the service of

the god, in the fane of Jampnuxkesvargr. He led her to the fane by

the right hand, and soon after all her body except the right hand was

found to have been taken into the image. Vara Guna, considering

that he had taken hold of this right hand, earnestly inquired what crime

he had committed, that he should be so marked. Soon after the hand

“also was drawn in. After some time the god, in the shape of a brah-

man, appeared to the king ; and reproaching him for offering up his

wife, invited him to make a sacrifice of himself also, which he is stated to

have done, when he rejoined his wife on a celestial car, and both acquir-

ed beatitude. He ruled 75 years. PuGeru CuHo.xan formed the town

of Uriyur and ruled therein, with great credit, for 60 years. By

the advice of his mantiri (or minister) he engaged in an inroad on the

Chera king ; in order to get plunder, with which fanes and brahman

choultries, might be built, and fame in the world acquired. The

Cheran repelled the invasion, and the mantiri, who was also general,

only just escaped with his life; but, to make it appear as if he had con-

quered, he brought a hundred skulls and shewed them to the king.

Among these heads one was discovered to be that of an ascetic, from

having braided hair; at which circumstance great grief arising and the

loss of the kingdom being feared, the head was put into a case of gold.

A fire being kindled the king prepared to commit himself to the flames

along with the head; but Srva appeared, on his bullock vehicle, and.

told him his devotedness was accepted, that the fault of the war was

his minister’s, not his, and commanded him to live prosperously. At

his own request, notwithstanding he was beatified, holding the said skull

in his hand. Hence his epithet Pugerh Cholan or “ the praised.” Krit-

BALA CuHo.an succeeded, and became accomplished in knowledge. In-

stead of taking one-fifth as his predecessors had done from the cultivators,

he contented himself with one-sixth part. He acquired great ascen-

dancy, and ruled with great equity. By reason of it, the tiger and the

cow rested in the same shed; the cat and the rat dwelt in the same

place ; the snake and the frog were like mother and child, (symbolical

language). Thus his people were without strife, or divisions. Injus-

tice was unknown. Notwithstanding, the king fearing neglect on the

part of his. ministers, or servants, hada bell erected between two pillars

in the public street, proclaiming that if any one was aggrieved, it was

only necessary to sound the bell, and the king’s attention to the case

would be given, He thus ruled with great prosperity until 64 years of

1838.) Account of the Chola-rdjas. 509

age, without the alarm-bell of justice having been even once rung.

After his 64th year he had a son born to him. He greatly rejoiced

and distributed gifts, on having a child born in his old age. Vuirni

Vipaneam was the name of his son; and the usual education was given

him. About this time an incarnation of various celestials took place in

the form of a deceptive cow. (The description is here translated because

it may be of service in understanding other symbolical language in other

books.) “ Parvati and PAramEsvaARsR on the bullock vehicle, BRAHMA,

VisuHNu, and the remaining 33 crores of deities, the 48 thousand rishis,

the asuras, the mahdé sactis (female powers of gods), setting out from

Cailasa, came down to be incarnate on earth, in the following form. The

four Vedas became the four legs; Bkauma and VisuHNnu, the two horns;

the sun and moon, the two eyes; the Vindhya mountain formed the

body ; (Para Sacti) the female energy of the supreme Brahm (or first

cause) became the abdomen; D’HERMA DeEvarr (the goddess of the air)

became the udder; the svd-loca, the sud-miba, the sva-riba, the sva-

uchiyam (four degrees of beatitude) became the four teats. Vavavu

(god of wind) became the tail; the atmosphere (acasam) became the

two ears; Lacsumi became the womb; the sea became the urine; the

eight serpents (at the eight points of the compass) became the intestines ;

wisdom, was the milk; thus deceptively (or symbolically) a cow was

formed, and Yama (death) was its calf.” This description is quite

sufficient to prepare for symbol, and exaggeration, in the incident to be

narrated. This cow, with its calf, went from the fane of Tiyazara

Swami to bathe and, when returning by a certain street, the king’s son

Virut Vipancam was making a public procession. The cow and calf

became separated in the crowd, and the calf, beimg bewildered, got

under the chariot of thé king’s son, and was run over by the wheels, being

thereby cut in two. The king’s son was greatly alarmed, and meditat-

ed on T1yAGARAR, (a name of Srva in the form worshipped at Tiruva-

rur.) The cow went all over the town seeking for the calf, and on

finding its remains, put both halves together, and sought to give it

milk. As it would not receive any, the cow arose and wept tears.

The alarm of the king’s son continued. The cow went to the justice

alarm bell and rung it, on the hearing of which the king Kripara

CHOLAN swooned. On recovering he directed his minister to go and

see what was amiss. ‘The grief of the king, and of his wife the young

man’s mother, is described at length. The wife suggested as a remedy

that she would go, and fall under the chariot wheels, and be cut in two

by them, as an expiation of the crime. But the king determined that

the son himself however precious to them, must in that same manner

510 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripis. [Junz,

perform the expiation. In consequence he summoned a hall of audi-

ence, and therein formally commissioned his minister to go and see

justice so rendered. The minister set out in state; and, on informing

the young man of his orders, the young man gave his consent. The

minister was in a sad dilemma, regretting on the one hand to kill so in-

tellectual a young man, and bring on himself the guilt of blood-

shedding, and on the other fearing punishment from the king, if he

disobeyed orders. To extricate himself from the difficulty he slew him-

self with his own sword. The king’s son being astonished continued

his meditation on Piyugarar ; expecting some further interposition in

his behalf. The king was embarrassed at the double accumulation of

evil. His wife blamed him for not listening to her first suggestion.

The king rejected it as not good; and appointed the minister’s son to

succeed to the crown. The king set out, surrounded by a multitude

of deeply-grieving people till he came to his son at Ziruvatur. The

son remonstrated on the advantage that was about to be given to envi-

ous neighbours, such as the Pandiyan and the Cheran. But the king

considering that, if he did not sacrifice his son, there would be no rain,

and no crops, ordered the chariot to move on, which ran over the young

man, when prostrate on the ground and cut him into two pieces. The

people greatly rejoiced at the spectacle. The two pieces of the king’s

son were presented before the cow to its great joy; and the crime of

slaying the calf was expiated. The king next considered that he had

) | now to expiate the sin of having occasioned the death of his minister,

He accordingly was about to strike himself when the aforesaid Trimorti

and other gods, composing the illusive cow, stayed his arm; and- at the

same time, raised to life again the minister and the kings’ son. The

son was installed under the title of Bau’pata CHotam. ‘The gods

décreed that the old king, as a reward, should have the pleasure of

: seeing his son rule with himself. Afterwards without being exposed

to the pain of any future birth, the king (for his merit), the king’s wife,

and the minister also, received final beatitude. On account of his long

reign, distinguished by so many virtues, the gods ordered him to be

commemorated by the title of Kribala Chola, or “ the gracious ruler ;”

he ruled eighty years.

Buu pkua CHoLA, being crowned when sixteen years of age, and

having married when twenty-five years old, exceeded his father in bene-

ficence, and prosperously governed. In a hunting excursion he dis-

covered a large chasm which consumed and wasted the water of the

Caveri river. He directed a great many men to be employed to fill it

up; all their efforts to fill it up were unavailing. Though much money

1838. ] Account of the Chola-rdjas. 51i

was expended and every possible method taken, yet the chasm still swal-

lowed up the Caveri as before. The king resided eight years in the

neighbourhood ; the better to superintend the work. A rishi, living near,

told the king, that his labour was in vain, seeing that for some cause the

chacra of Visunu had entered the earth there, and by consequence the

remedy was that either some enlightened king, or else some virtuous

risht (or ascetic), must enter the chasm, and be seated beneath on the

chacra, when the gulph would close. The king took leave and returned

to his town; where he assembled his council and declared what he

learned. . After many donations, he proceeded in state, with the intention

of casting himself into the chasm. The minister told the rishi, that if

the king plunged into it, the same would be dishonor; but that if he

(the rishi) entered, it would be to him lasting fame. The rishi accord-

ingly entered the chasm which immediately closed. A fane was built on

the spot called Tivuvala anchur, (or the sacred whirlpool turning to the

right hand.) The king and his suite returned to the palace; where he

prosperously ruled, but the Caveri now did damage, by overflowing its

banks; and the king went to the wilderness, and did penance six years,

on that account; when SivA, sent a shower of mud, which raised the

embankment, and kept the river within its proper channel.

A certain chief by the favor of Ranca Svdmr (VisHnu) built the

fane of Sri Ranga, with the spoils which he had plundered from the

people even to the extent of snatching away the ¢dli, or sacred token of

marriage. Many laborers were employed, and a great balance remain-

ed due to them, which the said chief had not the power to defray. He

in consequence inveigled them all into a boat, promising to pay them

in the middle of a branch of the Caveri ; and, when there, he upset the

boat, and they all perished ; but as this was a sacrifice to RanGa SvaAMI,

all the laborers so sacrificed obtained beatification. Hence the spot ac-

quired the name of Colidam (corrupted into Coleroon*).

The king, expending a great deal of money, had the Cavert conduct-

ed to the westward of Combaconum, and opened channels for irrigation

40 a great extent around ; effecting a communication between the Caveri

and Coleroon rivers. Of the additional produce so obtained, he took

1-6th, and gave the rest to the people. At Combaconum he built many

_ fanes and prosperously ruled. His reign lasted 70 years. He had no

son ; but his wife was three months pregnant. The Pandiyan took ad-

vantage of this time to attack the kingdom, and the aforesaid Chola

king being worsted, took refuge with Cumbhesvarer, and did penance in

* This isa current tradition as to the origin of the name of the Coleroon ; the

meaning of Colidam is ‘‘ the place of slaughter.’’

3s2

512 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June;

the shrine sacred to him; and after a time, he obtained beatification.

As he had done so much benefit to the country, in the embankment of

the river he was called Cari CanpA CHOLAN,

APPENDIX.

The Chola rajas were so called because of their pene of the solar

race. (The derivation of Chola, from Surya, is not clear.)

Uttunga Cholan; Kulottunga Cholan ; Tirumudi Cholan; Aruntapa

Cholan; Rajendra Cholan; Manunithi Cholan; Ala peranta Cholan ;

Vara-guna Cholan; Ala peranta Cholan ; Ariloru kadamai kondai Cho-

lan; Anatana Cholan ; Cadu-vetti Cholan.

Another list of the Chola princes is given, with the explanation of the

names ; and shewing three different names sometimes given to the same

individual. The period of reign, in all, is too great. There were in all

23 kings of this race it is said. After Cart Cara Cuoua the race

ceased.

Remark.—The eee paper is of importance in many points of

view; and the origin of the fane at Seringham, as herein stated, needs

to be compared with other documents.

Section 2.—Discourse between a Tiger and a Cow.

This account is either a mere fable, or else a symbolical account of

some transaction occurring near Conjeverdm; in which a cow seized by

a tiger pleaded for a loan of life, on certain reasons alleged, promising to

return on a fixed day. The tiger gave the required leave, and the cow

punctually returned.

. The section is incomplete; and since it professes to be translated

from the Tamil, which original work, if 1 mistake not, is found in the

collection, any consideration of it may be deferred till that work comes

under notice. This fragment, to the best of my judgment, is useless.

Section 8.—Abridged account of Isvara, Visunu and BRAuMA.

This paper contains a description of the divisions, and residents, with-

in the regions of Vaicont’ha and Kailasa, similar or the same, (differ-

ence of language being excepted,) to the Tamil manuscript translated

and printed in Or. Hist. MSS. vol. 2. App. B. Any further notice of

it here is, by consequence, superfluous.

Section 4.—Account of the temples of C Canchi or Conjeveram.

The legend of the place, as collected by CAventy Vencata Borran.

It was a chosen place by Siva. Parvari shaded the sun and the moon,

being the eyes of Siva; by reason of which darkness covered the earth;

os;

1838.] Images of Ekambesvara. 513

and to blot out the fault so committed, Parvari came. down to do pe-

nance under a mango-tree, at that place. Siva sent various rivers, the

origin of which are mythologically stated.

Visvacarma built a temple; and after many intermediate matters

(which however are not stated) in the time of CrisHNa rayer, even as

he had rebuilt many other temples so he rebuilt the fane of Eeambar-

isvara. There are other mythological or pawranic statements of the

foundations of other places, based on fables concerning BranMa, VisHNU

and Siva. Ata later period there is mention of four towns around, to

which roads led from Conjever'am ; that is first, Mahabalipuram ; second,

Devalapuram to the south; third, Virinchipuram, and fourth, Narra-

yanapuram, (first, Vaishnava; second, Saiva ; third, Sativa; fourth,

Vaishnava.)

Visunv born as NArepa introduced the Bauddha system, to expiate

-which fault, he was required to do penance at Conjeveram. ‘The Juinas

spread through the country, and hada settlement near Conjeveram.

SANCARACHARYA came thither, and overcoming the Jainas in disputa-

tion re-established the Hindu religion, according to his own tenets.

There is still however a small town near, called Canchi of the Jainas.

Another existing evidence of the ancient prevalence of the Jaina system

at this place is, that in the walls and edifices, built by Crisuwa rayer,

images of the Jaima system are wrought in with the other workmanship.

Brauma performed a great sacrifice at one of the sacred hills at Con-

jeveram, in the fire of which Visunu, as Varapa raja, was born; (being

the form of Visunu worshipped in the Vaishnava fane at Conjeveram.)

The elephant of Visunu gathering lotus-flowers from the tank, had its

legs bitten off by an alligator; and Visunu_ slew the alligator with his

chacra: (an event commemorated in processions by carrying round the

image of an elephant without legs.) Notice of the different vahanas

or vehicles, used for the processions of the image of Visunu, at the

great annual festival inthe month of May.

Notice of the images within the Saiva fane of Ekambeésvara.

The origin of the place is lost in the remoteness of very ancient time.

The image of CamAcsui was originally of clay. Three towers and the

inner shrine were constructed by Trryampaca Rayauv. In one shrine

there is an emblem of Srva at which Rama (Cuanpra) performed

homage, in order to expiate the sin of killing the racshasas of the coun-

try. There is also an image of Peruman (Visunu) to commemorate

the cure of Siva, (after swallowing poison with the amrita in the Cur-

ma avatara.) Brief mention of other images connected with similar

legends. A repetition of the fable connected with the mango-tree, men-

514 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ June,

tioned at the beginning. Some porches and shrines were built by Tren-

AGARA-PILLA! Of Tanjore. Other notices of different] ocalities of the

fane. The hall of a thousand pillars is built over the place where was

the pit in which Brana performed his great sacrifice ; there is a sacred

poolin the midst. In the Barata Candam, or continent south of Mount

Himdlaya there are one thousand and eight fanes ; of these one hundred

and eight are special, and of these latter twenty-eight are within the dis-

trict of Conjeveram. The names of these twenty-eight fanes are given.

Next is given a specification of sacred pools (#rt’has) connected with

the said fanes.

Notice of the Ammen-kovil, or fane of the local goddess.

The shrine was built by Vira DEVA MAHA Raga. A tower was built

on the south side by ParuaLa Rayupu. To the west of the goddess’

shrine there is an image of SancarAcuaRYa, also of Durvasa RISHI.

There is a golden image of Camacsut, termed bangara (the golden).

An image of Santana Ganapati paid homage to by the childless, who.

desire to have children: other minute details. Just before the spot, on

which the image of Camacsui is placed there is a chasm, hollow, or

cavern, in the earth. SancardcwArya is traditionally stated to have

concealed the image therein for greater safety ; and it is popularly re-

ported that the original Camacsut is still hidden therein.

Detail of worldly power.

The names of a few monarchs are given, coming down to the latter

rayers, and Gajapatis. Lengthened periods are ascribed to the earlier

rulers (gathered from the Puranas), but nothing is given that can add

to or correct other information, on these subjects.

Rulers at Conjeveram.

BuDA-LINGA-PAIYA. Aut Mourap Kuan.

Jutu pupar Kuan (i.e. Davup Kuan.

ZuLFecaR KHAN.) Saputva KHAN.

Here the writer is more at home ; a.notice is given of the events con-

nected with the Muhammadans of Vellore and Arcot, through the

wars in the Carnatic, and down to the settled rule of MunaAmmep ALI.

It is brief considering the multiplicity of the transactions; but may have

its merit, as a testimony written from tradition, near the time and place

of the events recorded, and by a native, acquainted with native opinions.

Canchi Mahatmyam.

Another brief version of the’legend noticed at the commencement.

That is to say Parvati shaded both eyes of S1va which produced dark-

1838. ] Feudatory chefs at Ramnad. 515

ness over the world, and troubled both gods and men. As a punish-

ment for this “ legéreté” Parvari was sentenced to become CAut,

and then to go down to earth to do penance, which took place at Con-

jeveram. After acquiring merit by that penance, in which her form

included several rivers, Siva asked what gift she required, and the

reply was, that he would come and marry her at that place. To this

request he consented; and, when he came, he was accompanied by

Brauma and Visunu ; the former of whom performed a great sacrifice.

Sarasvatr and Lacsymr were born from the eye of Parvati; and the

marriage between Brauma and Visunu and their consorts was celebrat-

ed at the same time, as the marriage of Siva and Parvati. The place

hence acquired great celebrity. The vishis, who were present at the

ceremony, each one established an emblem of Srva bearing his own

name; and on the eight points of the compass, there are eight Durgas,

as guardians. There is also specially a fane of Bhairava, a ferocious

form of Ssva.

Remark.—Any information connected with Conjeveram acquires

importance from the celebrity of the place, and its great influence as a

metropolis of idolatry. The legend of Parvati shading the eyes of

Srva is pauranical ; but I think it deserves special notice, though per-

haps not in this place. If I understand the import aright it designates

something differing from any eclipse: but I would wish to examine the

‘subject in connexion with other records before offering any opinion.

The circumstances concerning the Jainas tend to elucidate some parts

of the Chola patcyam, and it would seem as if SancaRACHARYA were

the Saiva teacher therein referred to. The antiquity of the structures

at Conjeveram cannot be great, since they are posterior to the time of

Sancardcuarya ; but that the place had some little note under early

Chola kings, before the ascendancy of the Jainas, seems conjecturally

probable*.

‘This paper has been restored from small my and pale ink, to a

more permanent form.

| Section 5.—Account of the Setupatis or feudatory chiefs at Ramnad.

This section was before restored in Vol. I., for reasons stated in the

accompanying abstract then given. See Ist Report. Art. B.

* The king of Kdnchipura is mentioned in the Samudragupta inscription

at Allahabad as Kanchiyaka Vishnu,—that ments Bt the title of the race then ruling

there.—J. P.

516 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. [ Jung;

Book, No.49. Countermark 7389.

Section 8.—Account of the Vellugétwaru, descendants of the Vencata-

girvt raja, with an account of Vencata-girt in Telingana.

Stanza. The Velma race were born from the feet of Visunu.

In the village of Anwmanagal a son of SuHeyur Potu Report of the

tribe of Anumagantu, with his servants named Resan, when ploughing

a waste piece of land, discovered a hidden treasure and an aerial voice

was heard, telling the master (SHevi-rEDp1), that if he offered a human

sacrifice he might safely take possession of it. While in great doubt,

his servant Resan voluntarily offered to become the sacrifice, on con-

dition that the Reppr should engage on behalf of himself and of his

posterity, that he and they would take the cognomen of Resaxa, and

always marry the first wife from out of his (Resan’s) pariah tribe. To

these conditions the Reppr assented ; and, offering his servant in sacri-

fice to Buarrava, took possession of the treasure. At a subsequent

period while surveying his now very extensive fields, a storm came on,

and while he stood under a tree a thunderbolt descended close to him,

which he took up without fear, and then the hamadryad of the tree

appeared to him, and made him great promises for the future. Two of

his inferior workmen had taken refuge under the same tree, and unseen

by him, had seen and heard what passed; the report of which they

carried to the village, where it was much talked of; and at length

reached the ears of the Ganapati, or prince of the country, who sent

for SHEvI-REDDI, and after flattering distinction gave him certain ban-

ners, and ennobled him as feudal lord of a country producing a lac

annually. He also received the title of Pillala marri Bétéla Ravu.

From the Bétdla, or hamadryad, before mentioned he also, received

certain immunities of a super-human order.

2. He had three sons, named respectively DAma Nayanu, Prasa-

pitya Nayapu, and Rupra Nayapu. Two were much distinguished.

Dama Nayapnu, the eldest, by skill in the use of the sword, by great

advantages obtained over others, and the acquisition of wealth and ho-

nors. The second PrasapiryA was an officer of authority under Ga-

wAPATI Deva Rayauu; and hada hand in the circumstances of the

succession after his death, whereby the royal authority at Ordganti

devolved on Pratara Rupra.

3. The aforesaid DAma Nayapvu was the head of his race. Two

of his many sons, by name Vennama Nayapvu and Sassi Nayapu,

were most distinguished.

4, Vennama NaAyranpu became head of the race. His son was Yir-

apAcHa Nayapvu who, with his cousin, son of SaBss Nayapu, were

: i

838. ] Account of Vencata-girt in Telingana. 517

successful in their incursion against neighbouring places, extending to

Canchi, and to the Pandiya kings. The Mussulmans are also men-

tioned as beaten in defence of another chieftain. ‘The son of VennaMA

named Srncama Nayapv, became head of the race, and was slain

before the fort of Jalli palle.

5. His two sons Anurpora Nayapu and MApau Nayapvu assem-

bled a great force, and overcoming all enemies, carried their power to

an increased extent, adding to the fame of their race, and distinguish-

ing themselves by donations to the brahmins, An extravagant account

is given of the number of rajas conquered by them, the Chalukyas being

among the rest, and also the forces of the Gujerati raja. The two

chiefs ANupora and Mapan divided the country into two parts, and

ruled in distinct towns, each one over his portion ; the first in Rajukonda

and the second in Devakonda.

6. The son of MAvuu named Peppu Vena Girt Nayanu, added to

former conquests, and acquired additional trophies.

7. Puppa Veva Giri Nayavpv had two sons, named RAma Cuane

pra and Cumara MApua Nayapu, who made some conquests.

8. The sons of Cumara MApuau were Cuinna Vepa Giri N.

and Lincama N. The father was slain by another chief, and Lincama

WN. slew him in return, who also overcame some others.

9. Lineama Nayano’s son was Purvara Nayapvu whose son wag

Lincama Nayanvuv.

' 10. The race is carried forward, through afew other names.

‘Jl. Some strifes of neighbouring feudal lords.

12. Records assistance rendered to the rayer in suppressing some

opposers at Channapatnam.

13. Sryeama Nayapv was versed in learning.

14. Dimma Nayana is said to have conquered the Gujerat, Chola

and Pandiya rajas.

15. Duurma NayApv conveyed to his posterity the title of Ruvu-

varu.

16. The succession of the race is carried on down to28 VENCATADRI

Nayapu, who ruled at Vencata-giri, and in his time the name of the

Vencata-giri kingdom originated. The name of that place from books

and inscriptions is found to have been Kal mali, from the name of a

local goddess worshipped by a few cottagers. One named Gonart

Buxaa raja had built a fort and resided there; he was driven away by

VencataDri who took possession, changed the name of the Sacti, and

caused it to bear the name of Vencatu-giri, from Visunu worshipped at

Vencata-challa (Tripetty ), distant four dmada or kadums (40 miles).

3 T

518 . Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (June,

His son was Rayapa Nayavvu who succeeded to the government, 29

down to 31. Some other names down to Yasama Nayapvw, and Sin.

cama Nayapu, by whom a great battle was fought with other opposing

chiefs in a plain near Utra Melur, in which they gained a victory, Sal.

Sac. 1523, (reference to another book called Sas:m:lica, No. 8,) its

substance given here. (The scene was in the Tamil country, Madu

vantaca, being mentioned as near the place of combat.) The Muham-

madans were mingled up in the affair, in connection with Ginjee and

Vellore. Down to 34 many details are given, too complex for abstract-

ing, among which it appears that the Velligotiwaru were driven, from

their native district by the Muhammadans, who took it into possession ;

that Vencata-girt was a part only of the Chandra-giri kingdom ; that. .

the Muhammadans acquired an ascendancy, and that certain cruelties

were attendant on ZutFeKar KuAn’s incursion into the Carnatic, that

Vencata-girt was assumed into possession by them, but by solicita-

tions at the court of Golconda, a restitution of this and some other.

districts was made, on condition of paying tribute. Certain grants as

made by persons holding privileges under AurunGzsBE, are mentioned

in the manuscript as deduced from inscriptions, one of the dates is

1618 Sal. Sac. (A. D. 1696).

35. Some other names, and date of a grant by Peppa Yasama

Nayapv in S. 8. 1620, with him the line of Vetiucorivaru ceased,

and the race was transferred to adopted children.

36, 37. Some other details; an invasion of Muhammadans from

Arcot who plundered and burnt, and in the disturbance many records

perished; when the invasion had swept by Cumara Yasama Nayapu

again resumed possession. 3

38. Bancarv Yasama Nayapvu (the present raja), his agent Serav

Rayen went to Madras and procured an intervention of the Company’s

troops to confirm him in his authority. Details of Peppana and Su-

BRAHMANYAN the agent of Bancaru Yasama Nayapu, leading to an

awful tragedy. Peppana had accused SupRAHMANYAN in the Chittur

court of firing a village, and SupranmanyaN told him that in conse-

quence he would have him carried out by the legs dead, like a dog. In

prosecution of his design, he constructed a variety of annoyances, and

to appear. When an attempt was made to seize and sell his house, he

forcibly ejected the officer of the court; in consequence a summons was

sent by the hands of a captain of sepoys with a company under his

eommand. Prppana not knowing the English customs, and from the.

high spirit of the Velmavar, had prepared his house so as to have all

1838. ] if Mahratta. : 519

the inmates killed, and the house set on fire. On the captain making

the demand of his appearance at the court to plead, he went inside and

shut the door, -but losing heart to transact all the tragedy, it was ma-

naged in part by aservant. The result was the murder of all the inmates

Peppana included. The door was then thrown open. The officer

grieved went away, and left the disposing of the bodies with Bancaru

Yasama and SuBRAHMANYAN; who, as they passed, spat on them, and

had them carried out heels uppermost as dogs are carried, and then not

buried, but merely covered with a little earth, exposed to beasts and

birds. The Chiééur court had an examination of the outdoor servants

but no guilt attached to them. The manuscript leaves off without any

mention of the death of SuzpraHManyan whichis otherwise known to

have since occurred by a cancer on his back slowly and with extreme

torture. Banacaru Yasama is said to be still alive

Remark.—TVhe preceding abstract is not much more than an index.

A translation of the entire manuscript may be made by me another

time. A notice of the manuscript is entered in the Des. Catal. Vol. I.

p. 206. It is more than usually correct as far as it goes, and will be

found in most of the leading points to harmonize with the foregoing

“outline.

D. MAHRATTA.

1. A roll of country paper, without title, mark or number.

The contents of this roll consist of copies of three letters addressed

by Racu Narwa Yapava to Nana Farnis relative to a disputed suc-

cession to the throne at Poonah. In answer to communications~from

Nana Farnis, (the minister of state,) his correspondent Ragonauta

gives him details of the strength and munitions of the subordinate rajas

aud chiefs, the Nagpore raja, and the Guicovar, or raja of G'ujerat,

being among the number. Various details are added as to battles, and

connected circumstances. ‘The letters are written in the midst of the

circumstances which they describe ; and might be of use to a historian

engaged in narrating the events of that particular period, comparatively

recent, but they are too minute, and local, to admit of abstract, which

besides does not appear needful, since a brief index pointing to the ex-

istence of such correspondence may here very well suffice.

The roll attracted attention from its decayed and injured condition.

A little trouble being sufficient to put it imto a permanent form it was

restored; for papers of sucha sort may acquire an additional value

with time.

2. Another roll, a little larger in size was found on examination to

have been filled with statistical details, concerning the boundaries, pro-

37 2

520 Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts. (Jung,

ducts, revenues, and similar matters, of the Peishwa’s dominions, of

which Poonah was the capital. But being torn, damaged, transposed

and in part lost, any attempt to restore it was given up; and the loss

probably is not of any consequence.

3. Copy of an ancient record of the rulers of Chandra-givi.

Manuscript Book, No. 45. Countermark 735.

This book on examination proved to be an interesting (though very

brief) chronicle of the Yadava race, which formed one of the early

dynasties of rulers in this country.

The record is said to have been extracted from all the documents in

the fort of Crisuna rayer, relative to the rayer dynasty.

The commencement of the Yuduva dynasty is dated from Sal. Sac,

731, (A. D. 808-9,) beginning with SrtrancHa YapavA Rayata, and

the dynasty is continued downwards to the foundation of the fort, concerns

ing which there is a little, apparently fabulous, matter. The fort was

first called Deya Durgam, by Yapava Rayatv, in Sal. Sac. 929, (A. D.

1007-8.) Ata latter period one of its rulers meditated an invasion of

Vijzyanagara, but abandoned his intention on discovering the power

and resources of Crisuna rayer. The conquests of the latter are brief-

ly alluded to ; and the circumstance of the Gujapati prince, giving his

daughter to Crisuna rayer to cement a treaty of peace with him, is men-

tioned. ‘The date of Crisuna rayer’s death is fixed on the 8th of

Cartikeya month, Sal. Sac. 1452, (19th or 20th November, 1531.)

In all twenty-seven princes of the Yadava race ruled, during 339 years,

(an average of 124 years to each.) The name of Deya Durga was

changed to Chandra-giri, by one of the race, for reasons specified. ‘The

country came under Muhammadan rule in Sal. Sac. 1587, (A. D,

1665-6.) The names of these rulers are given: they governed, in all

during ninety-five years.

There follows a descriptive mention of the fanes, aaa other sacerdotal

buildings erected, or endowed, by the different rulers of this dynasty :

Tripetty being the principal one.

Remark.—This document claims a full translation. It possesses

considerable internal evidences of authenticity ; and its evidence in his-

tory is required. The book is damaged though to a less degree than

many in this collection. I have had it restored for the being better

preserved, pending its full translation.

1838.) Account of the Koh-i-Daman. 521

E. SANSKRIT.

Palm-leaf Book, No. 17. Grant’ha Character.

Copy of an Inscription on copper of Sada Siva Mahé rayer.

Recapitulation of the lunar race, down to Yarat1; of whose line

Isvara Rayen was born. Narasa Raven, Timmagt Narasimma Rayen,

Vira Narasimma Rayen, Crisona Rayer, AcuyuTa Payer; the two

latter were half brothers, sons of Vira Narasimma Rayer, by different

mothers: (here some letters are lost or left out, so that there is no

intelligible meaning ;) Sapaswa Raven. In his time the inscription was

recorded, Sal. Sac. 1478, in the Nala year, in Margara month, on Sun.

day, a new moon day, and eclipse. At which time, peculiarly adapted

to religious donations, certain lands and numerous villages were given

by the rayer, being then in the shrine of Vitalesvara Svdmi,‘on the

banks of the Tungabhadra river, to Ramanijachirya at Sri Perambir,

the different villages and lands being in the neighbourhood of that place.

The usual sloca at the close is not given, a leaf pérhaps being wanting.

Note.—It is doubtful whether the donation was to Ramanusa, in

his life time, or to a shrine first established by him; the latter from

dates, and attendant circumstances, seems to be most probable.

Conclusion. :

My report for the three months inclusive from the beginning of Octo-

ber to the end of December, 1837, here finishes. It may perhaps

appear, that the abstracts, herein given,- offer results of considerable

importance. It is however superfluous to add any further observations

to those already given, at each step of the investigation.

Madras, December 31st, 1857.

II.—Some account of a visit to the plain of Koh-t-Damin, the mining

district of Ghorband, and the pass of Hindu Kish, with a few

general observations respecting the structure and conformation of

the country from the Indus to Kabul. By P. B. Lorn, M. Bs in

Medical Charge of the Kabul Mission.

[Communicated by the Government of India. ]

A parallel of latitude drawn through Kdlubagh, and west of the In-

dus would present a remarkable difference in the course of the mountain

chains as observed to its north, and south sides. In the latter direction

the Solimdn and Kéla ranges, the one of which may be looked on as a

continuation of the other, generally preserve an almost perfect parallelism

with the course of the Indus; while on the other side every range, and

they are numerous, from the Himdlaya and Hindu Kash to the salt range

522 Account of the Koh-i-Daman, [ June,

inclusive are at right angles with the direction of the stream. In other

words the genera lline of the former is north and south, of the latter

east and west. It is of the latter and the country they include that I

would at present more particularly speak. |

In addition to the general course of the chains thus laid down, there

is another fact subordinate yet of no less importance towards determin-

ing the physical formation of this part of the country. When the two

mountain ranges have for some time preserved their parallel east and

west course, the northern is observed to deflect or send off a branch

towards the south, while a corresponding deflexion or ramification of the

southern chain comes to meet it, and the plain which otherwise would

have been one continued expanse from east to west is thus cut into a

number of valleys, the longitudinal axis of which however, is still in

general to be found in the same direction. If we conceive these valleys

to be few, spacious, and well marked towards the north, and south, while

in the central or Kohat region, they become small, numerous, and

crowded so as to resemble a tangled maze, or net work, we shall have a

just general conception of that tract of country west of the Indus, which

may be familiarly described as lying between [Kabul and Kadlabagh.

Unquestionable geological facts, such as the structure of igneous rocks,

poured out under strong pressure, the presence of fossil shells, &c. lead

me to the belief that several if not all of these valleys were at some

former time the receptacles of a series of inland lakes, and the nature of

the shells found (principally planorbes and paludine), seems to indicate

that the waters of these lakes had been fresh. In this manner three

grand sheets of water separated by the mountain deflexions before alluded

to, would appear to have occupied the entire country from Kabul to

the Indus, and their basins may now be distinguished. as the plains

which afford sites to the three cities of Kabul, Jalalabad, and Peshawar.

The drainage of these basins is most tranquilly carried on by the Adbul

river which runs along the northern edge of each, conveying their

united waters to the Indus; but in former times when more energetic

means were necessary the mountain barriers burst and the shattered

fragments and rolled blocks, that now strew the Khatber pass bear tes-

timony to its once having afforded exit to a mighty rush of waters, while

the Gidergalla (jackal’s neck) or long defile east of the plain of Pesha-

war clearly points out the further course of the torrent towards the

bed of the Indus, whence its passage to the ocean was easy, and natural.

While at Jamrad I had an opportunity of observing a fact which strong-

ly supports the idea I have ventured to propose for a well which the

Sikhs were employed in sinking within their new fort of Matteh Garh,

‘

;

1838. ] the Ghorband Mines, and Hindu Kish. 523°

and which had already proceeded to the depth of 180 feet,» had altoge-

ther passed through rolled pebbles of slate and limestone, the consti-

tuents of the Khaiber range of hills. But the wells of Peshawar, gene-

rally twenty or thirty feet deep, never passed through any thing but

mud and clay strata. Now the fort I have mentioned is situated at the

very mouth of the Khaiber pass, and Peshawar is twelve or fourteen

miles distant towards the other extremity of the plain. If then this

plain were once the basin of a lake, into which a stream had poured

through the Khaiber pass, it is obvious that such a stream would at its

very entrance into the lake have deposited the rolled pebbles and

heavier matter with which it was charged, while the ligliter mud and

clay would have floated on to a considerable distance ; in other words,

the former would have dropped at Jamrad, the latter gone on to /esia-

war, and this is precisely the fact*.

Connected with these three basins and joining that of Kabul almost

ata right angle from the north, is the plain of Koh-i-Damun (the

mountain’s skirt), which stretches away to the very foot of Hindu Kish,

and gives exit at its northern end to four several routest by which

that chain may be passed. It is an extensive and fertile plain, bounded

on all sides by primitive hills, those to the north, east and south, being

chiefiy of slate including all the gradations from clay to mica, and even

at times closely bordering upon gneiss; while the ridge to the west-

shows the bare granite, and it is at the base and along the windings of

this, that occur the vineyards, orchards and gardens of Shakar-darré,

Istalif and Isterkhech so famed in the commentaries of the emperor

BABER.

The plain is about forty milesin length, with a mean breadth of per-

haps sixteen or eighteen. Mountain streams, pouring down from each

of the four passes I have mentioned, and bearing their names, unite

their waters in its centre, and afford facilities for irrigation which have

been by no means neglected ; the mulberry, the vine, the walnut, the

almond, with peaches, apricots, melons, and fields of cotton, tobacco, rice,

wheat, barley, juwari and other grains occur in the richest abundance.

Naturally anxious to visit a place of which we had heard so much,

and the praises of which the Afghans are never tired of reciting, we

* No mere irruption of water from a mountain lake would have time to grind

down masses of rock into boulder, pebble, gravel and sand. These deposits are

rather attributed to very long continued action of ocean beaches, or Mountain

detritus.—Ep.

+ From a point towards the centre of the plain (Dush-i-Bagram) I found the

bearings of these four. passes as under :—

Panjthar pass, bearing N. Shahel, 15 N. W, Parwan, 25 N. W. Ghorband, 50 N. W.

524 Account of the Koh-i-Damén, [June,

availed ourselves of the first opportunity afforded by a slight inter-

mission in our business and started from Adbul about the middle of

October ; Lieutenant Leecu, and myself having the further intention

of proceeding to the top of Hindu Kish, he for the purpose of recon-

noitring the pass, and | to pick oe stones, plants, or animals that

might occur in the way.

Our first day’s march was sufficiently barren, being chiefly occupied

in passing over the low slaty ridge which separates the valley of Kabul

from that to which we were proceeding, but on the second morning

having gained the entrance of Shakar-darrd, our entire road was one

succession of gardens. The trees had already put on their beautiful

autumnal tint. The mountains exhibited the grandest varieties of light

and shade. Clouds still lingered amongst their inequalities and rested

here on a speedy cliff, there on a lengthened streak of snow which, deep

in a ravine, had resisted the whole force of the summer’s sun. The dead

nettle, the thistle, the dog-rose covered with hips, the may with its

glistering hair berries, the wild mint, fennel, lavender, and a thousand

other well known plants perfumed the air or recalled our recollections

to our native land. The morning was calm, Py and autumnal. We

were filled with a tranquil pleasure.

Our tents were pitched at the entrance of the Bagh-i- Shah, a garden

planted by Saau Tarmur. We entered and found it spacious and

beautiful though in decay, many of the loftiest poplars (Chinars*) had

lately been cut down by orders of MunAMMAD ABKAR Kuan, but so

great was the abundance of shade, that their fall would scarcely have

been noticed had they not lain in our path. At the farther end was an

ascent which we climbed and from which the most glorious prospect of

vale and hill, sunshine and shade, mountain and rivulet, garden-and

woodland, burst on our view. There had formerly been a garden house

on this spot, and beneath we could perceive where the water dammed

in had formed a lake, but the dam was destroyed, the lake was gone; a

decayed tree had fallen across the bed of the rill which had formerly

supplied it, and its waters diverted from their course had spread them-

selves over the adjacent flats, and converted them into plashy swamps.

It struck us as nota little singular that amidst so great a profusion

of vegetation animal life seemed all but totally extinct. A few

magpies, sparrows and pigeons with an occasional chikor ( Tetrao

rufus) were the sole representations of the winged tribes, as were a_

small lizard, and a frog, of the reptiles. The greater number we were

told had emigrated for the winter towards the warmer regions of Jala-

* Platanus Orientalis.

Seite uh

SS? = + eo

—— eo

1833.] the Ghorband mines,.and Hindu Kish. 525

labéd and Peshawar, and even some as the Kalang or Indian crane to

the plains of Hindustan. The thermometer in our tents at this time

ranged between 45° and 65° Fahr.

We lingered for three days amongst those delicious vales, passing

slowly through Shakar-darra, Kd-darra and so on to Istalif; but the

snow began to fall rapidly on the higher hills, and it became evident

that our attempt on Hindu Kish, must be made immediately or~

relinquished for the season. Without further delay, therefore we left

the skirts of the ‘hills and marched to Charikar, a flourishing town

towards the northern extremity of the plain, where a few hours sufficed

to make the necessary preparations for our excursion.

The entrance of the Ghorband pass by which we meant to whl

was but four or five miles in.a northwest direction from the town, but

though the foot of the mountains was thus near, the road through them

was no less than. fifty miles in length before it led us to the top of the

pass over Hindu Kush, by which the great caravans from Tartary or

Turkistin annually arrive in Kdbul. As the Uzbeks at. the other

side of the pass are notorious slave-dealers, secrecy and dispatch were

alike advisable ; accordingly on the morning of the 18th October, equip-

ped as Afghan horsemen and accompanied by four mounted attend-

ants, and a guide to whom alone we had entrusted our plans, we

marched from Charitkar and halting an hour at noon to rest the horses,

succeeded by sunset in reaching Sherikai the last inhabited spot at

this side of the pass, from which however it was still distant eighteen

miles. In the course of this day’s journey we had first come on micace-

ous schist, dipping to the N. W. at an angle of about 45°, which soon

however increased until the strata became perfectly vertical. Gneiss

then succeeded, but soon gave way and the mica slate again came up

graduating insensibly into black slate, intersected by numerous thin

veins of quartz, and presenting in the neighbourhood of Sukht-i-chenar

a large, valuable. though unwrought, iron mine, of the kind usually:

denominated red sparry iron ore! This gradulation of the micaceous

into clay slate is well shown in some of the specimens I was enabled to

collect, and which with specimens of the different ores mentioned I

hope when an opportunity presents to have the honor of forwarding.

In the mica slate immediately over the entrance of the pass, and on

the very summit of the hill, occurs a vein of silver ore which how-

ever appeared to me so poor that it would scarce pay the expense of

working. I heard of a much richer vein in the pass of Panjabir,

which was said to have been worked to a great extent in the time of

the Bhagatais, but this I had not one apa of seine nes the

3 U ig

526 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, [JuNE,

march granite once or twice made its appearance, shooting up abruptly

through the slate. It was of a large open grain approaching nearly

the species termed graphic. Wherever the valleys opened advantage

had been taken of it for the purposes of cultivation, and we passed

several little green spots, containing mulberries, walnuts, fields of

barley, and a dwarf cotton, which, though in pod, did not exceed six or

eight inches in height. Next day the formation was extremely simple

and well defined. At first we had a mica slate in strata running nearly

east and west, and dipping at an angle of 75° a little to the west of

north. To this succeeded gneiss in irregular blocks, with contorted

lamine gradually changing into regular strata, the dip of which (in the

same direction as that of the mica slate), increased until they became

perfectly vertical, and then came up the granite, forming the last six

miles of the ascent, and shooting up above the pass in such precipitous

peaks that the snow which lay thick round their base could find no

resting place along the sides.

The road had risen so gradually that it was not until within 12 or

15 miles of the summit that we found the ascent becoming so rapid as

to cause the stream which occupied the bottom of the valley to cascade,

nor did we ourselves experience any considerable difficulty until we had

arrived within a mile of the pass. It then became very steep, and in

consequence of a partial thaw of the snow, very slippery and dangerous.

The horses fell and appeared much distressed. We were obliged to

dismount and proceed on foot, and in so doing we met the goods of a

Kafila which had reached the opposite side of the pass, but in conse-

quence of its slippery state had been unable to proceed. A fresh sup-

ply of beasts of burden had been collected on this (the south) side, and

were waiting below while the goods were being transported over the

summit on men’s shoulders. As this was on the 19th October it will

serve to give a fair idea of the early period at which this pass becomes

impracticable. We learned from the persons employed in collecting

toll that in ten days more at furthest it would be finally closed by the

snow, after which time no Kafila could venture. The reports of the na-

tives had informed us the persons ascending this pass were frequently

seized with giddiness, faintness, vomiting, and the other symptoms usu-

ally described as occurring at considerable elevations, and though we

ourselves experienced nothing of the kind, yet we see no reason to doubt

the general correctness of the story, as we estimated the total height

of the pass as little inferior to that of Mount Blanc. This is a point we

regret exceedingly we had not the means of determining in any precise

mode. A thermometer which we had brought with the intention of

ascertaining the boiling point of water on the summit was unfortunately

1838.) the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 527

broken on our first day’s march, and a barometer was too cumbrous and

ostensible an object for persons wishing to avoid observation. How-

ever from calculations made by Lieut. Lezcu (to whose survey I refer

for all topographical details), respecting the rates of ascent at portions

of the road, we felt inclined to conclude that the total height could not

be less than 15,000 feet, and comparisons which I have subsequently

been able to make with other passes in the same range, the height of

which I ascertained, afford me assurance that this is by no means an

over-estimate.

We searched in vain on the top for the Kirm i barf or snow-worm,

the existence of which is confidentially affirmed by the natives who ac-

counted for our want of success by saying that fresh snow had fallen,

and that the worm was only to be found on that of last year. In that case

its existence at least on this pass must be extremely limited, as it would

be hard to name a month in which snow does not or may not fall here.

_ At the time of our visit the snow, which on the southern face extend-

ed in any quantity to a distance of not more than four or five miles, on

the northern, reached eighteen or twenty ; and at a subsequent period,

November 9th, when I made an attempt to go into Turkistén by the

pass of Six-Alang*, and met with no snow until within ten miles of

the summit, it actually on the northern face extended 60 miles or nearly

four days’ journey. ‘This is a fact which forcibly arrested my attention

as the reverse is well known to be the case, in the HimAlaya chain where

snow lies lower down on the southern face than on the northern, to an

extent corresponding with 4000 perpendicular descent. But the

Himdlaya and the Hindu Kish have the same aspect, the same general

direction, lie nearly in the same latitude, and in fact are little other than

integral parts of the same chain. ‘The local circumstances however

connected with each are precisely reversed. The Himalaya has to the

north the elevated steppes of central Asia, and to the south the long

low plains of Hindustan. Hindu Kush, on the other hand, has to the

south the elevated plains of Kabul and Koh-t-Daman between five or six

thousand feet above the level of the sea, while to the north stretch away

the depressed, sunken and swampy flats of Turkistan; Balkh, according

to Captain Burnes, being only 1800 feet, while Kunduz at which

I am now writing is by the boiling of the watert not quite 500 above

the surface of the ocean.

* The upper district in the Parwdn valley is called Alang; the mountain pass over

it Sir-Alang ; Sir simply meaning head or top.—Mr. ELPHINSTONE writes it Sauleh

_ Oolong.

t+ The mean of three thermometers which had been carefully boiled and registered

at the sea level.

a ae

528 ’ Account of the Koh-i-Daman, [JuNE,

I should mention, that since commencing this report I have been

agreeably interrupted by an invitation in my professional capacity,

to the court of Meer Minap Bey, the chief of Kunduz, in ace.

cepting which, anxious to explore a new route, I first in company

with Lieut. Woop, N. I. attempted the valley of Parwan and pass

of Sir-Alang, but being repelled by the depth of snow and a vio-

lent storm which came on just as we had reached the summit, we

were obliged to return and. go by the road of Bamian. In this way

I have been enabled considerably to extend my acquaintance with the

chain of Hindu Kush, and shall therefore venture one or two observa-

tions further respecting it. A core of granite, and resting on it a deep

bed of slate, are the prominent features in its structure. The direction

of those as well as of the chain itself is generally from east to west,

and as a consequence of this its largest and most open valleys will na-

_turally lie in the same direction, while the steepest ascents will be met

with in proceeding from south to north. ‘This 4-priori induction is

perfectly confirmed by my experience. The pass of Sir-Alang and

the pass, as it is called par excellence, of Hindu Kush, are both met in

an attempt to proceed north, and the roads leading to each are for

wheeled carriages perfectly impassable, while the vale of Ghorband,

which runs east and west through the heart of the mountains for thirty

or forty miles, would admit of a coach being drawn the greater part of

the way ; and the Laméan road, which has in every part been traversed

by heavy guns, is so nearly in the same direction that Hujighdt, the

point at which it turns the extremity of Hindu Kush, though 80 miles

in a direct line from Aébu/, is according to Lieut. Woon’s observations,

but ten miles north of the latitude of that city*.

The granite that forms the summit of the entire ridge is from the

pure whiteness of the felspar and the glossy blackness of the horn-

blende of a-very beautiful appearance. A peculiarity was observable

in its structure where we first reached it, which I do not remember to

have seen before. ‘The hornblende had become so collected in patches

through the rock that the whole looked as though it were a conglome-

rate containing dark-colored pebbles of a previous formation, nor was

it without a closer examination that I was able to satisfy myself as to

the real nature of the fact. These concretions were always of a sphe-

roidal form, varying in size from a diameter of two or three inches to @

foot and upwards, and evidently possessed of superior powers of resis-

tance ; for in cases where the mass of the rock had suffered from wea-

_* See Lieut. Woon’s survey for thig and all other topographical details alluded te

on the Bamian and Sir-Alang roads,

)

1828. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 529

thering or been fractured by some external force, these were frequently

seen uninjured and protruding in rounded nodules beyond the general

surface. A similar fact, if I mistake not, has been noted by M. Brone-

NIART as occurring in a granite of Corsica, and taken in connection with

HAt.t’s experiments on the fusion and subsequent refrigeration of basalt,

it forms a most interesting link in the chain of evidence which goes to

connect granite with rocks of undoubted igneous origin. This same

peculiarity of mineralogical structure was again remarked by me when

I came on what I thence conclude to be part of the same outbreak of

granite (though at a somewhat diminished elevation), between dgrabad

and Saighan on the road north of Bainian, and it_is not a little re<

markable that it was here accompanied by an almost basaltic arrange-

ment of the rock. This is so evident that Captain Burwgs in his for

mer journey, viewing it merely with the eye of a traveller says, ‘“‘ Cliffs

of granite blackened by the elements rose up in dusky but majestic

columns not unlike basalt.’ Next to the granite lies the great slate

formation I have mentioned, and which must be considered as including

gneiss, mica and clay-slate of numerous varieties, with chlorite and other

subordinate slates, as well as veins of carbonate of lime and quartz, the

latter sometimes attaining a thickness of two or three hundred yards,

though more frequently from a few inches to two or three or four feet:

Of all these the gneiss appears to occupy the inferior position though

this is by no means constant, on the contrary every possible alteration

may be found amongst them. The formation is of very great extent

reaching in length from Atiok, where we first came on it, in the form

of black roofing slate, to the longitude of Baémian, 100 miles west of

Kabul. It probably extends much farther, but I speak only of what I

have seen, | :

Its mean breadth may be safely stated at between twenty and thirty

miles, at least three perfect sections which I have made of it were all

fully of that extent. It runs in the first instance north of the basin of

Peshawar, hard, blue, non-fossiliferous limestone*, which we had

traced upon it from Hasan Abdul, parting from it at the Gidergalla,

and going round to form the southern edge. It is then continued

north of the basins of Jalilabdd and Kabul, sending down the two

southerly deflexions or outlying ridges which mark their ancient mar-

gins, and which we traversed by the Khaibar pass, and that which leads

through Tiyen to Balkh, distances of thirty and twenty-five miles

respectively. A smaller slaty ridge separates Kabul from the plain of

* The same Dr. FALCONER informed me, which from its being so generally found

along the base of the Himalaya chain, is usually termed sub- Himalayan.

530 Account of the Koh-i-Daéman, [ June,

aad

Koh-i-Daéman, and when you have arrived at the summit of this and

attempt to go north you again meet with this same slaty belt of thirty

miles in thickness, which must be traversed before you reach the granite

core of Hindu Ktsh. In short to attempt a generalization more exten-

sive perhaps than I am strictly warranted in offering, though derived

from many sections in various directions, I would say, that an observer in

passing south, from the top of Hindu Kush, to the parallel of Kdlabagh,

would see first a core of granite with coating of slate, as in the grand

mountain chain ; next a core of slate with a coating of limestone as at At-

tok and Khatrabdd ; then ancient hills of limestone, hard, blue, and non-

fossiliferous, as in the ridge between Peshdwar and K ohat ; then a core

of more modern limestone (fossiliferous) with a coating of new red sand-

stone as in the hills south of Kohat, and then would find himself amongst

aluminous clay, sulphur, gypsum, bituminous shale and rock-salt which

occur near Lachi, Ismael Khail and Teré, and are thence continued south

to the parallel I have mentioned terminating the groupe.

Respecting the slate I shall only add that north of the Kish it ap-

peared to be by no means of the same extent or importance. After

passing the granite I have mentioned at Saighan, I again came on it ;

but it did not exceed four or five miles in breadth, and its place seemed

occupied by silicious sandstone and fossiliferous sandstones which here

are of immense depth; as however I have rather turned than crossed

the ridge in my way to Turkistan, I have not examined it at each side

and under similar circumstances.

Subordinate to the slate formation, limestone both primitive and se-

condary occurs. The former in vast cliffs overhangs the upper part of

the valley of Parwan, and exhibits numerous and large natural cavities, in

one of which the water of the valley is engulphed and does not re-appear

for a distance of two miles. The general color of the limestone here

is of a light gray and striped, but masses of. it which have fallen from

above and lie in the water-course are often of a dazzling whiteness. I

cannot say I met with any of this same formation in my way up to the

pass of Hindu Kish, but an extensive limestone formation which I shall

have occasion to notice again, is to be found in the Ghorband valley

and affords a matrix in which occur ores of antimony, iron, and lead.

Still further west on the Baémian road near Jubrez, I again met with

this same limestone, grey and crystalline, in vertical strata, and running

east and west, and I learned that immediately to our south in the hills

round Midan it affords quarries of white marble, which it was further

said might be had along the back of the whole range west to Herat and

south to Kandahdr. At the former of these places it has been worked

Po geht EP RR Het oof

Sr tee 3

1838. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 531

from time immemorial, but at Kdbul its existence was unknown until

the days of the emperor SHAH JEHAN*, to whom it was disclosed by a

Herdti stone-cutter, when he was occupied in the pious task of erecting

a mausoleum to his great progenitor BaBer. The marble for the

mosque and tomb of this structure which still exists, though sorely frayed

by time, was brought at immense expense from Delft ; but the marble

pavement, as well as the materials for the enclosure that surrounds the

whole, were in consequence of the Herait’s suggestion derived from the

quarries of Midun. The marble is not equal to that of Delhi, but still has

a pure color, an open crystalline texture, and is commended by the

workmen as yielding readily to the chisel. From the unskilfulness of

the workmen employed in raising it, large slabs are with difficulty pro-

cured, and in consequence the price is high, four rupees being charged

for a slab, a guz{+ square, in its rough state at the quarry.

In this part of its course (near Jubrez), the limestone alternates with

mica and clay-slate, and a stratum of it again occurs a few miles fur_

ther,—one at Sir-cheshmeh. It is not more than a mile or a mile and a

half in breath ; but it suffices to give birth to the beautiful and abun-

dant spring from which the place derives its name (S17-i-cheshmeh—

literally, fountain’s head), and which forms the true source of the Kdbul

river. Twenty miles further on, between G'lardan-i-Dewan and Gul-

gahni, limestone once more appeared in the form of a very thin vein,

about 150 feet in breadth, perfectly conformable with the strata of

slate which enclosed it: and here again it threw up a spring which,

however unlike the former, was deeply impregnated with iron saline

matter, and abundance of carbonic acid gas, that caused the whole to

effervesce as though it were boiling. This spring has many medical

virtues attributed to it by the natives, and is extensively used as a tonic,

particularly for impaired powers of digestion, to which I have no doubt

it proves serviceable. Its temperature was 51° Fahr. which probably

is somewhat below its natural standard, inasmuch as it was surrounded

at the time of observation with melting snow. The temperature of the

well of Str-chashmeh, nearly in the same parallel of latitude, I had ascer-

tained two days before to be 54° 5‘, and another well also from lime-

stone near Agrabdd, half a degree further north, I found to be 54°.

I would here remark that the temperature of wells, as generally

taken without reference to the formation in which they occur, must

needs be a most imperfect, indeed erroneous, method of approximating

* My informant said HUMAIYUN, but as the inscription on the tomb shews it to

have been erected by SHAu JEHAN, I have transferred the story to him.

+ About three feet English,

§32 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, \ (June,

to the mean temperature of the place, inasmuch as different rock for-

mations, like different metals, vary much in their power of conducting

heat. Thus, a well at Peshawar gave me a temperature of 64°, while

one at Attok, almost under the same parallel of latitude and at the

same altitude above the sea, was’ as high as 78°, the thermometer at

sunrise in each case standing about 80°. But the well at Peshawar

was in loose clay, mixed with vegetable mould, a notoriously bad con-

ductor of heat, while that at Attok was in hard black slate, which would

thus appear to have a very different quality. Again a well at Agrabad

in limestone, latitude 35° north, shewed a temperature of 54° Fahr.

while another in slate a few miles further north, stood at 48°, the al-

titude of both being nearly equal, and the thermometer at sunrise be-

low the freezing point ; so that in this instance also, the slate would

appear to have had superior powers of conduction. To pursue this,

however, would lead me too far from my present subject, besides it is

time I should come down from the top of the mountain, which we did,

though not until we had gratified our curiosity with many a longing

glance down the snow-clad vale that led towards Turkistdn, and indulg-

ed our loyalty in a libation to the health of our youthful queen as the

first of her majesty’s subjects, indeed we may add of Europeans, who

had succeeded in surmounting this celebrated range.

We now turned our attention towards the vale of Ghorband, the

opening of which, distant about 14 miles from the plain, we had noticed

in our upward course, threading off to the south of west so as to stand

nearly at a right angle with the pass we had travelled, the general lie

of which was a little to the west of north. And nothing could be more

striking than the difference between the two valleys. The one narrow,

rocky, and uneven, with an average fall of 200 feet per mile, so that it

was impossible it should even have contained any other waters than

those of a rapid headlong torrent, while the other, that which we now

entered was wide, level, and fertile. The primitive rocks had retired

to a distance of from one to three miles, and within them was depo-

sited a secondary row of small rounded hills consisting of conglomerate

pebbles and clay, and horizontal strata of fine mud, such as could only

have been collected during a long series of years from the tranquil wa-

ters of a scarcely moving lake. Along such a formation we travelled

for about 15 miles, the hills I have described generally lying to the

south of the road, while the Ghorband river, of a respectable breadth

and not in all places fordable, run close along the edge of the slate

which descended in steep cliffs on our north. But on reaching Suja-

garh, the hitherto uniform tints of the mountain were seen to be varie-

1838, ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 533

gated with red, green, and ashen grey, which on examination we found

to be produced by ochre, red, indurated clay, decaying green stone and

strata of volcanic ashes. These indications of ancient volcanic action, and

along with them, efflorescence and sheets of sulphate of lime, the deposits

of springs which had whitened large tracts on the side of the range, ex-

tended along westward, as we continued our course to Chandi,—the vol-

canic indications being generally at an inconsiderate elevation, and in

most instances capped by conglomerate or beds of clay to a depth of

50-200 feet. The valley we were told, stretched away west and south-

west, until it nearly reached to Bdmtan; but the upper end of it

was inhabited by the Shaik Ali, a lawless tribe of Huzarahs who

acknowledge no ruler, and rob every one that comes within their grasp,

so that for a long series of years, the road has been closed to the

traveller and the merchant.

We were therefore obliged to terminate our researches at Chandi,

but it gave me no little pleasure, on a subsequent journey, to recognize

the very same volcanic indication with basalt, and anzodaloid superad-

ed, in the vale of Lohuk, which is distant about 40 miles southwest of

the point where we were now turned back, and tobe able to trace these

indications through Topclie up to Bamian itself, and finally to iden-

tify by its mineralogical characters, as well as, by its geological connec-

tions, the conglomerate in which the caves of Baémian are scooped,

and its gigantic idols carved, with the conglomerate in the vale of

Ghorband, in which we now proceeded to examine a more extensive

and more useful excavation. This was a lead mine which had been

worked in the time of the Chagatais, but which, frem the ignorance of

the Afghans or the troubles which have so constantly beset them, has been

totally neglected, insomuch that the inhabitants of the neighbourhood were

perfectly unaware of its nature, and viewed it with a sort of superstitious

reverence, as a relic of some mysterious folk of former times. They

even made some difficulties about shewing us the entrance, and when

they understood our intention of going in, earnestly attempted to dis-

suade us; a few agreed to accompany us as torch-bearers, though the

greater part shook their heads at their rashness. Having obtained a good

supply of oil, and taken a compass that we might be sure of our way

back again, we commenced our under-ground exploration at the auspi-

cious hour of noon, on the 22nd October, 1837.

The mine is known by the name of Feringal*, is situated at the

* In an ingenious paper on the site of Alexandria ad Caucasum, I observe Mr.

Masson wishes to appropriate this as the cave of PRoMETHEUs. I am sorry to

deprive him of it, especially for so ignoble a purpose as to convert it into a lead

o Xx

534 Account of the Koh-t-Daman, (June,

upper part of the district of Churdé, about thirty miles from the entrance

of the valley of Ghorband, and on the side of a hill facing the east, at

an elevation of about 250 feet above its base. The hill is composed

beneath of quartz rocks, above conglomerate, and between both is a

thin, schistose layer, which, as well as the quartz, appears to dip. away

rapidly to the west. The excavation is entirely made through the con-

glomerate, and descends to the depth of one hundred feet perpendicular

before it reaches the ore, which is a galena or sulphuret of lead ex-

tremely rich and valuable. The galleries have been run and shafts

sunk, with a degree of skill that does no little credit to the engineering

knowledge of the age ; but I am yet ata loss to understand what could

have induced them to sink a mine on the spot they have chosen, as

there is not the slightest external indication that I could perceive of the

presence of mineral in the hill; nor was it until they had mined to 100

feet perpendicular descent and an actual distance of more than half an

English mile that they came on the ore. Perhaps had I been able to

get to the back of the hill I might have found the mineral cropping out

there, still if that was the case, why was the excavation not made at

that side? One thing is evident that the works were commenced on

knowledge and principle, not on blind chance ; for on arriving at cham-

ber No. 1, a regular shaft, two feet square, and eleven feet deep had

been sunk, and not finding the ore, they continued their gallery about

forty yards, further to chamber No. 2, where the ore actually exists.

Now at a first attempt (for there was no previous shaft sunk), to reach

so very near their object as six or eight feet, which was the total dif-

ference in level between the bottom of the shaft and chamber No. 2,

shewed an acquaintance with the lie of. the mineral and the level at

which they had arrived that could scarcely be exceeded inthe present

day. By the kindness of my friend and fellow-traveller, Lieut Leecu,

I am enabled to annex a plan of the works and view of one of the

chambers, which will at once afford a clear explanation of the whole,

and save the necessity of entering into further details*.

The galleries were in some places so low that we were obliged to craw!

on all fours, and this, added to the heat and smoke of the torches and

the quantities of dust which we knocked in our progress, rendered our

task not a little fatiguing, and at times almost threatened us with suffo-

cation. The dryness of the mine was so perfect that putrefaction

mines, but eu revanche, I can offer him the cave of TALAGUD, (mentioned in a sub-

sequent part of this paper,) which being a natural excavation will probably suit him

better. Major WiLForp is for having the cave of PROMETHEUS at Auk-Serai, to

which I know of but one objection, that there is no cave there.

* This will be forwarded hereafter, not having come to hand.

1838.] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 535

seemed almost at a stand still. One of the human skulls which we

found, had the scalp and hair attached to it, in a good state of preser-

vation, and a porcupine which lay at the bottom of the shaft, though

evidently long dead, was almost entire.

The only living animal in the excavation was a bat, (Rhinolophus, )

ewhich I have preserved; but the quills and other spoils of porcupines,

with a great heap of their dung shewed this to have been a favorite

resting place with them for many generations. The remains of oxen

and sheep which occurred, had probably been taken down for the pur-

pose of feeding its human inhabitants in former times, and this was

rendered still more likely, from the circumstance of the horns having °

been sawn off the heads of the rams; such a practice obtaining even to

the present day, the object being to place on some rustic shrine (zearut),

to which they are considered an appropriate offering. Half-burnt blocks

of timber were in some of the large chambers, but we did not succeed.

in finding tools of any sort.

From the number of galleries we had to examine on our passage

downward, before ascertaining the right road, we were more than two

hours in reaching the one, but our return only occupied 20 minutes.

We did not reach the extreme limit of the excavation, as the fear of

our oil being exhausted compelled us to limit our researches. The

total time we remained under ground was a little short of 3 hours.

We returned to the external world at 5 minutes before 3 of Pp. m. and

found nearly the whole population of the neighbourhood assembled to

witness our resurrection. We retraced our steps the same evening to

Kinchak, immediately at the back of which is a mountain, from which

antimony is procured in abundance. The formation is black slate,

and the ore is on the surface, so that it requires no further description.

Murdar sungan, ore of lead, I have not ascertained of what nature,

and my specimens are at Kabul while I am writing at Kunduz, occurred

in the valley under Kinchak, and was also to be found on our way to

Hindu Kush, under the village of Kishim. The ore is crystallized,

and is generally picked up in lumps at the bottom of the valley, being

distinguished as [ was told, by its property of drying with great rapidi-

ty, so that the usual time of gathering it is after a shower of rain when

all the other stones are wet. ‘The mine of it is not known, but certain-

ly must be very near, as these lumps are got in great abundance, and are

said by the natives to be brought down by the stream, the source of

which is, at most, but 3 or 4 miles distant.

At Kinchak and generally through this district, the sles was found

reposing on quartz rock, which in other parts of the range seldom ap- —

3x2

536 Account of the Koh-i-Déman, (June,

peared. The slate was in many places black and crumbling, (a variety

described by MacCutrack,) and looked as if altered by fire. |

In a limestone hill, west of Fuligird, occurs another mine of antimo-

ny like the former on the surface, andon our way to visit this, we

unexpectedly hit on a very magnificent natural cavern, which we ex-

plored (having sent back for torches), to the distance of three or four

hundred yards ; but without finding bones or indeed any thing to reward

us, except the sight of some very large and transparent stalactites. The

cavern was situated almost on the summit of the hill, 2000 feet above

the Ghorband valley, which with its river now lessened to a silver thread,

and its gardens of apricots, mulberries, and almonds, in their autumnal

livery, looking as though they had been painted on the lofty and per-

fectly barren mountains, which every where towered above them, had a

singularly beautiful and almost magical appearance.

This hill is based on quartz rock, between which and its limestone

cap intervenes a bed of decaying mica slate about 500 feet in thickness.

This has a gentle dip (10°) towards the southwest, and the limestone,

which is grey, and crystalline, lies conformably on it. The mouth of

the cavern is marked by a wild almond tree which grows over it, and

seems to spring from the bare rock. There is a second opening about

100 feet lower down, but the rock is so precipitous that this can only

be approached through the cavern. Iron ore occurs so abundantly

through the entire range that I have thought it unnecessary to particu.

larize its localities. The richest I have seen is the black iron ore near

the pass of Hajeeghuk, where it forms entire hills by itself : but from the

difficulty of carriage and total want of fuel its value must be consider-

bly diminished.

Copper is not to be found in the parts which I have visited, all the

specimens brought to me were from the neighbourhood of Bajour north

of Peshawar. They were principally malachite and peacock ore,

and seemed rich in metal. .

I heard of the existence of lapis lazuli in the vicinity of Puligard,

and sent a man to search for it in the direction indicated, but he return-

ed unsuccessful.

Zinc in the form of its effloreseed white sulphate, known here by the

name of zak, occurs generally through the volcanic region I have de-

scribed, as do also sulphur, sal-ammoniac, ochre, and nitre. There isa

salt spring at Mimakan, which lies between Ghorband and Kairshana ;

but salt for domestic purposes is generally brought from near Balkh,

The influence of petrifying springs has been extensive in this district ;

some of them are still at work, others closed up by their own deposits.

1838. ] the Ghorband mines, and Hindu Kish. 537

In the neighbourhood of Lohuk they were particularly abundant, and in

one place, the beds cut through by a torrent shewed a thickness of 50

feet, the individual layers not exceeding 1 to 3 inches.

On our way back through the plain of Koh-i-Daman we paid a visit

to Reg-rowan (the flowing sand), which has long been an object of

wonder, and veneration to the natives. It is simply a bed of loose

sand on the slope of a hill, which if set in motion by any cause, as by

the wind or bya man, rolling down from the top, produces lengthened

sonorous vibrations not unlike those of the string of a bass-viol. The

fact is mentioned by BaBER who compares the noise to that of drums

or nagarehs, and a corresponding fact has been noticed as occurring at

Jubbul Tor on the shore of the Red Sea. On my way into Kdbul I

noticed two other similar though smaller collections of sand on project-

ing hills, and in all cases these projections faced the south. The sand

is such as would proceed from the disintegration of granite consisting

chiefly of quartz and hornblende, but there is no rock of the kind near-

er than the opposite side of the plain. .A west or southwest wind

would certainly have no difficulty in transporting it this distance, and if

so brought it would naturally collect on the projections I have men-

tioned, which are at right angles with the general lie of the hill-range

here, and form so many rocks or corners. Iam hardly as yet justified

in making any inference respecting the frequency of such winds, but I

may state the simple fact that on referring to my register for the 20

days, I spent in Kabul, September 20th to October LOth, I find that

during 14 days of them, these winds prevailed.

We returned over the Dusht 1 Baghram which antiquarians seem to

have fixed on as the site of Alexandria ad Caucasum. The num-

ber of coins found here principally Grecian and Cufic, is immense.

Mr. Masson last year procured no less than 35,000 ; and during a halt

of a few hours, two children employed by Lieutenant Woop picked mR

from 20 to 30.

On my arrival at Kdbul I had the gratification to find a message

awaiting me from SHeer Muuammapb Minap Bey, requesting my pro-

fessional attendance on his brother who has long suffered from an eye

complaint.

The consequence is that I am now with Captain Burnes’ permission

passing the winter in Kunduz, while Lieutenant Woop, who accompa-

nied me, is on his way to investigate the source of the Owus.

538 E/pitome of the Grammars of the [Jone

II¥.—Epitome of the Grammars of the Brahuiky, the Balochky and. the

Panjabi languages, with Vocabularies of the Baraky, the Pashi, the

Laghmani, the Cashgari, the Teerhai, and the Deer dialects. By

Lieut. R. Lxzcu, Bombay Engineers, Assistant on a Mission to Kabul.

GRAMMAR OF THE Branurky Laneuaan.

This language is spoken throughout the Khanship of Khalat, the

boundary line of which may be drawn through Harrand, Shall, Kokak

and Kech, and the district called Garamsel; the handwriting is Per-

sian, as well as the letters of the alphabet with the exception of a

peculiar 7 something near the Devanagari , and a ¢ pronounced with

a strong emission of the breath from the roof of the mouth. The

Brahuees say that their original country is Halab (Aleppo), and that a

great number emigrated to Balochistan, about 20 generations ago,

under achief of the name of Kambar, from whom there arose the

tribe called Kambrdnees, now the first in consequence, and in which

the Khanship is made hereditary.

Alphabet.

The system of Romanizing adopted is that now generally followed,

formed on the Italian pronunciation of the vowels. Besides the Nagari

consonant the Brahuiky makes use of the Arabic ¢ and ¢, and in using

that character the 7 is sometimes pronounced like the last n in the French

non, or the Sanskrit anuswara. The cerebrals are marked by a dot under

them.

Gender.

There is no termination to express the gender in this language ; but a

separate word narranga is prefixed for the masculine and mddagha for the

feminine, as narranga chuk, a male bird, madagha chuk, a female bird, and

these are only used in order more particularly to define the object, which

is never at first mentioned but in the common gender.

Deciension of Nouns. |

_ As I consider the word case to mean state, I can no more allow the

words “ of a horse” to be the case or state of the word ‘ horse” than I

would consider one and twopence to be the case or state of a shilling.

There is 1 think accordingly only one case in English,which is the original ;

and only two in Hindustani, ghord the original or nominative, and ghore

the inflected state prepared for the addition of the post positions*.

There is only one case for nouns in Brahuiky, which is the original or

nominative as hulz, a horse.

A noun is joined to another to form one compound idea in the following

ways.

To denote possession nd is introduced between the two words as hulind

kurra, a horse’s colt.

* The author we think mixes up the notion of grammatical case with inflection.

The casus or accident in which the noun or name of a thing may be placed quoad

other things, as whether it be the agent, the instrument, the object, the possessor,

or the deprived, may be as legitimately expressed by prepositions or postpositions as

by inflections. We do not however feel at liberty to alter the text.—Eb.

1838. ] Brahutky, Balochky and Panjabi languages. 539

To denote abstraction dz is introduced as viatan asit, one from two and

hultan dita, blood from the horse ; ustaé dud, wishes from the heart.

_ To denote donation ne ore is added as dade yete, give to him.

To make a noun the instrument of a circumstance ene is added, as zagh.

mene, with a sword, from zaghm, a sword ; latene, with a stick, from Jaé,

a stick.

To make a noun the cause of a circumstance az is added, as tapan from

a wound, the original case being tap, a wound.

To denote inclusion ¢@ is added to the noun, as Sharéé, in the city,

from shar, a city ; jangatz kaskune, died in battle, from jang battle.

Position is denoted by adding at to the noun, as dd Kasarat duzare,

there is a thief on that road, from kasar, a road, speaking of a road as a

whole, or by adding ai as Kasarai pirt araghase, there is an old man on

the road, in the limited sense.

To denote approach or direction di is added to the noun, as J’ Haidra.

budai kawad, I will go to Hydrabad*.

Superposition is denoted by the addition of a, as huiz a, on the horse;

kata tikhakh, put on the bed.

Companionship is denoted by the addition of fo, to the inflected case of

the pronouns, as neto bafar, I will not go with thee, from nZ, thou.

Number.

There are some words that remain the same in both numbers, and either

the verb must point out to which they belong, or an adjective of quantity ;

for instance hui? is the Brahuiky for a horse, and horses can only be ex-

pressed by the addition of such a word as the adjective many, as “baz

huiz,” many horses ; or by such a verb as are neighing, tawdr ker, as, the

horses are neighing, hulé tawdr ker; the horse is neighing, hult tawar

kek.

But to conform to old established usage and as the word hut is said

by some to have a plural,I subjoin the word, declined through all its cases.

Singular. Plural.

Nom. hali hulik.

Gen, hulina hulita

Dat. & Ace. huline hulite

Abl. hulian hulityan

Declension of a Compound Noun,

Sharanga narina... a good man.

Singular. Plural.

Nom. sharanga narina sharanga narinaghak

Gen. sharanga narinana sharanga narinaghata

Dat. & Ace. sharanga _narinaie sharanga narinaghate

Abl. sharanga narinaghan sharanga narinaghatiyan

* Whatever name may be given to them, the Brahuiki inflections are evidently

nearer to the Sanskrit than those of most modern dialects; and this militates

- against the derivation of the tribe from Aleppo. Compare the following: —

. Sanskrit. Brahuiki.

Nominative S. ah P. 4h S.a P.4,

Instrumentive ena ene

Objective 4ya (ne for nouns in i) ai (huline from hull.)

Ablative at (changeable to 4n &c.) én and &t

Genitive nah (for nouns in i) né as huli, bulina

Locative e, t, or tah at ti

The accusative or second case alone seems wanting, being supplied by the dative

or, properly, objective case. The plural cannot so easily be traced unless we suppose

bh to be changed to t,—Ep.

540

Epitome of the Grammars of the (June,

Comparison.

There are no regular affixes for comparison, but the force of the degrees

may be expressed in the following manner.

Da juwan e

Da juwanosite

that is good.

that is better.

Da kulan juwanosite that is better than all.

Da edan juwan e.

this is better than that.

Da kul meettyan doulatmand e. He is richer than all the Meers.

Pronouns.

Of the first Personal Pronoun.

Singuiar. Plural.

Vom. nan we

Gen. Kana my nana ours

Dat. Kane me nane us

Abl. Kanyan from me nanyal from us

Second Personal Pronoun.

Singular. Plural.

Nom. Ni thou num ye

Gen. Na thy numa yours

Dut. Ne thee nume you

Abl. Nyan from thee numyan from you

Third Personal Pronoun ; proximate-demonstrative verbul,

dad this, Sans. tat.

Singular. Plural,

Nom. Da this dafk these

Gen. Dana of this dafta of these

Dat. Dade to this dafte to these

Abl. Dadan from this daftyan from these

Third Persona’ Pronoun, remote, remote, od.

Singuiar. Plural.

Nom. Odoro that ofk those

Gen. Ona of that ofta of those -

Dat. Ode to that ofte to those

Abl. Odan from that oftvna from those

Third Personal Pronoun, remote ed.

Singular. Plural.

Gen. Ena of that efta of those

Ace. & Dat. Ede to that efte to those

Abl. Edan from that eftyan rom those

Reciprocal Pronoun.

Tenat, self.

Singular. Piura.

NNom. Tenat self

Gen. Tena of self The same.

Dat. Tene to self

Abl. Tenyan from self

Tenpaten, among themselves, (Apas men.)

Interrogatives to animate beings.

Singular . Plural.

Nom. Der who .

Gen. Dinna whose The same.

Dat. Dere whom ni der us, » who art thou?

Abl. Deran from whom num derrure, who are you?

1838. ]

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. 541°

To inanimate objects.

Singular.

Ant

Ara

what

of which

Relative pronoun.

whichever

: Correlative pronoun.

Hamo that one or the same.

Ara ida ki juvan, e kane hamo darkar e

Which thing soever is good, that I require.

Amro, what sort, as, 0 amro bandugh ase, what sort of man is that >

Pronominal Adjectives.

handunos 2 ut handunos ode, as — am so is he.; nek rupaiye akhadr are,

how many rupees are about you ; akhadr ki né tes namo khadr, 7 halev,

I will take as many as you will give ; dohko zebou zaif as khanat bazar-

tz, such a beautiful woman I saw in the bazar; ki wah wahna zaif as asak

handanos asak ki ialana phiuit, oh! such a woman the image of a rose.

Days of the week.

Juma Friday | Shishambe Tuesday

Awal i hafta Saturday Char shambe W ednesday

Yek shambe Sunday Panj shambe Thursday

Du shambe Monday

Cardinal Numbers.

One asit Twenty bist

‘Two irat T wenty-one bist 0 yak

Three musit Twenty-two bist o do

Four char ‘Twenty-three bist o sai

Five panj Twenty-four bist o char

Six shash Twenty-five bist 0 panj

Seven haft Twenty-six bist o shash

Hight hasht Twenty-seven bist o haft

Nine nuh Twenty-eight bist o hasht

Ten dah Twenty-nine bist o nuh

Eleven yazda Thirty see

Twelve duazda Forty chil

Thirteen senzda Fifty panjah

Fourteen chanda Sixty shasht

Fifteen panzda Seventy haftad

Sixteen shouzda Highty ashtad

Seventeen havda Ninety navad

Eighteen — hazda Hundred Sad

Nineteen nozda

Ordinals, Fractions.

Awal first Miskhali a quarter rupee

Elo second Nem half

Mustimiko third Shashai three quarters

Charmiko fourth Panjpa one and a quarter

Panjmiko fifth (lit. five quarters)

CoNJUGATION OF THE VERB SUBSTANTIVE.

Present tense.

Singular. Plural.

Ist person I’asitut I am alone Nan asitun We are one

1 Ni asitus Thou art alone Num asiture We are one

Sean” 5, Odasite He is alone Dafk asitur They are one

This is rather an example of the auxiliary verb, asit signifying one.

3 Y

542 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

“ Present tense of the verb substantive.

Singular. Plural.

Y’ aret ‘ Iam Nan aren We are

Ni ares Thou art Num areri You are

Od are He is Dafk arer They are

lst Imperfect.

¥ asut I was Nan asun We were

Ni asus Thou wast Num asure You were

Od asak He was > Dafk asur They were

Qnd Imperfect.

I’ masasut I was being Nan masasun We were being

Ni masasus Thou wast being Num masasure You were being

Od masas He was being] Dafk masast They were being

Perfect.

I’ masunut I had been Nan masunun We had been

Ni masunus Thou hadst been Num masunure You had been

Od mas He had been Dafk masunt They had been

Future tense present.

¥ marev T will now be Nan maren We will now be

Nimares. Thou wilt now be Num mareri You will now be

Od marek He will now be Dafk marer They will now be

Future tense literal,

I’ marot I will hereafter be Nan maron We will hereafter be

Ni maros Thou wilst hereafter be Num marode You will hereafter be

Od maroi He will hereafter be Dafk maror They will hereafter be

Imperative.

Nimares’ Be thou Num marere Be you

Od mare Let him be Dafk maror Let them be

Subjunctiue mood.

Preceded by agar if.

I’ masut If I might be Nan masun If we might be

Ni masus_ If thou mightest be Num masude If you might be

Od masuk If he might be Dafk masur If they might be

ConsuGATION oF THE VERB To Ask.

Infinitive or verbal substantive, harrafing.

I’ harraffiva I ask Nan harrafon We ask

Ni harraffisa Thou askest Num harrafore You ask

Od harrafik He asks Dafk harrafor They ask

1st Imperfect.

I’ harraffenut J asked Nan harraffenun We asked

Ni harraftenus Thou askedst Num harraffenure You asked

Od harraffene He asked Dafk harraffenur They asked

Qnd Imperfect.

J’ harraffeta I was asking Nan harraffena We were asking

N harraffesa Thou wastasking Num harraffere. You were asking

Od harraffek He was asking Ofk harraffera They were asking |

Perfect.

¥ harrafesasut I had asked Nan harrafesasun We had asked

Ni harrafesasus Thou hadst asked Num harrafesasure You had asked

Od harrafesas He had asked Dafk harrafesasi ‘They willask

1838.) Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. 543

Future Tense.

Bo eeratot” T will ask Nan harrafenun We will ask

Sy harvatos Thou wilt ask Num harrafonure You will ask

Od harrafo,i He will ask Dafk harrafeni =‘ They will ask

. _ Imperative.

Harraf Ask thou Harrafbo Ask you

Subjunctive.

Preceded by agar if Z

Y’ harrafut If I might ask Nan harrafuna We might ask

Ni harrafus If thou mightest ask Num harrafude

You might ask

Od harrafuk If he might ask Dafk harrafur

They might ask

Compound Future.

TY’ harrafiv I shall have asked Nan harafina We shall have asked

Ni harrafos Thou shalt have asked Num harrafere You shall have asked

Od harrafoi He shall have asked Dafk harrafenure They shall have asked

ADVERBS,

Amu, to-day ; pag?, to-morrow ; palme, day after to-morrow; kéide,

day after that; kuidramds, day after that; daro, yesterday ; mulkhudi,

day before yesterday; kimulkhudé, day before that ; kudir mulkhudi

day before that; ewadaz, formerly ; manjan, midday ; dégar (ttre pare)

afternoon; nem shaf, midnight ; awal kopds, the first pahar; irat mz

kopads, the second pahar ; mustam? hopds, third pahar ; charme kopas,

fourth pahar. |

Dasa now Araéde where Chi wakt when

Guda after Khadk on this side Hand on yes

Dade here Araka whence A ha no

Ede there Burza above Mat forsake

Peshan out Shef below Awal at first

Fahti in Jagai instead Zi quickly

Mur beyond Harde every day Bega in the evening

Harrank asfaras Iska as far as Asi asi wakt, sometimes

Madana late Pada again Mada slowly

Musti near Arangi wherever Hamengi there

Char man onallsides Moni opposite Rastaparén onthe

kundi

right side

Chapa on the left Bas enough Ha mon even so

paran side

Ham also Péraée instead Baghair besides

Guda but Pahnéd succes- Handoan even so

pahna- sively

dati

Majibat according Knear, Baghar without

to as kanek, near me

Beera merely

Conjunctions.

Oo, and; lekin, but ; ki, that ; ede hi nak, go there; ede himp, do not

go there ; paral, speak ; pap, do not speak.

Interjections,

Ade, holla! §armén, what a pity !

3 ¥ 2

544

Kasar

Huch

Kuchak

Kharas

Beesh

Pishi

Iragh

Dir

Tifak

Zaghm

Pishkou

Rish

Barot

Baj

Mon

Kopa

Suroch

Pun

Zil

Pid

Khad

Pas

Rotink

Kalakh

Mar

Masid

Arwat

Eelum

Bav

¥d

Lumma

Tat

Balla

Illa

ait

Khall

Sandabe

Kahar

Khwash

Kharmé

Khalegha

Rastar

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language..

VocABULARY.

road Mon

camel Khisun

a dog Piwn

an 0x \Kharrun

an ass Samo

a cat Puashkun

bread Hanen

water Kharen

musket Be

sword Turund

shield Nyari

coat Basun

breeches Sekha

waistband Daspak

shoes Dey

hat Istar

hand Nokh

foot Tabi

eye Billa

nose Sum

lip Math

tongue Ura

ear Detik

head Sharo

hair Gando

beard Chuk

mustachoes Khakho

back Gunjishk

face Dandan

shoulder Or

elbow Kat

knee Daghar

nail Kont

belly Moz

bosom Bedi

pudendum Mash

entrails Pat

cheek Khakhar

son Tanab

daughter Bai

wife Darakht

brother Ala

father Zardala

sister Shaftala

mother Hinar

paternal aunt Saf

father’s mother ‘Tat

father’s brother Shahtat

woman Sinjit

stone Narghoonch

table Ispedar

angry Kaman chol

glad Ahingar

wolf Zargar

chitta Mollt

lion Avdast

{ Jung,

black

red

white

blue

bottle green

yellow

sweet

sour

salt

salt, adj.

breakfast

heat

shade

handkerchief

sun

Star

new moon

full moon

bow

arrow

billy goat

house

east

good

bad

bird

crow

sparrow

tooth

finger

a bedstead

ground

carpet ©

boot

a boat

mountain

stick

fire

rope

grass

a tree

a fruit

apple

a mulberry

ditto

a fruit

pellit

ironsmith

goldsmith

milk

excrement

1838. ]

Khasi

Kvharesh

Ghala

Pirish

Shal

Bunga

Gwand

Murghin

Hurr

Darich

Kapas

Kas

Drasam :

Sil

Taho

Kaskun

Davani

Jumuk

Durr

Phulo

Touk

Tawiz

Mis

Brinj

Ahin

Folad

Surf

Shorah

Gokudt

Pilpil

Pil

Kholim

Brinj

Bedir

- Zad chobah

Khazm

Khachal

Kootakh

Moochnak

Litik

Tas

Hinak

Barak

Toollak

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language. O45

butter Qudh

ghee Nuth |.

grain Gwazee

cheena Much

cloak Daskalla

a ring Men

long Mura

broad Daghar

deep Sor

door Khad

cotton - Dragh

blanket Jundb

goat's hair Bingun

leather Rast

wind Kutba

dead

‘Ornaments of Women.

forehead ornament Chandan har

large gold ring Daswana

large silver ring Bahink

nose ring” Padink

necklace Chalav

charm Khyél

Metais and implements.

clothes

flour

diversion

fist

glove

mud

hare

kid

lamb

ram

false

south

hunger

true

west

large necklace

bracelet

bangles

anklets

ring s

mole or beauty spo

copper Tal plate

brass Kudina hammer

iron Kadsan wooden basin

steel Joghin mortar

lead Khal pestle

saltpetre Trees on the Mountains,

sulphur Khat Birudi

dela Apuds Maghumba

elephant Q wan Peepal

wheat Shishér Kasood

jav

rice Trees.

flesh Kotor Bundi

eS Shampashtir Gidpit

haldee Drishe Maimouk

a deer Adchin Manguli

a mule Bootav

hindevana The grasses are

tweezers Katal Kashum

sail Hawe Gorkav

small round pan Pootar Gwasht

VERBS.

g0 Bathmarak get up

come Khachak sleep

sit Bashkabota

awake

546 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

Kunakh

Dir kunakh

Jang karrak

Tikh

Tor karak

Harf hin

Khalbo

Harf bot

Khalas karak

Halltak

Harribo

Halbo hatbo

Tawar kabo

Shair khalt

Tlati kai

Hubbo

Kvhafto

Hify

Phurka

Mauzil mas

Pirakh

Harribo

Shola

Ety

Halmaka

Dirte khalt

Lill

Swar mark

Baz halbo

Nathe murif

Giri nety

Gum kes

Qaena mala

Bareme hamp

Miugh

Hef

Tikhta

Shevma

Dir kar

Khalbo

Tagh bafak

Taélan kabo

Chatetabo

Dir chatetabo

Rasebo

Soqa kar

Kad khalbo

Kabr kabo

Tar khalbo

Neshtar khalbo

Tubi khalbo

Dhadbo

Beriai swar ma bo

eat

drink

quarrel

place

weigh

take away

beat

bear away

finish

take

rip up

bring

call

sing

send

look

listen

learn

fill

stay

, break

tear

pour out

give

flee

wet

wash

mount

kiss

kick

tie

lose

loosen

load

sew

lift up

put down

stoop

melt

kill

recline

spread

scatter

sprinkle

arrive

wrap

dig

bury

swim

float

duck

land

embark

Verbs transitive.

Chattebo

Gatalbo

Gulam kar

Chatetabo

Langar kabo

Khulibo

Sama kes

Zindma

Nasa

Kaha

Halmak

Hagh

Harrabit

Tietakai

Khalt

Makhebo

Shukar kashe

Jakha

Hich4n

Tufka

Piltibo

Thadbo

Tolké halt

Hisab kabo

Makhebo

Tlebo

Kh&ribo

Miashkbo

Redetabo

Rad kes

Shura kar

Bashkh yety

Padai yety

Kwash mar

Wedhkar

Wrush kar

Aram kabo

Musun kar

Tamma

Bashmo

Burzé kar

Tafbo

Refbo

Tondé kes

Halbo

Chiring

Barém kar

Tholif

Rai kar, (rawéna

kar)

Béasibo

Sajji kar

Bis

[Jung,

lick

bite

suck

sow

plough

fear

guess

live

grind

die

run

weep

throw away

let go

play (tune)

play (games)

whistle

cough

sneeze

spit

shampoo

cut

weigh

count

laugh

leave

scratch

rub

roll

forget

begin

distribute

give back

rejoice

besiege

assault .

stop

upset

fell down

get up

open

shut

deceive

sell

2 ee

marry

shave

dispatch

boil

roast

fry

Hiayh

1838. }

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

547

Phrases and Dialogues.

Greetings made in quick succession and together by both parties meet- 7

ing.

Khwai basus

Dur khus

Mak nedurakho

Eelumk, nedura kho

Kabil nedura khe

Shahar nedura khe

Yar hamrah nedura khe

Shar dura khus

Dura Khairati hus

Dura khajoadus

Shukar ki basus

Shukar ki nana urati basus

Ne Khuda hes

Haidrawadna kasar ara kani

Ara bare barane

Kane nishé4n etabo

E Haidrawadae kawa

O Karemei hech kaparot

Agar num pare numa khataran

kareme kev

Da shaharti nane kukud dit amoi

Da shaharna pin der e

Da_shaharti sarkarna malyat

akhadr, e

Da shaharna malyat bist panch

hazari salna nano

Hi aut khom asets

Ee baz panth karinit dan dangaer

nut

Huliya swar masut dam datwat

Ne marare

Ne masadare

Baz salamarek paida masuni

Duazda salnai paida masuni

Mirana baz lashkar are

Da hulina baha akhase

Eelum panj sadat souda karenut tena

huli e

Jwan karenus ki sonda karenus baz

masuni

Hulia chist kar swar marak

Sai mares kasarat duz baz are phulor

Da kasarat din are ee dir kimif

Barisa ki kan

Bafar neto

Bariva ee tune

Kane ruskhat yeti kav

Rupina ber baz tisa

Khivaja tabare

Baz tyesa da bertyani

Panj sark tev

You are well come

Well and happy ?

Are your sons well ?

Your brothers are they ?

Your family are well ?

Your city all well?

Your friends and companions all well?

Are you well and happy ?

The same

Ditto

Thank (God) you have come

Thanks that you come to my house

God has conducted you here

Which is the road to Hydrabad ?

What is it ‘ barabar’ to?

Point it out to me

I will go to Hyderabad

F will not do such a thing

If you tell me for your sake I will

do the thing

Shall I get a fowl in that village ?

What is the name of that town

In that city how much is the govern.

ment share ?

The produce of that town is 2500

a year

What caste are you of P

I have made along march and am

tired

I was on horseback and am not tired

Have you asonP

Have you a daughter ?

Has she been born many years?

She was born twelve years ago

Is the army of the Ameers great ?

W hat is the price of this horse

Brother, I have sold the horse for

five hundred _

You have done well in selling it,

it is a large sum

Mount quickly

Take care, there are many thieves in

the road, they will rob you

Are there wells in that road that I

may drink water?

Are you going or how?

1 will not go with you

I will go with you

Many bers for a rupee

It is enough

W hat’s the price of these bers ?

I will give five sarks

548

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

[JuNE,

Ylum aidane mubarak mare iman Brother, a pleasant eed to you, may

salamat mare or huje

Na, aid mubarak mare

Dade dah rupe, i yete

Asi monu paisas ti farata

you be happy

And a happy eed to you

Give him ten rupees

I will not give a monu

Antai tifes ata magar ua bavna malan Why wont you give, will it be out of

ida as kaik

Obandagh nara hina

Obandagh jangeti kaskune

Pade aint mir benifene khalat

Il’ Hydrabade Ahananut

I’ Hydrabade khautanut

Khalt halkuni pidati kana

Aint basuni

Ainu yakhi

Ghalaghka puskuna

Aha ptskun afas

Da ghalaytak wadern a o

Aha bakhtawar ira tde dai ghalaghak

harfenut bakhtawar

Da id a ase khisunu

I’lum ara jaga na khisun ase

Mekurana khisun ase, ya Candarna

ite

Vlum eta Khuda chou oe arete jwan

osit

Da rupaina gida ase

Katume palif bo sholbo

Kana bite jod karene sahel

Nabisht kabo da kaghazate

Gudate sil

Piun kata

Shaharti rasenga khairat

Peshan hina gum marak

Brahuina hite hich tipra

Rupeiye halltak

Sogou karak

Tehanto (pan san) sikhakh

Hulian shef mar

Bishhai swar marak huli reshe

Khulisa kaneyan churokne kar

‘Daryav kharab masune, dir ta kutane

machit masune

Da na saile karak

Kane karem ure man sail kapana

I’ khwari baz khananut

Chiraghe lagaf

Chiraghe kasif

Daryav wahesa hinak mulkate abad

karak gharibata ofk khush marer

your father’s property, that you

refuse to give P

That man run away

That man was killed in battle

To-day the meer presented him with

a dress of honor

I have seen Hyderabad

I have not seen Hyderabad

I have a stomach ache

To-day is hot

To-day is cold

This food is fresh

No it is not fresh

This food is of many days

No I reaped it two months ago you

bakhtawar

This article is of gold

Brother of what country is the gold?

Is it Mekran gold, or is it of Canda-

har?

Brother, God knows that but it is

good

This is a silver article

Wash and shave my head

The gentleman has drawn my pic-

ture

Write on this paper

Wash the clothes

Bleach them

I arrived safe at the village

Get out, do away with yourself,

fellow

I don’t understand a word of Bra.

huiky

Take the money

Hold fast

Keep them to yourself

Get down from the horse

Get on a donkey, the horse has a

raw

You fear me so,

yourself

The river is spoilt, the water has

gone out, it has become shallow

Look at the fun

1 am busy, I can’t look

I have seen great trouble

Light the candle

Put the candle out

River! flow on and make the coun-

try fertile that the poor may be

happy

that you have wet

1838.]

Raz sal zind mares

Mathusalam hasht sad sal zindmas

quda kask

Pir dase i palasut

Gudati kana helbo de, ai

I’ Hydrabadte iratti masunut

Tratu Hydrabad ti aut karinus

Brahuina boli harfet dasa Brahwui

masut

Da shaharte jwano gudh paida maroi

I’ kodi as viat halev

Dev kkorasanai kharid kanin ki

Tt asika hukmat Khudana na nak

duk jod maror

Ainu khed karenene

Da tutak iratu angud bisir

I’ Sehwaniska kav pirana zyaratae

bedina mehnat akhadr,e

O.hite i bingasut

Da pulle gand kashe

Od ichana

Saheb kane kula kalkune

Pushad karene

Kukudatine jhale nana ghalaghate

kungo

Ira rupei kanean khwaya

Roma ghatine shola balun basunu

A Brahuiky Song.

Gori marey o maru o lal

Netu barev 0 chunaka jawan

Pas bafes o mart o lal

Tes tifes o chunaka warna

Bamba,e salip o gul i lalah

Randi khano i,ne o chunaka warna

Tena karo i,ne o gul i susan,

2nd.

Oh zabu nane dir yety

Na dik hanenu nane dir yety

Godi gidana nane dir yety

Nadik phudena nane dir yety

3 Z

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

549

May you live many years

sao aieamg lived for 800 years,then.

die

The rain has fallen I have got wet

Put my clothes in the sun

I was two months in Hyderabad

What did you do fer two months

at H yderabad

T have Jearnt the Brahuiky language

and now I am a Brahui

Is there any good cloth produced in

that village P

I will take a score

._ I take them to Khorasan to sell

In a month by the blessing of God

your hands and feet will be well

To-day you are perspiring

That mulberry will ripen in two

months

I will go to Sehwan to pay my devo-

tions to Peer, what is the hire of

a boat ?

I have heard that circumstance

Smell that flower

He sneezed

Sir, I have a cold

My nose is running

Catch that bird it has eaten all my

grain

He asked me for two rupees

Cut your hair, it has grown long

Translation.

Hfe.

I will move as a censer round thee,

my precious little ruby !

She.

I will come with thee, oh fair and

loved youth !

He.

You say yes, but perhaps you won’t

come, my precious little ruby ;

Now you will give, now you won’t

give, oh beautiful young maid.

rare stand on the terrace, my bright

tulip,

The old bawd will see you, oh beau-

tiful young maid !

She will make you hers,O lovely lily!

2nd.

Oh zabu! give me a little water,

Water from those hands must be

sweet ;

Give me a little water, O mistress of

(thy slave’s) house, give me a

little water,

Water from those hands must be cool,

Give mea /itile water.

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

Story in Brahuiky.

Char bandagh hinar hamra masu ;

asisargar, asitrakan, asi darzi, asi

fakir: da ka gidd darer hinadr huk-

mat Ahudana hinar sahra seti hinar-

muhibo khofana jaga seti, sham tama-

ta. Hesur pat dir Khakhare lagafer

iragh biser kungor tustr maslat karer

tenpaten sala kaning juwane dade

paspani khabardari kaning juwane

kul parer juwan toukal Ahudana

awal ko war dinai trakan pare

kanai parer juwan ilunk awal ko

war na,e tulltak nan harmusit kha-

china zangar pare na war purav mas

kane bashkes pare juwan nimkhach-

bo, trakandamastus tugh hallt Dange

henge hura hamode bundas tamasas

dushagha teshei hawalamas zaif as

jod kare handa patan ona war purav

mas okhacha baskare zargare zargar

bashmas tus madanai mone hadsa

ade zaif ase dade tikhoke durust

kare dakana hamrana kareme kasha

tena ture kasha zarana tukaras tama

karem kaning te saat jod kare touk

phulo daswana banhi padink shagha

zaife wasat juwan mas o khacha

bashkare darzi,e darzi damas tus

‘mone hadsa zaife khana patua butas

khana saat zewar tu kasha tena ttre

tama gudh moghangati kus gudh

paijama kul gidae ta bar hal kare

odkhacha bashkare fakhire. Fakhir

bashmastus mone hadsa zaife khana

pare ya khudawanda da amro juwano

zaif ase wali arman ki patase du,a

kare khuda ya tend khuda ina bar.

katat da zaife sa yeti onadawa ami

mas zaife sah tama roshan mas ham.

rakt bashmasti harkas paire zaif ka.

Four men set out in company, one

acarpenter, one a goldsmith, one

a tailor, amd one a fakeer ; they

took with them some things and

started. By the order of God they

arrived at a desert place, a place of

great fear. Evening set in, they

brought firewood, they put water

on the fire, they cooked food, eat it,

and as they were sitting had a con-

sultation among themselves and a-

greed, that it was a good thing to

adopt some plan, and that it was a

good thing there to set a watch and

be on their guard. They all said well,

by God’s permission whose shall be

the first watch. The carpenter said

mine. They all replied, Well, bro.

ther, your’s is the first watch, be

seated, we three will goto sleep ;

the goldsmith said, when your watch

is finished, awake me ; he said well,

do you go tosleep. The carpenter

is awake and seated, reclines his

head, looks here and there, a log is

lying by, he takes it into hand and

begins to carve it. In fact he made

awoman out of it, his watch was fi-

nished, and he went to sleep, having

awoke the goldsmith. The gold-

smith awoke and seated himself, and

slowly turning round his head, ex-

claims holla, here is a woman placed

here, I conjecture this is the work

of my companion: he took out his

workbag and a piece of gold, and

began to work ; he made such orna-

ments, as necklace, earrings, brace.

lets, bangles, anklets and put them

on the figure which looked very well,

he then went to sleep having awoke

the tailor. The tailor awakes, is

seated and turning his head, saw

the woman, saw that it was a wooden

statue covered with jewels, he took |

out his working bag and stitched

the following articles of dress: a pet-

ticoat, a veil, a pair of drawers, all

which being completed he went te

sleep having awoke the fakeer. The

fakeer awakes, seats himself, turns

his head, and sees the woman,

and says Oh! God ; what a beauti-

ful woman this is, what a pity she is”

(June,

ee oe ee ee ee

1834:]_

nai trakan pare zaif ka na,e i, tra-

shanut zargar pare zaif kanai sahtak

' kanou darzi pare ni pikungonus zaif

kanai guda kanou ja na,ita fakhir

pare zaif kanai i dua karenut kana

duwae khudakabtlkarene guda zaife

sahtamane harchar khalko kutar jang

karer harchar duye sakht karer zaif

wati asit tapare kharwokan kasar

seai tulin Musalman as bare nana

shara eke parer juwan Kharwokan

Rai masur bast kasarai warnas barek

warnai khanar tawar karer khudana

pinat sali nana sharai kar warna

salis pare babo kul hinar gap karer

warna pare zaif arade zaifna duty

halko warnai nishan tist warna zaife

khana tawar kare shukar ke nume

khuda hes da kana arwate da khadar

sale hinane kana maras zaifto ma-

sune zaif raseng’ mare kana etbo

da hairan mast jang karer parer

kharwokan kotwalai sharna nana

sharai ke parer juwan rai mabokan

kotwalai pad shana nana sharai ke

hinar kotwale khanar parer kotwal

nana daharx panjna sharai karak

pare pabo kul gap karer pare zaif

arade parer dade kotwal zaife khana

pare numa awate hanangira kucha-

kak kuste yank da kana ilumna

arwate hinak filan pirana ziyarat

kana ilume kasifenure zaif rasenga

flumna khone yetbo dakul hairan

mast kotwal daft khalk pare mohta-

mibo kustizauk’ devanume padsha~-

ghae numa pida te harre daft moh-

shaghadare padsha is kotwal arz kare

saheb kurban marev kana ilum hinak

pirna ziyarat-ae da shakhs-ak kana

jlume kasafend zaife darenu ainu

aZ22

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

551

of wood ; I pray thee, Oh God, in the

power of thy Godhead that you will

put life into this woman. His pray-

er was accepted, and life was given

to the woman. It became light and

the fellow travellersawoke. Every

one said the woman is mine. The

carpenter said the woman is mine,

I carved her. ‘lhe goldsmith said

the woman is mine, those are my

jewels. The tailor said, you dirty-

mouthed rascal the woman is mine,

the clothes belong absolutely to me.

The fakeer said the woman is mine,

I prayed to God, and God heard my

prayers and gave life to the woman.

They all four began to fight and to

lay hands on the woman, One of

them said, let us go, and sit on the

highway, someMussalman may come,

he will decide our quarrel ; they said

well, let us go. They started and

seated themselves on the road, a

young man was coming along, they

saw him, and called out for God’s

sake, stop and settle our dispute.

The young man stopped and told

them to say on; they all went and

made nothing but noise. He said,

where is the woman. They touched

the woman with their hands and

pointed her out to the young man

who saw the woman, and exclaimed,

thank God that he has brought you ;

this is my wife, many years ago, she

went away and my son was with my

wife, she has arrived now, where is

my son. They all were astounded,

and began to quarrel. Then said

they, let us go to the Kotwal of the

city, he will do us justice. hey said

well, let us go, the Kotwal of the

city “will do us justice. They went

and saw the Kotwé4l, and said, pray:

Kotwal do us five men justice. He

said say on, they did nothing but

make a noise, he said, where is the

woman—they said here. The Kot-

wal saw the woman, Ae said, you

dog cuckolds, this is my brother’s

wife. They went to the shrine of a

certain saint ;- you have killed my

brother, the woman has arrived, now

bring my brother’s corpse. They

were all confounded, the Kotwal

beat them all, and said, go on you

552 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

tusasut bazarati da lashkare Ahanat

basu kane,ai nana sharai Kazak

gaife khana durust karet da kanai

jlumna arwate he sunut ta sharaghai

sdheb dafta pide harre padsha pare

zaif arade zaife nishantisu padsha

zaife khana pare kuste zank khuram,

sakhak date kana chokari,e kilit zure

da khadry jawa hir darene kana nidle

etabo dakul hairan masu pare dabo

kulana pide harrabo efta pidate

harar zaife baram kare padsha.

(June,

rascals, F will take you before the

king, and rip up your bellies. They

all went on before: the Kotwal

thus supplicated the king: Sire, I

will now sacrifice myself ; my bro-

ther went to make offerings at the

shrine of a certain saint ; these peo-

ple have killed my brother and tak-

en his wife. To-day I was sitting

in the bazar and saw this mob, who

came before me to decide their dis-

pute. Tsaw the woman and recog-

nized her as my brother’s wife ; I

have brought them before your ma.

jesty, now rip up all their bellies.

‘I'he king asked where is the woman.

They pointed her out,and when the

king saw her, he said, you impudent

scoundrels, this is my slave girl, the

keeper of my keys. She has taken

away an immense quantity of jewels,

now deliver up my property. They

were all confounded. He said, take

them away, and rip up all their bel-

lies. They were ripped up; the king

took the woman to wife.

2nd.

Asas araghas padsha i, u shar seti

hukmat Ahudana ode maras mas-

‘marnatena pinekare Mulla Mansur,

marta haft sal mas bawalumata kas.

ko o hina kazinad muzur mas huli-

na baidirana hukmat khudana aside

Kazi odai ghu samas ode khalk mar

odan peshanmas Kazi pare peshan

mafa binan kaos mar pare e be akul

khuda razike meharbani aute onapas

i namuzur hich mafara mar peshan

mas shaharan dare hina kasarase,at

toukal, e khudana kare hina gida

dare hina kasarai piruarag hase Kha-

na pare I’na hamrot piranga pare

bar ilum kana khante, ai bakikan hié

nar pirangana shaharti piranga od

tena mehmman kare piranga araghe

masidas asak masidas zebou ast nan.

ke gidarenga detama, masidna ruh

marto, laga bawai tend pare kane

There was a man in the city of

the royal residence, who by the

decree of God had a son whom he

named Mulla Mansur. The boy was

seven years of age when his father

and mother died ; he went and en.

gaged himself to serve the Kazi as

horsekeeper. By the decree of God

one day the Kazi got angry and

beat him, the boy left the house ; the

Kazi said, my boy don’t go out,

you will die of hunger. The boy

said, oh fool, God is kind and merci-

ful, don’t say so, I will not do youa

single service. The boy went out of

the city and took what he had with

him to the road. By the permission

of God he went along with what he

had. He saw an old man on the

road, and asked may I come with

you, the old man said, come my dear

by my eyes, let us go. They went

to the city of the old man who him.

self entertained the boy. The old

man had a daughter who was very

beautiful, the night passed away and

it became day. The girl’s heart be-

came fixed on the bay, she said to

1888.]

handadto baram yete agar tifesa i

tene kasifeva bawat hairan mas baba

ni hosh karak khana wada marak

pare toube nouzbilla kana aregh are-

ham handad afak ham haudad bawat

bewasmas pena farzand alavta tena

ustati pare toukal khudana dasharana

hitase hak nikana dafta barame kare

dade man wakht gidarenga aside war-

na pare tena arwate da sa kan tena

mulkai pare rai makan rai masu

basu tena sharti alumat kul sha,arat

bingasi Mulla Mansurna zabro arwa.

tase kazi bandaghe rai kare Mulla

Mansurna arwatae kanto yari karak

Kazina hite Mulla Mansur tena

arwato karesas don kane khalkune

kazi zaifa pare khantiyat kazi,e

salam kes pabegai barak kana khan-

tiyai kazi na bandagh hina padsha

sifate bingas zaifna bandaghe tena

rai kare padsha zaifaghae kanto yari

karak bandagh hina zaife padshana

salami this zaif pare mubarak mare

padshae salam kis adz bandagi pat

nanak kana khank begai bares zaif

ruskhat kare hina padshae pare saheb

begai kareme na karemut bilkul kas

padsha khush mas wazir sifate binga

sas zaifna tena chokari,e rai kare

zaif ghae kanto yari karak chokari

hina pare zaife zaif pare mubarak

mare wazir na nak kana khauk

begai bares zaif ruskhat kare rai mas

hina wazire pare sahebne mubarak

mare kareme na karenut bilkul kas

begae wazir khush mas wakil bin-

gasas sifate zaifaa wakil tena cho-

kari,e rai kare, zaif ghae kanto yare

Karak chokari hina pare zaif pare

mubarak mare kana khantiai pa be-

gai bares chokari hina wakile muba-

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

553

her father, give me in marriage to

him, if you will. not, I will kill my-

self. Her father was astounded, and

said, my dear, consider yourself,

behave as a modest girl, she said,

Toube Nouzbilla, this shall be my.

husband, he or no one. ‘The father

was at his wits’ end for she was his

only child. He said in his own mind,

by the permission of God, it is writ~

ten in the book of law make proper

marriage. He then married the two.

Some time had past away ; one day

the man said to his wife, let us go

to my country. She answered, well

let us set out, they set out and came

to his city. The whole people of the

village heard that Mulla Mansur

has got a pretty wife, the Kazi

started his slave off to Mulla Man.

surs wife (saying) ‘‘ make my

acquaintance” (the whole story of

the Kazi Mulla Mansur had be.

fore told to his wife how the Kazi

beat him): she said by my eyes

give the Kazi my salam and tell

him to come this evening: the Ka-

zis slave went away. The king

had heard the woman’s praises, and

dispatched his slave to her, to ask

*‘make my acquaintance:” the slave

went and gave the king’s salam ;

the woman said long may he live,

give the king my salam and obedi-

ence ; tell him I have his feet on my

eyesand tell him to come in the even-

ing. Sne dispatched the man who

went to the king and said, Sire, this

evening | have done the thing, you

shall positively go. The king was

delighted. The Wazir had heard

the praises of the woman and dis-

patched his slave girl to her to ask

‘“make my friendship ;’ the girl went

and gave the message: she replied,

may he live long ; his feet are on my

eyes ; come this evening. The woman

dispatched the girl, who went to the

Wazir and said exaltation to you

Sir, I have performed the business,

you may certainly go this evening.

The Wazir was delighted. ‘The

Wakil had heard the woman’s praises

and sent his slave girl to say

“make friendship with me;” the

girl went and delivered the message.

‘The woman said may he be exalted,

554

rak badi this stheb karéme na kare.

nut begai kasakil khush mas zaifa

tena araghe pare da hitate kule pare

arit pare na alehtyare amake sujyeg-

ne hamon karak pare hurkana tama-

she begai ni bana,e khach sail karak

hukmat khudanai sham tama arit

hina bana,e khacha zaifa hes loias

bet kare dir shagha tahtita pbaet

halk Kazi fash kare salam this zaifa

walaik kare pare ba khairat kazi

stheb ne Khuda hatare ba tulltak

kazitus sad rupaie kasha tena das-

pakan tis zaife, zaif rupai,te daka

tawar mas padshana kazi hairan mas

zaif pare kazi khairat kazi pare

padsha bas pare khatar jama kar da

gude ben enas khalai tullt mach ghal

nusakh padsha bare kai guda naware

kazi hind nuskhalai tus padsha fash

kare salam alaik zaif pare walaikum

salam, bakave Khuda hatre kane

bashkes padsha pare parwa afak das

pakan tena ira hazar rupai malar

zaifna monaghan tikha zaif rupaiite

daka padsha pare kan khachin aish

ashrat ken zaif pare saheb da khadr

brinj bet karenut saheb ba khoag

noshjan ke nana se balo padsha pare

juwan tawar mas wazirna padsha

pare wazir bas pare saheb I’ kav

peshan hurev odere zaif peshan mas

wazire khana pare bakhairat wazir

saheb wazir pare yar kharkan urd.

ghae pare padsha tusne urati pare

ant-sala,e pare khatir jama kar ne

deva urati wazir pare amaridaros

zaif pare sabr karak i urate kav

barev zaif hina gwalas harafi peshan

hes wazire pare dati peha wazir

hina peha ona bae chika tafe gwalai

gires dare urati padsha pare o antase

Grammar of the Brahwiky Language.

[ Jung;

by my eyes tell him to come this

evening. The girl went away and

said, may you be exalted, Sir, I have

done your business ; you may go in

the evening. The Wakil was de-

lighted. The wife told the whole of

this to her husband, who said you

are your own mistress in the affair,

do what you think proper. She said,

look at my sport, in the evening do

you go, and lie down on the terrace

and look on, by the order of God,

evening set in, the husband went

and lied down on the terrace. The

woman brought in a pitcher, filled it

with water, and covered it. ‘The

Kazi approaches and says salam,

the woman replies walaik, are you

well, Kazi Saheb. God has brought

you here, be seated. The Kazi

sits down, and takes out a hundred

rupees from his handkerchief, and

gives to the woman. The woman

ties them up. Noise was heard of

the king approaching. The Kazi was

astounded: she said, well Kazi, are

you well. The Kazi said, the king

has eome ; she said never mind, cover

yourself with this veil, sit down at

this handmill, and grind a little

grain ; when the king goes the next

will be your turn. The Kazi goes and

seats himself at the handmill. ‘The

king approaches and sayssalam alaik,

the woman replies walaikum salam.

God has brought you, and given you

to me; the king says, never mind.

He takes out two thousand rupees

from his handkerchief and put them

before the woman, she secures the

money. ‘The king said now let us

go and recline and amuse ourselves ;

she said, Sir, | have prepared a little

rice be pleased to eat, it will refresh

you, the night is not far advanced.

The king said very well. There

was a noise of the Wazir’s approach,

the king said the Wazir is come ;

she said Sir, I will go out and see

him, the woman went out and saw

the Wazir and said, are you well

Wazir Saheb. The Wazir said, my

love let us go into the house ; she

said, the king is sitting in the house;

he asks, what is our plan, she said,

Jet your mind be at rest, I will take

you in dvors. ‘The Wazr said take

1838. ]

zaif pare da ghalou machy mas tawar

mas wakilna padsha pare wakil bas

zaif pare sabr karak kav huriwata

dere. Zaif peshan mas wakile khana

salam this bakhairat yar jani wakil

pare khay kan urati pare bakhtawar

padsha basune urati tusane pare ant

sala,e, zaif pare khatar jama kar na

karame kev dadoe halltak tena pun-

dutine karah e dagina kerghan char

padah marak paron dagina gosalai

gaif darwaze tafe kulf kare hina

banai kKhacha tena arigh to padsha

malas mas tawar kare chokr. kane

dir yeti kazi batir jald kare khalk

khalas chokariyan kazi mone hadsa

pare kazi saheb us pare, ho,o pare

bashmarak kazi bashmas bas kha kha-

rai tus pare padsha saheb aut khabar

e pare khabar handade khanisa nachaj

ghalogha kne amaro, zaife banan shef

mas araghe tena hes urate pehar

padsha,e salim thist dana afale o

kazind ne afale,e wazir na ne

afale,e wakilnane afal e padsha pare

wazir arade wakil arade, zaif pare,

bashmarak nishan tevne padsha bash-

mas zaif pare givadlana bade malabo

wazire kashar padsha pare wazir

haifene wazir pare na afal juwan,e

kana gand,e zaif pare khar wokan

peshan, kul peshan masu hinar dagi-

na rahae padsha pare wakil arade

zaif pare saheb dade do punduti eta

padsha pare kana luma,os ids kane

salame kul tena id karera ta harkas

tena uragh,ae hinar. Da basu tena

urati khachar hukmat khudana chand

wakht ginarenga Mulla Manstre ma-

ras mas marta haft sal mas darer

tulli ferta kAwananga,e kazi his aside

mas zaif mare tena pare akh undene

salam kes mar hina ede pare achun

Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

555

me quickly, The woman said, wait,

I will go into the house, and come

again: she went and brought out a

basket, she says to the Wazir, get

into this, the Wazeer gets in, she

closes the mouth and drags him into

the house. The king says, what is

that, shesays, it is some grain: a noise

took place of the Wakil’s approach.

The king said the Wakil is come,

the woman said stop, I will go out

and see who it is: the woman went

out and saw the Wakil and made him

a salam, are you quite well my love?

The Wakil said let us go into the

house ; she said, you wretch, the king

is there seated in the house: he said,

what is our plan; the woman said

let your mind be at rest, I will do

your business, make yourself a tail

with this spoon and go on all fours,

in the cowhouse, they will take you

for a calf. The woman shut the door

and locked it, she went upon the

terrace and lied down with her hus-

band. The king became thirsty and

called out, here girl give me some

water, the Kazi grinds faster than

ever, “ Here, you girl, lll throw a

stone at you.” The Kazee turned

round his head. The kingsaid, are

you the Kazi. He said, yes: he

said, sit up. The Kazi gets up and

comes and sits near the fire, and

then asks, pray sire, what is the

news: he said this is the news that

you see, let me see what grain you

were grinding: the woman comes

down from the terrace with her hus-

band, they both saluted the king,

and said, this is your plight, your

majesty, this is the Kazi’s plight,

this is the Wakil’s, this is the Wa.

zir’s. The king said, where is the

Wazir, and where is the Wakil:

the woman said be seated, I will

shew you: the king sits down, the

woman said, open the mouth of the

basket: they took out the Wazir.

The king said, Wazir, how are you;

the’ Wazir said your majesty’s con-

dition is pleasant, mine is unplea-

sant, the woman said, let us go out-

side, they all went out to the cow-

house ; the king said where is the

Wakil, the woman said here he is

Sir, with a spoon for his tail. The

king said I respect you as my mother

556 Grammar of the Brahuiky Language.

saheb lumkana ne salam karek kéi

pare saheb tipara kazi tena ustati

thaka hwash mas kazi tend choka.

ri.e rai kare zaifagha,e chokari hina

salame this zaif pare begai bares bil_

kul chokari hadsenga bas kazi,e pare

kazi khwash mas zaif tena araghe

pare begai safilati khachak chidingas

dtty tena karak ara wakhtai Kazi

bas chidinge chandefis arakht pare

jwan sham tama kazi bas sad rupai

this pare bashkan khachin chidingna

tawar mas kazi hairan mas zaif pare

kana aregh bas kana mon mohn mas

kazi pare kash e gudatine sundukh

ti Ahach kazi khacha arikht bas urati

tis sundukhe kulf karer skhachar

mullana bangai zaif bashmas tama

pitingati hamsa,e ghak kul muchma.

su aut hoghang ase zaif pare kana

aragh hinane kana lum ghasta shah-

rai lum kana kaskune lashet hesuni

ku] tama hoghangti alam hinar kabr

sthanai hinar kabre taiyar karer

basur lash a,e harfer darer kilite

khwayar mudde kashen zaif pare

kilit afak i tena lumai kashe para

padsha kilit e khwaya hallk kulfe

malar kazi,e khanar kazi,e mochide

man ‘halk kuste zan behaya da aut

afal as kuramsak arwat ga,ida pes-

hama sundukhan arwat ga,ida hina

gumarak alam harkas hinar tena

uratiyai.

(June;

or my sister, and I take my leave.

They all called her their sister and

every one went to his own house,

they. went into their own house and

slept. By the order of God some-

time had elapsed and Mulla Mansur

had a son, the son was seven years

old, they sent and seated him ina

reading school under the Kazi. One

day the woman told her son to give

her salam to the Kazi; the boy

went and said my mother has sent

you her salam. The Kazi said is

your mother’s flour finished, the

boy said I don’t understand, the

Kazi reflected in his own mind and

was delighted: he dispatched his

slave girl to the woman, she went

and gave the salam: the woman said

by all means come this evening. The’

girl went back to the Kazi and told

him, he was delighted. The wife said

to her husband, this evening lie

down on the balcony and have some

bells in your hand, when the Kazi

comes shake the bells, the husband

said very well. Evening set in, the

Kazi came took out a hundred

rupees, and said come now let us

sleep, the bells began to sound, the

Kazi was confounded, the woman

_said my husband has come, he will

make my face black, the Kazi said

I will take off my clothes and lie

down in this box ; the Kazi lies

down, the husband comes into the

house, sits down and locks the box,

they go to sleep. At the call to

prayers the woman awakes and be-

gins to wail ; all the neighbours

assemble to ask the cause of the

weeping, the woman said my hus-

band went into a neighbouring vil-

lage where my mother had died, and

has brought her corpse, in a box;

they all began to mourn and cry.

Some went to the burying place and

prepared a grave, and some to bring

the coffin, they carry it away and

asked for the key, that they might

take out the corpse: the woman said

there is no key, I will not have my

mother taken out, the king demand.

ed the key, they took it and opened

the box, they saw the Kazi, you

rascally lewd knave, see the plight

you are in, you donkey cuckold

come out of the box, said the king ;

every one went to his own house.

—_—

1838.] Translation of Inscription in the Society's museum, 557

IV.—Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. Continued

from vol. VI. p. 887.

Brahmeswara Inscription, from Cuttack.

Besides the two slabs of stone identified last year as belonging to the

Bhuvaneswara temples, in Cuttack, and consequently returned to the

brahmans after perusal, there was a third broken into two pieces, which

Mr. Kirroer pointed outas being in the same character and from the

same locality. Before returning this he kindly took for me a very ex-

act impression, whence I have copied the reduced facsimile in Plate

XXIV. )

Although, as will be seen,.the slab was in a state of considerable muti-

lation, yet from the inscription being in verse, my pandit, Ka MALAKAN-

TA VIDYALANKARA, has been able by study of the context to fill up all

the gaps, with, as he says, hardly a possibility of error, and indeed where

the outline of the letters is preserved I have found his restoration quite

conformable. The translation has been effected by SAéropdPpRrasdp

under his explanation, but I have not leisure to read it over with Ka-

MALAKANTA. |

Mr. SrirLine says* that “no information whatever is afforded by

the Orissa chronicles of the origin of the princes called the Kesari

vamsa; the founder of the new dynasty in A. D. 473 was JasaTI

(YayAt1) Kesar, a warlike and energetic prince, but who he was or

whence he came we are not apprized. He soon cleared his dominions

of the Yavanas, who then retired to their own country.”

Perhaps the present inscription may in some measure remove this

obscurity. It commences with the conquest of Udhra or Orissa by

JaNAMAJEYA the king of Telinga. It is possible that this alludes to the

prince of that name in the Pauranic lists, but the locality of his domini-

on, and the names of his immediate successors are wholly different from

those of the Magadha line, and their history is circumstantially told as

of events transpired not long antecedent to the Kesari dynasty of Oris-

sa. His son was DirGHaRAVA, and from the latter was born APAVARA,

who died without issue. The kingdom was then overrun by invaders

from foreign countries,—(perhaps the same designated as Yavanas in

Sririine’s Chronicles ),—when VICHITTRAVIRA another descendant of

JANAMEJAYA reigning in a neighbouring kingdom, possessed himself

of Orissa. His son was named ABHIMANYU’; his again CHANDIHARA;

and from the latter descended Upyoraka Kesari, whose mother KoL&-

VATI erected the temple to Siva as Brahmeswara. The date of the

* As. Res. XV. 265.

558 Translation of Inscription in the Society's museum. [JuNE,

inscription is expressed only in terms of the reign, but from the style

of the Devanagari, it may be confidently .affirmed to be later than the

epoch fixed for Lalat Indra kesavi(617 A.D). Upyoraxa Kesart

must then be one of the 32 unrecorded princes who succeeded him in

the Kesari line previous to the establishment of the Gangavamsa family

on the Cuttack throne. .

The figure 3, it may be remarked, closely resembles the ancient form

of this numeral ; the 8 is nearly of the modern shape.

The stone was, as stated above, returned to Bhubaneswar ; but Mr.

Kittog did not find as he anticipated any resulting cordiality or good-

will among the priesthood of the place; on the contrary they brought

him a long list of purloined idols, and impetuously urged him to procure

their return as he had done that of the inscriptions !

Transcript of the above Inscription, (Pl. XXIV.)

Fai eas ATRIA Aa eae lsat Ala

ata atiiataa | edtaanadefad saree

daa tae: Sasraanseta: aig Frat aaaT] WR A

atiuafe sanficqafaacaaast Barada:

a foyer wafers: | emetuncaftaafangs

fouat fet a: qe EATER STATA SATATATA WR

aasususaacatiaaaeentaEe frerarrafar

aIgaate: AATKUIAAE | Tear aca HET

Sal Uist Maas wafasras Bt Afetaaws | zt

qe afeamaataeht ynrewstafdateraraaaala

aaMAAtaHe | aPAaufafeface saraattt:

A Cal AeegTAsIcgTT: ZLrawarfcat | 2 |

qanerayaaatafatrakcesae: yqura a feats: |

aapeniaxa AaaCIAIIst aaa AfTsHAT IMT: WM

afea wa feaanfafe cima arrneanea anezfi

te | eurMchaasMaTITAe aT faaaTAes aaTA

ufaa i¢ i

1838.] Translation of Inscription im the Society's museum. 599

qT Tiaisary aaa ast fee feat aaatth efus

Resta aeatesaias: | wararfaaracafaasy ay

VAATAFSAALAAAAA ASIA YAATA FTACITYy TT

saan frmeiian a | qaaIcyecaaMgyeqgsg

STAAIQUAAM ATTAIN Sasa AgT |S

siarmrmacieaaag waa aaa faa aaa wuwAt Ht

AIR TUSAAe | EIraRAG Balrsacediaad Te

at gate: afsay SARITA GH: RAL |

aasstfHta ufeaies feed Teast ag aAEAT

feceqsuctagt Ht fase semaifedinguatatiragy

CIARA CIT Faargaqratacar HMasaawnea ici

aaa feraeque fear Aratad AAT Arar wWawner

wae afedt cra uefa | ae Waa Ta aTAT

faeguat ver: ufag Syfas S Srarenqzaeta 102 1

MARTA yaAaTEs wUaafacy seetsaarma

wcfucycyaisfiranaae: | wa fagdty wqacacHe

weMMTaaa Frat aie: fafaaRefar atfea: ae

TITHE WARY

SATS AAC IAAT aA wheats yerqaAeaga

ufe TeIRVeaaad | UHR: eraqehl aaa Fafeqaratuta

wat awa a fat aw aaara aeraeta Fas: 123 A

SRAM asec ifscfaraaacaaeawA

qTMIaIS: | Watery Fengqafaaaamdiwmeaa: TAA

TUT ABWwIAGATS | Vs |

carsgfanfaatggaaretiaart fea atsvaaisa feet

4a2

560 Translation of Inscription in the Society’s museum. [Juneg,

qt. qasiwicage: | weatfeaitfrates ema

Sl SMAA DYIVFAWAGAT TUTHAT STAT: | VW |

FTITALUTY Wiesnaataantteaqraat aaalfaryvaa fat

qefsflasrs | wpetdasafast at aera

ae: wyearaa: Afsscizatal feat saat yr! 4

wanqaaaat afea araere fayaatasas quar 7

ataq| afasaguiee araeramufesraeaaye aaa

Tafa 1 Yo y

ULAATS ALAC AT acme Aa THU faa lagi tanta

slactiaaatseay fasts aq ws aia aie 3

BQAMLLT: | 3

Translation.

1. The moon, perfect in his digits, (full) born with Sri from the

midst of Kshira Samudra (the sea of milk) whenchurned by the Mandara

mountain whirling with the chief of the serpents used as a rope by Bram-

wa’, Upenpra, (Visunu,) Maneswara, Inpra and Bari ;—enlightens the

three regions with his swollen beams and nectars !

2. In his line was born réja Janamesaya, who was of moon-like-fame,

master of the world, incomparable, destroyer of his enemies, and the owner

of Telinga ; and who drew to himself the fortune (Laxsum1) of the raja of

Udhra who was killed by his kunta (a weapon) while their antagonist’s

elephants were overcome with fatigue fighting with their tusks.

3. He (Janamesaya) was a celebrated emperor, master of the king.

dom of seven limbs*, of wonderful understanding in power and morals, cha-

ritable, most virtuous, a-hero, and like raja Yaya/r1 an ornament of the

earth ; and who deprived the lovely wives of his inimical rdjas of thei;

pride of lovely tressest ; and whose lawful deeds and conduct remained un-

changeable from his childhood,

4. After him his son Direwarava became raja, who was a great kalpa

tree, the very crown-jewel of princes, modest, of boundless spirit, stea_

diness, riches, gravity, depth of knowledge, wise in producing prosperity

* The limbs of government, or as we say ‘sinews of war’—horses, elephants,

fighting men, pandits, merchants, &c. See allusion to the same in the Burmese bell

juscription, page 294.

Tt The Hindu women are forbiddenby the sh&stras to beautify their hair after

the death of their husbands.

"Ae ceamaneenen elebnia en penis y+ nen effa\\ole BSD ebPs lie bebe

| YW boot to /AB 2 RIB 2 Dif o bes OLB Pw ka) BUchy pebisieytci® buc Pei ple fed) eye) forein ygistearrebh

ee ‘ 1 Bee YBN B DS eP IBYE B YR OA e VR Relate es G ppLytse bes | bivise BBE SB)R)M WEBEL BLY) BLD UZ b) 2b

gonna W Dalmepews Ueuneawbebantbielah penvelsstsigs AARDEL. rp NPD See 3

] myy 2) UST pale BS LR)GY)S ip bt) WEB Dis polos ADA PA ZBY Lover 9) adiwaleehngp )

i 4g 28 WR WINE PR NOS SAYIN Ho blo Io BE nsh ey eine ow) Evie rin ey) Beois r Poor ay ele) Bae boas

| Ueto D) fy WEB Y) eRe AS Wy tel thelr Bree &) DIPSrE posh ebysbioiettee yyy pebebkykyawblebiushier

WUshlbpBbredOpy LB) wiebpiel bel ys Ub eeerly HbR Soria >¥ kel) siasy pA Gebhe b Belfry) BSL SIPINED

bafeatfevipiseatasul Ssijmobunmeae see ylbellniaipp)mptasipelareEubblls Lelb\y Pies) Pb Bb ab Eb

| Wt ite Baby un righ belay BBeLih) UE betes Step yu RIL VW SIN kate ipa Spies Bed C\S)\n

, Find ols lg Whyte SWE PHAELBNLDH |p eI sDUIBl Pre 4 RaPLnw SsbB lt? Ibi te] SPD 9 md te SP IePrishO SL ewusisdY be |

/ Us eBevuilbieiy) stbeb Oh) PIE PEIR BEY RULE is ye yume suo Sb ribbie Men Plei) |b pbeigl BD) bobble :

smmdiphk oak Bom yshjnia mE PEYR', BLP Sb meta ara Seeoleeple PeowIsho[LlEswEswUR al

i} PLY Bic PimBvieswlodlebrysssprppnle BALMyeBMES abl SEVlAbly, ee) e Le eb 'telebie'p) sh D\PB

| PSB DRVE Sb ELE 2 Eira) ibe Warm EO PMOL LG be p'y OIE My iis BP He te popu BbUb Leable Bole

LVI. PIXXTV.

‘

| OY wie brrerBor yoga ees hierlhioypermbsude sewn gion’ SpLURsesdsy3gyyisiealea Sie

I, Soma bom Vem le wii virbbomteiyiesie in |p 2) yr pbb feviisbetelp’y he] 7 fo, Nghllabelpi.elleibuetfe ible eee Ie

D> ‘

the 1h pH U2 Ls HD Yeats Wo SD Wo WG yale tind ye BQ) B be Wppweb Bld ae : ‘y,%o, SAPUNELSALLIE SAY)

Soe.

Cail! SHOUT ANDi) BPE VB\ SOQ) B50 nok GUA CQO SE Is My 7a, VEU Puisielg alas Qe PI,

(i (48 eM ED OP HRY (7 Feb De wyinteb Ozao ys Dalia bd BLrGeB ee jee) Ls Dice Re Bot

ei. ag fo “wmurasnyy shpa7I0g Sy VYP KI 2UuLrG DUO - KOLPAY/IAISUT JLBMS2auyoug

JournAs.

tt hl

1838.] Translation of Inscription of the Society's museum. 561

and three sorts of power* and successt, a hero, and destroyer of his

enemies, and who had qualities like that of a Maharatha (a warrior

fighting in a car) and whose fame is celebrated.

5. From him was born the powerful raja named Apava/Ra as the se-

sond Parasurama, who suppressed his enemies by his invincible hand as

with a thunderbolt, and became great through the merits of poets, and

whose spirit was warm like the sun in midday.

6. When he, the best of réjas, departed unto heaven without issue and

all his kingdom was laid waste by various warriors, how long a time passed

away in various ways, when the elephant-powered hero (Vicuirravira)

was in a different country, ( Telinga.)

7. VicHITRavirA (who was another descendant of Janamesaya, and

celebrated every where on the earth as a wonderful hero), was placed in his

place. From him was born his fortunate son Apnimanyu, and from him was

born CaanpiHaRa who was powerful and spirited like him (his father).

He was made king by all his ministers. .

8. He reignedimpartially, cherishing ail his servants, ministers, people,

those who sought refuge, kinsmen and desired friends, and made both his

kingdoms indisputable ; who was the cause of delight of all the earth, and

whose lily-like feet were enlightened by the splendour of the head-jewels

of many prostrate rajas.

9. From him arose Upyoraxa Kesart, like the sun from the eastern

mountain, illuminating the earth and heaven by his lustre, radiant as the

sun and moon beams ; who was rich and the crown-jewel of the circle of

earth defended by its four oceans ; and who was a conqueror of earth, like

Ma/’npua’ta, Prirnu, and Boarata.

10. Who having defeated the whole force of his enemy, the Sinhala,

Choda and Gaura (countries) as it were in child-play, and with well-armed

warriors and a number of elephants in battles conquered the whole earth,

causing numberless rajas to bow down their heads ; who was victorious and

who made the tortoise oppressed with the weight of the earth sink down

by the heavy march of his bright army, containing an akshauhinit.

11. His mother, named Koxa/varti, was a daughter of the solar and the

chief queen of the lunar line ; whose fame is a number of flags above the

earth, and like the whirl wind ascending up, and like a hand going up with

exertion as if to destroy the spots of the moon.

12. By that Koxa’vart’ was caused to be erected this cloud-touching

temple with four beautiful halls, of four other gods, which is like a tree

without branches in interrupting the speed of the sun’s car (ray?) likea

crown over this earth and the king of fame, of Bramheswara, who destroys

the sins of worshippers, and gives salvation to those who touch (his image)

at Ekamra the holy place.

* Powers derived from magnanimity, exertion, and private advice.

+ The successes of gaining land, goijd, and friends.

} An army consisting of 189,350 foot, 65,610 horse, 21,379 chariots, and 21,870

elephants,

562 | Further short Inscriptions [ June,

13. Whom (Srva) the holy Bramay’, lord of the three regions, having

bathed his emblem, Merz, the golden spot situated in the centre of the

mountain Lokaloka, the seven oceans and islands, with the water of Ganga

is worshipping day and night. ‘This is the very Siva BRamHeswaRa.

14. This temple shines above, adorning all the firmament; like the

summit of a mountain, or the evening lamp of the assembly of the youthful

goddesses ; from it all the regions have been lighted up by the lustre of

‘the rays issuing from the golden kalasa (pinnacle) shining on its summit.

15. By her (Kona’vatt) were given some beautiful women to him (Siva)

who had eyes like that of the fickle khajjama (wagtail) and who were

bright like the sparkling and immovable lightnings of the sky by the ex-

quisite beauty of their limbs, adorned with gemmy ornaments, of lovely

heavy-swollen bosoms, piercing through the eyes of men, like the beam of

their own eye. |

16. Purusnotrama Buatra, the best of poets indited this eulogy, which

spreads the white fame of the rajas of the lunar line; who was learned in

the vedas, grammar, political science, poetry, logic, &c. &c. and, like

Brana, of true, pure and humble understanding, and (born) of an inno-

cent family.

17. So long as the earth with its mountains, forests, and seas, the sun

and moon which are the two eyes of the three regions and the Auttonapa-

di (the north polar star) which is above the earth, shall endure, so long

may this eulogy exist as nectar in the mouth of every one.

On the 3rd of the light half of Phaiguna of the Samvat 18, of the vic-

torious reign of raja Upyoraxa Kesari Deva who was most rich, king of

kings, a raja of the lunar line and lord of Kalinga,

V.—More Danams from the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa, taken in impres-

ston, by Capt. T.S. Burt, Engineers. Translated by Jas. Prinsep.

Capt. Burt has gleaned all that Capt. Smrru, of the same corps of

Engineers had left undone at the Buddhist monument of Sanchi de-

scribed in my last volume. His facsimiles were presented to the Society

two months ago, but I have been too much occupied with more impor-

tant documents to take them in hand, as nothing could be expected

from them but a continuation of the catalogue of donors to the building.

Nevertheless every word in the old character is worthy of preservation :

it helps to restore the lost dialect,—-it proves the constancy or other-

wise of the orthography :—the style of names and titles. Upon looking

back at my former readings I perceive very numerous errors which I

could now readily correct, but it is hardly worth while, as the Pali

scholar will at once discover them, and others will not care for trifling

1838.] Jrom the Sanchi Tope near Bhilsa. 563

grammatical niceties. As all of them are read through their analogy

to Sanskrit words it is probable that my pandit may still err in appre-

hending some of the equivalents, especially of the adjectives.

It is a rather singular fact that, while none of Captain Smirn’s dd-

nams mentioned the city of Ujein, the majority of the present list have

the initial word Ujeniyd, ‘ of Ujein.’ This I suppose must have pro-

ceeded from the former officer having taken his specimens chiefly from

one side of the tope, while Capt. Burt naturally undertook the opposite

side, as previously unexplored ; and the good people of Ujein may have

liked to see their names as much together as possible.

There can be no doubt (as Capt. Burt writes) that the object re-

corded by each was the gift of a stone or pillar of the enclosure, or of

the money to pay for its erection; and we know that the habits of the

Buddhist priesthood who live by alms, would lead them to the houses

of rich devotees in the flourishing city of Ujein, and the well endowed

monasteries and convents of the neighbourhood, to raise funds for the

work they had in hand, which was perhaps merely to make the enclo-

sure ; for the stupa itself, as we have seen by the published extract from

the Mahdvansa, was erected at the expense of the local raja, under the

circular mandate of the emperor Asoka.

I have introduced the whole of these fresh inscriptions from

Sancht in Plate XXIII. on a reduced scale ; numbering them in con-

tinuation from the former plate.

It is unnecessary to repeat them in type,—TI therefore confine my-

self to a transcript of each in Roman characters.

No. 22. Ayachudasa antevasino Balamitasa danam thabho.

“ This pillar is the gift of BALamirra, the well-tonsured pupil.”

Or Aya chuda BAAS: may mean also, “ having a fine jewel orna-

ment,” fixed on the tuft of hair left when a child undergoes the

ceremony of tonsure; thabho or thambho for @iw: pillar. See the

Carli cave inscription in the last volume, page 1044. |

No. 23. Aya chudasa, dhama kathaka,

antevasino Bala mitasa dénam.

“ The gift of BaLAMITRA the well-tonsured pupil, reader of dhamma.”

This is perhaps the same party, more advanced in his studies.

Nos. 24 and 25. Vasuliye dénam. “'The gift of Vasuti.”

There are several bearing the same name, some written Vasulaye,

an uncertainty naturally produced by the attempt to render without

compound letters the Sanskrit genitive FMT:

No. 26. Sethino patikamakalikanadm ddnam.

“ The gift of the serving women of the nobility.”

564 _ Further short Inscriptions [J UNE,

Sethi (Sanskrit Sreshti), means also the head of a corporation.

No. 27. Yasiliye diénam, ““—the gift of Yast.”

No. 28. Ujeniya phakiliyanam danam,

“ The gift of subscribers of Ujein.”

The ndm is omitted in the lithograph by mistake; the word is taken

from the Sanskrit yfmarut “ of subscriptions.”

No. 29. Ujeniya dhamagilino dinam.

“ The gift of Dyamaciri of Ujein.”

No. 30. Mulagirino dénam lakhakasa.

“The gift of Muxacini (the root-hill of religion) the millionaire”

or perhaps Cqya~@ the protector, may be more suitable.

No. 31. Ujeniyd chheta matu danam.

“ The gift of the Kshatra’s mother of Ujein.”

No. 32. Uje(ni)yé tapansiyano isimdtasa danam.

“ The gift of the body of rishis, performing their austerities in Ujein.”

In Sanskrit vanqayraufad whaaswer.

No. 33. Ujeniyd saphineyakanam isikasa danam.

“‘ The gift of the morality students of Ujein to the rishis”’—(reading

savineyaka—and istkasa for isikdya.)

No. 34. Ujeniyd tipe(n)dadatasa padavatdydchhaya dataya dé-

nam.

“The gift of UPENDRADATTA of Ujein, for a perpetual charity to

the itinerants: WaewmalTaqaue Sia.”

No. 35. Ujentyd tapansiyanam punsanam jaya danam.

“ The victory-gift of the people performing austerities of Ujein.”

No. 36. Arahiniya Sihaya dénam.

“ The gift of arahini (or SaMARAHINI’) SINHI’.”

No. 37. Ujeniya gi(ri)siyanam punsanam jaya danam.

‘¢ The victory-gift of the men residing on the hills of ae

No. 38. Ogireyakasa satigutasa danam.

«“ The sift of Saryacupra the Agarwala,”—(or the son of Mees)

whence SIaqawy WUT aa.”

No. 39. Usakidaya bhichhuniye danam.

“The gift of Usakriga the priestess.”

Ju:AtSsT means “ who plays in the morning.”

No. 40. Akilaye deviye ahimatumard..

“ The (gift) of AKILA DEv1 mother of AHI. .........”

No. 41. Asvadeviye Bahadata matu danam.

“The gift of Asva Devi the mother of BanaDATTA.”

Journ./ts. Sec. Vot. VI. PLXXAT

Further Insertptions from Sanchi.

mUbdrUYAS Gk DJ ie 5 OFF (onthe gateway ilar ).

aide’ a¥+G4 a Dry ee

YASOEOS SAUEL Be &b UL 54:

eULOELCHM ELF isk » LOU SL:

miei bt LS Si WATE SL Ot

ieee SA (E51: »LELODAYASL

2 LELACELL LY hd pe

> ALLA FL Otho

3 LELDLDULLI OA LUPSAL Od pAw 94°

Ce ie a 8 a ee ee a et Oe

~ WIGCLE VEL ol

meer en Cr UO Le

se LAIWt A AAKY SL

atofebo bia 54° of FV USSLYCuAYt

| o Ad edLUlbaAvAa pl

Fe PPLAPLLY SASL: oe pLb plo PL

ee. wi UPAUL POLO ES

eal el ee a LiL SL

46 Ate Si

t Third Long: Insaviplion ee 1S. ae | c

Vexy fe eae ee crue

VA 3* a is, : | uy !

oe US hay

waAd rif Yoda 44 jel) a if

pred

1 eo [en

| ist bee biMipe = ica =

eee VATLASE ® Meera

\ 48

' Jieed gags ots thy 3 ay

cae Ba oe Ng 6

‘3 O° deer Capr. 2 Bue re fac <P.

; ay Y ue : bf 4 Soy i by ay eid

Le = i

ei Pp e

~ : 7 iy ap the

aY, Lf Myer ec Pare st oy ret bed, a he

: ee Me ee pair ae

Both Ee es ae yA, es ane png

AUP as

sis eee

- He hee

= APs,

Me ‘ . ? wake va

eet

on re Le ie pare

rol? 8 +f

p . ‘ an id s “ a vue

No ret '

vd oe

‘ %

~ i sr i

1838. ] Jiom the Sanchi tope near Bhilsa. 565

No. 42. Yakhiya bhichun‘ye vedisa danam.

“ The gift of YAxKui the priestess and traveller.”

Vedisa for a2 wa: from Feu, foreigner.

No. 43. ..... danayé bhichhuniyd dénam.

“</Vhebmitt of....:... dani the priestess.”

No. 44. Davigirimdyasa sethino

seeeiaii tiyo ndgaya danam.

“The gift of Davicrrimaya the sethi for the (che) tiya tree.”

No. 45. Hidatdéye sada dinadhe jwéya dinam, in Sanskrit, [eure

wafeay wae aa

“ A gift for those thine here (for distribution of food) at midday for

ever.”

No. 46. This inscription is in too mutilated a state to be restored en-

tirely, but from the commencement of the third line nf 4 Ad 4 te d

_ S= i

Vda’ bhakhatibhikhundbhi khamavase déta : it may be con-

cluded that some provision was made by “a charitable and religiously

disposed person for hungry priests” fuarry frau and this is confirmed

by the two nearly perfect lines at the foot ;—

Sastjald petaviye ichhahime (tdi) si: sampesimate chilathitike siy att.

“‘Itis also my desire that camphorated (cool?) water should be given

to drink; may this excellent purpose endure for ever’ —reading for

sampesimate, TIWQAA?.

No. 47. This fragment is cut on three sides of a square pillar.

Danda nagilalasa pavinandtinam danathambho.

*¢ This pillar is the gift of the illustrious family of Danda Nagirala.”

No. 48. Is scribbling of a much later period in the Tibetan Nagari

HT AT gage and is only mentioned because it was included in Captain

Burt’s series of the Bhilsa dénams.

Postscript. By the Royal Asiatic Society’s Quarterly Journal, No.

VIII. just arrived, I perceive that Cel. SyKus’ collection of cave inscrip-

tions has been published without mterpretation, and that there are

three or four long ones not included among those with which that gen-

tleman favored me in November last. As I have reason to suppose

that the same are now under investigation at Bombay by the Rev. Dr.

Witson, from fresh and accurate facsimiles, it will be prudent to

await the result of his labours for the less perfect specimens; but I

cannot refrain from inserting here the 4th of the list to shew how

readily it may be interpreted through the P4li language.

This inscription is stated to be cut in a continuous line round the

three sides of a chamber, immediately under the ceiling, in the rock ex-

tp eee

ee ee ee

566 Cave inscription from Ndneh ghat. [JunE,

cavations at Naneh ghdt, where there are other chambers formerly

covered with inscriptions, in which however the decomposition of the

rock from moisture has occasioned great obliterations. In this there

are but eight or ten deficient letters. Supplying the two that are want-

ing at the commencement conjecturally, the whole will run thus:

HTL Dd LB eed L¥- dtl? 6besl d's

Lidl DS dALSAL STF OVL LESLiLdl gs

18-48 161b G8 DIME PLO¥t bs db &

SSL LLEL PE? 487d (a long interval without any letters),

BEIO AL+c¢ 487 Gtr 487 od SUT Doha f

MLA db-€ Ho HDIOASL H? HdB-TL RGA

L Lo Ef \-4- (remainder of the line obliterated).

The same in Roman characters.

(Ai) yadhammasa namo! Indasa namo! sakesénam vasudev4nam,

. s ‘Zi 7? 417

chanda suriyanam, dhammavatanam vatanam va lokapdlanam, yama va-

[

runa audheravanam namo! kumaravarasa-vedi-siri sarano, rayasimuka

s4 va vahe ........ divindya nik4ya rake (sha)kumare bha(ti)

Maharathi tu nakayiko kuméro hakusaré kuméro sava vaharodhana

bheritam sampayuto sapato aso asarathagaminam a (so) asamoroyano

batiyo, tha dakhiniyonam*s asarap4la gharé yutém ra ......... pu ro

rapinakaha pan4rona kigamo .........

The above will be better understood by Sanskrit scholars if turned

literatim into the more classical dialect :

BAVHe (for vay) Aa Gy AM KARA aETdw wWRE-

at waeawe (or TA Baw) Sraqsw: qarwarersyraa:

gucacy afetiance: cafsqgasiaaizs: (?) fearara frarar CrawHaeet

w (fa) vente aquaifaya: Hat: THR FA Bafaeti wqufta

daa: VS: Bar wacsrnfaat wr Waar WIA as asgrecrara:

BICUGATIAT

Translation.

Glory to the supreme Dharma (or virtue) !— glory to Indra! To

the lords of Sakra (?) the vasudevas, to the sun and moon, to the sanc-

tified by dharma and venerated (saints) —to the lokapdalas (upholders of

the world)—to Yama, Varuna, and the spirits of the air, glory!

He whose refuge is the prosperity of the throne of an excellent

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 567

prince,—who is the supporter of ........... 2 ess the abode of hea-

venly morality,—the young prince RAKEsA, is illustrious (?).

He of the mighty chariot, (the great warrior) the prince TuNaKAYI-

KO, the prince Hakusaro, who rambles every where for pleasure, pro-

claimed by kettledrums as the fortunate, he is finely clad, he is the fear-

less leader, who is unequalled by any who go by horse and chariot, skill-

ed in archery and nonpareil, connected with the house of AMARA PALa:

(the rest unintelligible).

Here we find after a regular Buddhistic invocation, the commence-

ment of an eulogy on one or perhaps on two princes of unknown names,

who probably caused the chamber to be excavated.—Until we have a

facsimile, and a careful re-examination of the blank spaces nothing more

can, I fear, be made of the fragment.

VI.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

Wednesday Evening, the 4th July, 1838.

The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryavn, President in the chair.

The Rev. Sotomon Casar Manan, Professor of Bishop’s College was

unanimously elected a member of the Society.

Mr. Epwarps, C. 8. proposed by Mr. W. K. Ewart, seconded by the

Secretary.

Major Witu1Am Grecory, Bengal Army, proposed by Dr. Spry, second-

ed by the Secretary. 3

The Secretary submitted a new steel-engraved heading for the Society’s

diplomas and correspondence ; executed from a sketch sent home by him-

self,—improved on by Professor Witson and Mr. W. Saunpers in England.

He suggested that a new form of diploma should be engraved on the

plate in lieu of the present simple letter of announcement, to be signed by

the President of the night and by the Secretary.

The form was adopted for M. Matan’s diploma.

Baboo Ram Comut Sen, Treasurer, submitted the two following queries

in regard to the contributions of members :

1. Whether members absent at the Cape or at sea, are subject to the

usual quarterly subscription P

2. Whether members returned from Europe are to be considered as

subscribing members without any reference or intimation ?

With regard to the first query, it was determined, as had been generally the

practice, that during absence from India a member is exempt from payment; but

that on his return to the country his subscription recommences from the first ensu-

ing quarter, unless he intimates his desire to retire from the Society. As the rules

do not clearly define these points it was determined that they should undergo

general revision by the Committee of papers.

482

568 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [JunE,

Correspondence.

The Right Honorable C. W. W. Wynn acknowledged by letter, his

election as an honorary member*.

Professor Oramar Franx returned thanks for Sanskrit books presented

to him, and offered in return two treatises lately published by himself.

One on an Indian monument in which Stva and VISHNU are coupled as Harihara,

the other on four idols in the museum of the king of Bavaria, one of which is the

Kandek Rao of Moor’s Pantheon. (The books have not arrived. )

A letter from M. E. Burnovr, Sec. As. Soc. Paris, 1st November, 1837,

announced that the gold medal, struck in honor of Mr. B. H. Hopeson, by

the As. Soc. had been entrusted to M. Dusots pz Jancieny who was about

to proceed to India overland.

M. DusBots’'s determination is understood to have been changed—but the medal

may be expected by some early French ship.

A letter from the Inland Steam Navigation Company solicited various

information regarding the rivers of Bengal.

A letter was read from M. St. Huserr TrHerovu.pe thanking the mem-

bers for the attention he had received, for admission to their meetings and

library, and other facilities for his studies. ,

In theinstructions he had received from the Institut Royal and the Paris Asiatic

Society as to the route he should pursue, he had been referred to the residents in the

country to point out to him the best mode of carrying the objects of his journey into

execution—he hoped that the Society would therefore still favor him with its

counsel and advice. He was about to proceed straight to Lahore, there to commence

his researches.

The Secretary alluding to the particular introductions brought out by M. THE-

ROULDE from Professor Witson, Major Troyer, and the Asiatic Society of

Paris, proposed as the most effectual way of rendering him assistance and local ad-

vice.

That a circular be addressed to members residing in the interior of

India stating the objects of M. Tuerounpr’s journey and recommending

this eminent Sanskrit scholar, to their attention and hospitality. Also, that

a Sanskrit address to the pandits of Benares and elsewhere should be

placed in his hands ;—

These two documents were accordingly deliver ed to M. TuErovunpe by

the President, with best wishes for the success of his researches.

The Society’s account current was submitted by the Government agents

exhibiting 15,000 rupees invested in four per cents. and a cash balance

of interest Rs. 900, which had been transferred to the Treasurer’s open

account.

The account of the English agents was also received for 1837—shewing

a balance in hand of £ 32.

£100 had been advanced to complete the payment for the W1LSon bust; but as it

had been agreed that this was not to be a charge on the Society’s public funds, it

was determined to renew the private subscription and make up the sum deficient

(rupees 700) on the former subscription. A paper was circulated and the greater

part of the money at once raised.

* It is somewhat curious that neither this gentleman nor Sir G. STAUNTON allude

to the cause nor the manner of their election in the most remote degree !—Es.

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 569

Oriental Publications.

The Secretary read the following letter from Government, with its seve-

ral enclosures, in reply to the Society’s memorial of the 2nd September,

1835.

To JAMES PRINSEP, Esq.

Sir, ° Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

With reference to your letter to this department dated the 21st September 1835,

and to the reply dated the 30th of the same month, I am directed by the Honorable

the Deputy Governor of Bengal to transmit for the information of the Society the

accompanying copy of aletter No. 8, of 1838, from the Honorable the Court of

Directors in the public department, dated the 28th March and of its enclosures; and

to state that the sum of 500 Company’s rupees per month has, from the 18th of

June, the date of the receipt of the despatch, been placed at the disposal of the

Asiatic Society for employment in the manner indicated by the Honorable Court.

The amount will be made payable monthly from the General Treasury on the bills

of the Secretary of the Society, countersigned by the President, and duly audited,

and at the close of each year an account must be rendered, shewing the manner

in which the amount has been expended.

Iam, &c.

H. T. PRINSEP,

Fort Wiltiam, the 20th June, 1838. Secretary to the Government of Bengal.

Public Department. No. 8, of 1838.

Our Governor of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal.

PARA. 1. We now reply to your letter in this department dated the 30th Sep-

tember, No. 28, of 1835, in which you forward a memorial from the Asiatic Society

of Calcutta, soliciting some pecuniary aid in the expense of publishing standard

and useful works in Oriental Literature, that Society having undertaken to complete

various works which remained unfinished when the system for the promotion of

native education in Bengal was altered.

2. The Society have not applied for any specific sum, but we have received from

their agent in Europe, Professor H. H. WILSON two letters (copies of which are

herewith forwarded) in which he states that ‘‘ 500 rupees a month will probably

suffice in addition to the Society’s own funds and the returns which may he expected

from the sale of the books.”’

3. Although the works formerly published may not always have been selected in

the most judicious manner, we are still of opinion that the publication of oriental

works, and works on instruction in the eastern languages, should not be abandoned ;

we therefore authorize you to devote a sum not exceeding five hundred rupees a month

to the preparation and publication of suck works, either through the medium of the

Asiatic Society, or any equally appropriate channel, and we shall expect an annual

return of the works published and ten copies of each book for distribution in this

country.

We fia desire that twenty copies of all the works which have been or which may

be hereafter published by the Committee of Public Instruction, except the Fatawa

Alemgiri, of which forty copies have been received, be forwarded to us by the first

convenient opportunity.

We are, &c. (Signed,)

J. R. Carnac, J. L. LusuHineton, H. LiInDsAy, R. MILEs, JNO. MASTER-

MANN, JOHN Cotton, P. VANs AGNEW, J. Petty Muspratt, H. SHANK,

RussELL ELLicE, HENRY WILLOCK, JOHN G. RAVENSHAW, GEORGE LYALL,

London, 28th March, 1838.

To J. C. MELVILL, Esq.

Financial Secretary to the Honorable the Court of Directors.

Sir,

I have to request that you will submit to the Honorable. the Court of Directors

the following representation which I beg most respectfully to lay before them on

the subject of the discontinuance of the assistance hitherto given by their Bengal

Government to the publication of works in the languages of the east.

2. Inthus offering myself to the notice of the Honorable Court, I trust I may

be allowed to plead in excuse the situation which I hold as Professor of one of the

principal languages affected by the measure ; my intimate relations when in India

with learned natives, my office as agent in Europe of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

570 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June,

the appointment I filled for several years in Calcutta of Junior Member and Secre-

tary of the Committee of Public Instruction, the devotion I still feel to the service

of the Company, and the deep interest with which I must ever regard all that affects

the happiness and welfare of the people of India, and the credit and prosperity of

their rulers.

3. By an order of the Bengal Government dated the 7th March 1835, different

works in Arabic and Sanskrit, some original and some translations from English,

which were in course of publication by the Committee of Public Instruction, under

the previously obtained sanction of the government have been abruptly stopped, al-

though some of them were on the eve of completion. The labour and expense, be-

stowed on them would therefore have been entirely thrown away if the Asiatic Society

of Bengal had not undertaken at their own cost to finish the printing, of the books

thathad been commenced, as well as to proceed, should their means admit, with others

ofa similar description. Such works as had previously been printed either wholly*

or in part, by the Education Committee being transferred to the Society. The Society

at the same time solicited the government for a pecuniary grant in aid of their own

limited resources, and this application not having been complied with, they have

memorialized the Honorable the Court of Directors to the same effect. The memo-

rial is I presume under the consideration of the Court.

4. Inthis arrangement I beg to observe that the Indian Government and the

Asiatic Society have proceeded upon the notion that the publications in question are

connected with the encouragement of Oriental Literature alone, whilst in fact they

were undertaken not so much for the general promotion of oriental studies as in

subservience to the advancement of native education. They were designed for class-

books and prize-books for the native colleges and schools, and were therefore strict -

ly within the province of the Education Committee. The character in which they

are to be contemplated is however immaterial, and as long as they are recognized as

deserving the patronage of the government, it is possible that that patronage may

be conveniently exercised through the instrumentality of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal.

5. 1t must be quite unnecessary for me, I apprehend, to advocate the claims of

Oriental Literature to the protection of the Honorable Court. Considered merely

as an object of intellectual research which their connexion with the east so pe-

culiarly enables them to favor, they would have disappointed the natural expecta-

tions of all Europe if they had displayed less liberality than that which they have

always shewn in fostering oriental study. Independently of this consideration the

government of British India has a positive duty to discharge in facilitating the ac-

quirement by its servants of the knowledge indispensable to the due performance of

their functions in India, and it has an obvious interest in gratifying its native sub-

jects by patronizing that literature which is a part of their national existence, and

which is to them now as it has been for ages, an object of admiration and reverence.

6. The liberalitv, wisdom and policy, and I may add the justice of encouraging

native literaturein India, must however, I apprehend, be too obvious for me to occupy

the time and attention of the Honorable Court in endeavouring to substantiate

them. Even the government of India in reply to the address of the Asiatic Society

acknowledges the advantage of applying larger sums than are already so applied to

the support of native literature, and grounds its non-compliance with the Society’s

request ‘‘ on the financial difficulty which limits within narrow bounds the aid to

be so afforded.’’

7. Considering then the principle as recognized, and that it is admitted that

Oriental Literature deserves the special encouragement of the British Government

of India, it only remains to be inquired why those funds which have hitherto been

available for so desirable a purpose should now be withheld. The order of govern-

ment of the 7th March puts a stop to the printing of oriental books in order that

the funds so applied should be thenceforth employed exclusively ‘‘ in imparting to

the native population a knowledge of English Literature and Science through the

medium of the English language,’’ However important the end proposed, its ex-

clusiveness is wholly incompatible with the patronage of native talent, with the

public declarations of the government of Bengal, with the acts of former governments

under the sanction of the home authorities, and with the express intention of the

British Legislature in authorizing the appropriation of a part of the Indian Revenue

to the encouragement of the literature and learned natives of the country.

* This is a mistake; the unfinished books only were made over, so that there are

two depdts of oriental works, an inconvenience which might now be remedied with

advantage, by placing the whole together,

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 571

8. That effective and judicious instruction in the English language and in Euro-

pean Science in India is an object of the first importance, formed both the theory

and the practice of the Education Committee during the whole period in which I was

a member of it, and the present rage for its still wider diffusion is nothing more than

the indiscreet prosecution of the principle and plans of the committee to extreme

and precipitate consequences. The former committee however anxious to promote

a well grounded conversancy with English, did not hold it consistent with jus-

tice to alienate for this object, grants that had been made to native institutions

for very different purposes, nor did they think it equitable or generous to exclude

literary natives from all share whatever of that subsequent bounty which was at

least in part awarded ‘‘ for the revival of native literature and the encouragement

of learned natives.’’? But above all, the committee being convinced that no real and

permanent impression could be effected on the minds and feelings of the natives of

India without their own consent and co-operation, they eudeavoured to secure both

in whatever measures they adopted for the improvement of the people ; and in all

their innovations, and they originated many, they were careful to maintain a spirit

of considerateness and conciliation. By this line of conduct they new-modelled the

course of study in the native colleges, and introduced English classes and establish-

ed and extended English schools without exciting the slightest indication of jea-

lousy, dissatisfaction or alarm. It was reserved for their successors to arouse the

angry remonstrances of the Muhammadans of Calcutta, and to excite the deep

though less audibly uttered apprehensions of the Hindus.

9. Whilst then the judicious extension of English instruction unquestionably

merits the encouragement of the goverament of India, it may well be doubted, if it

is judicious or just to encourage it exclusively aud at the expense of native insti-

tutions and native literature. It may be matter of regret that funds sufficiently

ample for both objects are not available, but it cannot be equitable or politic to

withdraw all support from the older and more strictly national purpose in favour of

One of recent date and foreign introduction, especially when there is no urgent ne-

Cessity for such an alternative. Under the arrangements hitherto adopted both

interests were consulted and yet improvement was rapidly progressive. It is very

doubtful if the advance that may be made under the change of system will bear any

proportion to that which was effected under the first committee of public instruc-

tion. No evidence ofacceleration has yet been offered. On the contrary, it is certain

that the native institutions are languishing under discountenance and neglect, and

although the number of English students may possibly have increased, the scale of

their attainments has been very much depressed.

10. Under these circumstances then I beg to submit to the wisdom of the Hono-

rable Court the expedience of reverting to the principles and practice of the early

Education Committee subject to such modifications only as are unavoidable or desi-

rable. In this case the specific endowments of the Madressa, of the Sanskrit Col-

leges of Calcutta and Benares and of the mixed colleges of Agra and Delhi, will be

held sacred, and will be exclusively appropriated to education in the native languages

and literature. The expense of the English classes which have been attached to

them will be defrayed from other sources, and the cost of books in the oriental lan-

guages with which they have been hitherto supplied from the general fund may then

be provided for out of the funds with which they are severally endowed. They will

thus contribute to the support of the native press which will be an article of expen-

diture strictly within the scope of their foundation. To divert their funds to other

purposes than those for which they were expressly bestowed, or for English tuition,

is likely to produce more evil than good. The command of afew thousand rupees

obtained by what the natives will consider an act of spoliation will work no advan-

tage equivalent to the mischief of creating a distrust in the durability of public en-

dowments,—in the inviolability of British faith.

11. Asthe management of the Oriental Press may not be unfitly exercised by

the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and as the Education Committee may be conveniently

relieved of the labour, the transfer of this business the Honorable Court may per-

haps see reason to confirm ; but I am satisfied that they will not consider it expe-

dient to leave the fulfilment of an useful public service to the unassisted resources

of a Society depending upon private and fluctuating contributions. The application

of the Society will therefore, I venture to hope, receive the favorable consideration

of the Honorable Court ; and pecuniary aid be authorized if it be not ofan extent or

nature incompatible with the state of the public finances. I have no authority to

suggest any specific amount; and the Society will no doubt be thankful for whatever

aid the court may be pleased to sanction ; but, judging from the average expenditure

of past years, about 6000 rupees ayear, or 500 rupees a month, will probably suffice

in addition to the Society’s own funds, and the returns which may be expected from

572 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June;

the sale of the books, to print by degrees many of the most approved works in the

elassical and vernacular languages of India, and to remunerate learned natives for

their services as authors and editors. It cannot I think be regarded as unreason-

able to expect that this small sum may be deducted from the annual grant of a lac

of rupees, since it cannot be denied that the act of parliament contemplated in part

if not wholly a provision for the encouragement of learned natives and the revival

of native literature, terms that can by no possible construction be interpreted as

applicable to the introduction of English alone. The trifling abstraction of the sum

I have suggested will be thought by all impartial persons much less than native

literature, strictly so called, is legally entitled to, but it may be accepted as adequate

to the specific purpose for which it is required, and it will satisfy the natives that

their interests have not been altogether despised. With regard to the annual ap-

propriation also the deduction will be more nominal than real. Under the former

management of the funds of the committee the lac of rupees was never wholly ex-

pended, and an accumulation took place which when I left India placed an additional

20,000 rupees per annum at the committee’s disposal. This can scarcely have been

since appropriated or expended, and a fund should therefore exist from which 6000

rupees a year can be disbursed and yet a lac of rupees and more may be annually

laid out upon English tuition if such a disbursement for that purpose be considered

expedient.

12, With regard to translations and compilations from English in the native lan-

guages, these are so obviously and intimately connected with the actual progress of

education, that they will be best left under the superintendence of the Education

Committee. If transferred ta the charge of the Society however, the expense should

be borne by the general fund according to the circumstances of the rules andthe

resolutions of the Education Committee.

13. There is but one other point upon which I beg briefly to trouble the Court ;

the scholarships of the native colleges which have been prospectively abolished by

the Government order of the 7th of March. If the native endowments are not

alienated the chief object of the abolition of the scholarships the diversion of the

money, so applied hitherto, to the future extension of English education will no

longer be a plea for such a measure—a measure that isa virtual abolition of all

native institutions. I can assure the Honorable Court that this question of stipen-

diary allowances to native students in the government seminaries was very fully

discussed by the members of the committee of public instruction upon its first for-

mation, and that they were generally opposed to the principle of paying young men

to induce them to accept of gratuitous education. When examined in all its bearings

however and with reference to the extreme poverty of the literary classes, the dis-

tance from which many of the students came, the desirableness of attracting students

from the country to the seats of Government, and their utter want of means

of maintaining themselves when away from home, the principles and practice

of all the native Governments which invariably combined subsistence and edu-

cation, and the prejudices of the people, which attach discredit to all but elee-

mosynary instruction, the committee came to the determination that it was in-

dispensable in the present condition of society in India to continue stipendiary allow-

ances to the scholars at the public institutions ; at the same time they limited such

allowances to an amount merely adequate to provide for the necessary wants of the

student, and they endeavoured to encourage the resort of students who would dis-

pense with the provision. A reference to the rolls of the several native Colleges

will shew that the stipends are very moderate and that there are a number of

students who receive no pay. The reports of the college committees will also shew

what is the real character of these unpaid students, and that from the extreme irregu-

larity of their attendance they reap from it but little benefit: greater punctuality

cannot be enforced by any penalty short of dismissal and that it is an award which

cannot in common charity be hastily pronounced ; the scholars cannot attend, because

they must live; part of their time is taken up in obtaining subsistence from the

liberality of their countrymen, or in plain words in begging—a practice ill calculated

to elevate their moral or intellectual character, but one which is the chief resource

of poor scholars in the east, as it was some centuries ago in Europe. As most of

these unpaid scholars also attend in the hope of succeeding to vacant scholarships,

if the latter were abolished the former would soon disappear. However reasonable

therefore the principle of separating maintenance from education it is certainly in-

capable of being applied to practice in India. The goverament has been obliged to

admit this in the new medical institution, and has granted stipends to the students

which are no doubt much more considerable than those which are allowed to the

pupils of the Madressa and Sanskrit College. I apprehend too that the scholar-

ships of the Hindi or Anglo-Indian College held by the native students of the Eng-

lish language will be continued, as they most unquestionably ought to be, and the

1838. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 573

native inference will be that partiality, not principle, has dictated the difference, But

the general principle of this case is rigidly enforced no where ;—assuredly not in this

eountry, where at its Universities of Oxford aud Cambridge numerous endowments

of scholarships and exhibitions enable young men to follow a course of study which

would else be beyond their attainment. Why are the native youth of British India to

be denied asimilar provision ? They must be ill acquainted with the country who say

that they do not need it, and why should talent be precluded from the chance of dis-

tinction because its professor is poor in India alone and under a British adminis-

tration ? I must therefore in the name of the youth of India, Muhammadan or Hin-

du, most earnestly entreat the court to withhold their sanction from a measure which

proposes if not a doubtful yet a very scanty good, which will inflict a severe blow

upon the prospects of the rising generation, and will be viewed as ungenerous and

unjust by the most respectable and influential classes of the people of India.

Ihave, &c.

(Signed) H.H. Witson,

Oxford, 5th March, 1836.

Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford

and Agent in Europe for the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

To J.C. MELVILL, Esq.

Sir,

In the early part of last year I had the honor to address the Hon’ble the Court of

Directors on the subject and in support of a memorial which should have reached

them about the same time from the Asiatic Society of Bengal. As no reply has been

yet received by the Society I beg permission respectfully to recal the correspon-

dence to the recollection of the court, and to express my hope that the memorial of

the Asiatic Society may receive their favorable consideration.

The object of the Society’s application was to solicit the sanction of the Honora-

ble Court to the grant by the Bengal Government of some “pecuniary aid in the

expense of publishing standard and useful works in Oriental literature. It will be

in the recollection of the Court that upon a change of the members of the Commit-

tee of Public Instruction in 1834-35 the Government of Bengal was induced by their

representations to resolve that the encouragement formerly granted to native litera-

ture should be. withdrawn at once, and the funds employed upon that object be

appropriated exclusively to instruction in English. Consequent upon this resolution

the printing of several works in Arabic and Sanskrit original or translations and of

which some were nearly completed, was relinquished, and would in their unfinished

state have been worthless, if the Society had not interposed and undertaken their

completion, expressing, at the same time, a hope that with reference to the limited

funds at their disposal they would be aided with some assistance by the Government.

With such aid they proposed not only to finish the books which had been commenced

but to proceed with the work and print from time to time the most celebrated com-

positions in the literature of India. The government in reply admitted the Wesira-

bleness of the proposal, but pleaded the state of the finances as a reason for declin-

ing to comply with the request. The Society consequently appealed to the liberality

of the Honorable Court, proceeding in the meanwhile at their own risk and cost

with the task which they had undertaken.

The considerations which should induce an enlightened government like that of

British India to encourage to a reasonable extent the literature of the Hast, and

preserve it by means of the press from decay have always beeu fully appreciated by

the Court. It isunnecessary therefore to urge them upon its attention. I would

only beg permission to observe, that in the communications which have taken place

with the Asiatic Societies of Bengal and Great Britain on this subject, it has been

mixed up with a question on which it is to be feared an irreconcileable diversity of

opinion prevails,—the course that should be followed in the education of the people

of India. There is however no very intimate connexion between the two, and the

publication of the most esteemed writings of the east for the use as much of Euro-

peans as Asiatics need not in any way interfere with the widest possible dissemi-

nation of the English language in India. The duty being transferred to the Asiatic

Society will not embarrass the operations of the Committee, and the amount of the

pecuniary aid which would enable the Society to proceed with its publications would

be too inconsiderable to be a sensible diversion of funds that would be else appro-

priable to the charge of public education. I should hope therefore, that the ques-

tion of encouragement to the printing of Standard Oriental works to an extent

compatible with a due regard to public economy will be considered as not necessarily

i a

574 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (Jung,

involved in that of native education, and will be thought entitled, on its own grounds

to the attention of the Honorable Court.

I have, &c.

(Signed) H. H. Witson,

Agent in England for the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

London, 26th November, 1387. :

The President congratulated the Society on the success of their application to the

Court, which was evidently attributable to the strong appeals, especially the second,

from their agent Professor WILSON. He regretted that in the first address to the Court

Prof. WILSON had mixed up the two questions of education and of Oriental Literature

which the Society had purposely kept distinct. He was totally at variance with the

Professor’s arguments in the first, and could even contradict many of his assump-

tions, but he was glad to see that the impediments to the Court’s compliance with

the memorial, evidently caused by his mixture of two questions, had been skilfully

removed by his second letter: he thought Professor W1Lson had done great service

to the Society, and he concluded by voting, and it was by acclamation

Resolved, that the thanks of the Asiatic Society be offered to Professor

Witson for having used his best exertions for obtaining a grant from the

British Indian Government for the publication of oriental works and

works of instruction in the eastern languages through the medium of the

Asiatic Society, —

The Secretary regretted also on one account that Dr, WILson’s second letter had

not been the first sent in, as in that case the boon might have come at least a year

earlier, whereas now it might be doubtful whether it could be properly applied to the

debt which had accumulated in the interim. He had, as stipulated at first with the

Society, conducted the oriental printing as a separate account, and was in advance

from his own funds 2000 rupees, and the fourth volume of the Mahabharata which

was nearly completed would put him 4000 more out of pocket. Upon this explana-

tion it was

Proposed by Sir Epwarp Ryan, seconded by the Lord Bishop, and

carried nem. con.

That the Secretary be authorized to address the Society’s acknowledg-

ments to Government for the monthly sum which, under the Honorable

Court’s sanction, had been placed at its disposal for oriental publications,

and to explain what had been done pending the application home, expressing

a hope, with reference to the excess of expenditure incurred, that the date

of the grant (left open by the Court’s dispatch) may be fixed so as to pro.

yide arrears to meet the Secretary’s outlay, or to permit the grant in

prospective to be applied, partially or wholly in the first instance, to clear

off the debt. .

Read a letter from Mr. Murr, proposing to transfer the 1000 rupees

Jately offered through the School Book Society, as a premium for an

essay on the advantages of science, to the Asiatic Society in order to pro-

mote the publication of the Sdérira Vidya, a Sanskrit tranlation of Hoorrr’s

Anatomist’s Vade Mecum, by Mapuv Su’pana Gupta.

The Secretary explained that this was one of the unfinished works transferred to

the Society ; that the author on completion of the translation received 1000 for the

manuscript from the committee as previously agreed, he had the option of giving a

fair-copy, or printing ; the pandit preferred the latter, and two-half sheets had been

printed off at the time of the suspension order. Finding so much had to be done in re-

writing the manuscript whieh was yet in a crude state, he had abandoned all thoughts

of completing this work, much as it would contribute to a knowledge of that most

useful science, the structure of the human frame, among the native medical practi-

tioners who are all over the country instructed in Sanskrit alone. Onthis inquiry

however from Mr. Murr (and it was not the only one) regarding the progress and

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 575

chance of completing the work, he had had some conversation with the author,

who had expressed his readiness to revise and edit it, with additions from late

works, such as QuIN’s Anatomy and the Dublin Dissector with which he had be-

come acquainted at the Medical College. He strongly advised the publication of

-the plates also from PAxToN’s or QUIN’s work. Supposing the work to contain

600 pages, the cost of printing the text may be rupees 3000; and the plates in

wood cuts, say, }000 ; and the time occupied in passing through the press would not

fall short of two years. The author would prefer a remuneration for correcting the

press say at eight annas a page, to receiving a portion of the printed edition. But

the whole expense of the work would not much exceed 4000 rupees, out of which

Mr. Murr’s donation would cover one-fourth.

Professor O’SHAUGHNESSY objected to the selection of this Vade Mecum for

translation, as greatly inferior to other works for teaching the rudiments of anatomy

to the natives,—and after some discussion it was

Resolved, that the question of publishing a Sanskrit edition of Hooprr’s

Vade Mecum be referred to Drs. Wanuica, O’SHauennessy, Evans,

Spry and Eerrton, as a Committee, with liberty to add to their number.

The Secretary mentioned other works which he proposed to undertake

on the strength of the Government grant, but it was agreed that the list

should inthe first instance pass through the Committee of papers, to

whom was also referred a proposition by Mr. Curnin, whether it would

not be expedient with the 500 rupees per mensem for the Society to

establish an oriental press of its own.

~ Read a letter from Messrs. W. Tuacxer and Co., forwarding a speci-

men of a translation of the Alif Leila, by Mr. H. Torrens, C. 8. and

soliciting the same degree of patronage as had been accorded,in 1836, to

the Arabic text.

The first volume of translation, with notes, would be published in the course of

August next, and one volume of the Asiatic text was also ready for issue—the price

of the English volume would be eight rupees. With reference to the strong hope

expressed in the former reply from Government that the Society would be able to

provide for the translation of the Macan manuscript by a competent scholar of the

presidency, (see vol. V. page 753) it was—

Resolved, that the specimens be submitted to Government, with the

Society’s confident anticipation that Mr. ‘Torrens’ translation would merit

the patronage pledged in the reply of Mr. Secretary Prinsep, dated 2nd

Nov. 1836.

Library.

The following books were presented :

By R4ja Ra/pHA’KaA/NTA Deva,—the fourth volume of his Sanskrit Lexicon, the

Shabda Kalpa Druma.

By Mr. Caupecort, Astronomer to the réja of Travancore,—the Trevandrum

Almanac for 1838, an astronomical ephemeris compiled and printed at his observatory.

The Madras Journal of Literature and Science,—by Dr. Cole, Editor.

India Review and Journal of Foreign Science and Arts, Edited by FREDERICK

Corsyn, Esq. Vols. I. 11. Calcutta, 1837-38,—by the Editor.

Capt. JENKINS presented some school-books, the first fruits of the Missionary

Press at Sadiya in Assam.

The Meteorological Register for May,—by the Surveyor General.

The following were received from Europe.

An Essay on the Antiquity of Hindu Medicine, &c. by J. F. Royun, London,

1837,—/from the Author. lett

The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No, 3,

December, 1837,—presented by the Royal Asiatic Society,

4c2

576 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. (June,

Transactions of the Geological Society of London, Second Series, Vol. V. part I.

1838, and Proceedings, Vol. II. 1837-38, Nos. 52, 53,—by the Geological Society.

The following from the booksellers.

PricHARDS’ Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, 3rd Editi

Vols. I. II. London, 1836-37. : . dink hee

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia, Biography of Eminent British Statesmen, Vol. IV.

———_—. —— Natural History, Animals in Menageries, Vol. I.

Statistical Committee.

Dr. Duncan Stewart, acquainted the Society that he had resigned the

Secretarial duties, papers and library of the Statistical Committee into

the hands of Dr. Spry.

Since the death of Sir B. MALKIN and the departure of Mr. WALTERS the Com-

mittee had been without a president, and the number of members was reduced to

eight. No papers were yet in a state for presentation, but Dr. Spry hoped to

have some interesting documents tabulated in a few months—Dr. STewar?T’s con-

tingent bill, rupees 234, was passed.

Antiquities.

A letter from H. Torrens, Esq., Officiating Secretary to Government,

announced that orders had been given for the conveyance to the Society's

Museum of the inscribed portion of the mutilated Delhi Léé.

Captain T. 8. Burr's beautiful facsimiles (or ectypes) of the Frroz

lét, and Delhi iron pillar, were exhibited. .

[We shall take an early opportunity of mentioning the corrections they produce in

former readings. |

A letter from Lieut. Posrans to the Secretary on his reaching Girnar,

confirmed the conjectures of the latter as to the reading of the name next

to that of Protemy in the fourteenth edict,—which was clearly Antigono

(for Anticonus) and the next name Mago (not Magé).

Lieut. PosTANS was searching for the fragment of rock,containing the rest of this

inscription, which had evidently been blasted off to mend a neighbouring pavement !

his labours of copying were nearly completed when he was summoned as interpreter

on a distant court martial. There still remains enough of inquiry, planning and

exploring to occupy this zealous young officer during a second Visit in the approach-

ing cold season, which he hopes to be permitted to accomplish.

PaysicaL DEPARTMENT.

Tidal Observations. ;

The following letter from Mr. Secretary Prinsep, was read, forwarding

‘9 dispatch from the Honorable Court of Directors on the subject of the

Tides in the Indian Ocean.

To J. PRINSEP, Esq.

Secretary to the Asiatic Society,

SIR

I am directed by the Honorable the President in Council to transmit to you the

accompanying copy of a letter No. 1, of 1838, from the Honorable the Court of

Directors in the public department, dated 24th January, with its enclosures, and to

inquire what particular stations the managers of the Asiatic Society would deem

most expedient at which to make the observations indicated in this correspondence,

and whether there is any particular form or period that occurs at which to make the

observations with most advantage. His Honor in Council will also feel obliged if

the Asiatic Society can intimate to the Government any persons with whom they

are in correspondence on scientific subjects, through whom to make the desired ob-

servations,

Iam, &c.

H. T. PRINSEP,

Secretary to the Government of India.

Council Chamber, the 20th June, 1838.

1838.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 577

Public Department. No. 1, of 1838.

Our Governor General of India in Council.

PARA. I. We forward to youcopy of a memorandum by the Rev. W. WHEWELL

a Vice-President of the Royal Society, from which it appears that great service may

be rendered to science by means of tide observations upon the several coasts of the

East Indies, and that the knowledge thus obtained would be at the same time a

valuable acquisition for the purposes of hydrography and navigation.

2. We transmit in the packet proper forms and instructions for registering the

tide observations, and we direct that you issue the necessary orders to the local

authorities in India to conduct the observations in accordance with such memoran-

dum and instructions, and to transmit the result periodically to us.

We are, &c.

(Signed),

J. R. Carnac, J. L. Lusuinetron, H. LinpDsay, Jno. MASTERMAN, Rp.

JENKINS, JOHN Locu, C. Mirus, JoHN Corton, P. Vans AGNew, J. Petry

Muspratr, H. SHANK, JoHN G. RAVENSHAW, H. St. G. TucKER.

London, the 24th January, 1838.

Memorandum respecting Tide Observations. By the Rev. W. WHEWELL, Cambridge.

A great service might be rendered to science by means of Tide Observations made

by order of the East India Company upon coasts of their territory, and the know-

ledge thus obtained would be at the same time a valuable acquisition for the pur-

poses of hydrography and navigation.

There are no good observations of the tides of the Indian Coasts, so far as I am

aware, with the exception of about a year’s observations made at Singapore by or-

der of the directors, which turned out of extraordinary value and interest*. If the

tides were observed for a fortnight at a series of points along the coast, we should

be able to trace the progress of the tide-wave in those parts of the ocean, and if ob-

servations for a longer period were made at places where there is a marine establish-

ment, good tide tables might be calculated, and other important theoretical and

practical results obtained.

Instructions and forms for registering such observations may be had by applica-

tion to the Hydrographer at the admiralty if desired.

London, December 22nd, 1837.

Second Memorandum.

The tide observations which the Court of Directors has resolved on instituting

will not only serve the beneficial purpose of ascertaining the Tide establishments

along the coast of India upon a consistent basis with each other, but will also give

the most important assistance to those philosophers who are now engaged in the

investigation of the theory of the tides.

For the former purpose it will be sufficient if for three or four months simultane-

ously, in as many places as may be practicable, a register be kept of the times of

high and low water by day and night, and of the heights as shewn upon a staff to

which the tides rise and fall. The only difficulty in these observations will be the

selection of proper places as much as possible sheltered from the external swell of

the sea, and to which convenient access may be had at all times for the observer.

And, secondly, the accuracy of the watches or clocks employed, which should be

duly adjusted to mean time. For the latter and higher purpose, it would be desira-

ble to have a tide guage constructed and if possible, upon a self-registering princi-

ple. The waters should be admitted only through small holes in the bottom of the

tube or trunk so as to resist the action of the swell, and yet so as not to be choked

by weeds or mud, and the tube should be fixed precisely perpendicular. The float,

of cork or hollow copper, should move without friction, and the rod should be so

varnished as to prevent any change in its specific gravity for imbibing the water.

Any ingenious workman will find it easy to make this rod carry up and down two

small sliding pieces, which shall retain their maximum and minimum positions and

thus register the rise and fall.

In fixing this machine it will be of little consequence where the nominal zero is

placed, provided its precise level is referred to some known and permanent point on

the shore, with which subsequent observations can be compared. The heights how-

ever are of secondary importance, the principal object required being the exact

periods or times of high and low water, and therefore great attention should be paid

to ascertaining the rate of the clock or watch, for which purpose a small transit in-

* These are printed in the As. Res. vol xix.

578 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. (June,

strument should be erected or equal altitudes of the sun should be daily observed

and the equation of time carefully applied.

A groundplan of the adjacent shore should accompany the register, shewing its

place. And as the times and heights of the tides are much influenced by the prevail-

ing winds and weather, a table containing a brief method of expressing them is

hereto annexed, also a blank form shewing the mode.in which the observations

should be registered, and it is strongly recommended that they should be entered the

moment they are made, so as to avoid any-reliance on the memory.

For the more elaborate observations, a few stations will be sufficient, and proba-

bly the following places will afford eligible spots for planting the guages.

Some port in the Gulf of Cutch:—Bombay :—some port near Cape Comorin :—

some port near the head of the Bay of Bengal :—some port on the Coast of -Ava :—

Prince of Wales Island :— Singapore :—Macao. And it would also be very desirable

to have a station in the Red Sea, and another in the Gulf of Persia. These Regis-

ters should be continued for at least fifteen months, whereas 3 or 4 months will be

a sufficient period for the slighter observations first described, but then their places

cannot be too much multiplied, and perhaps it would be advisable to repeat them

during the opposite monsoon.

(Signed) F. B.

2nd February, 1838.

FORM OF OBSERVATIONS.

& | High Water. | Low Water. | 50 Wind. Turn of Stream-* a

a Time— Height.|Time— Height. = | Direction—Force.| Flood—Ebb. es

h. m. h. m. | h. m, h. m. hm. hem. [O

Figures to denote the Force of the Wind.

0 Calm.

1} Lightair, .... ...... Or just sufficient to give steerage way.

2 Light breeze,...... . ] Or, that in which a well { 1 to 2 knots.

| conditioned man of war |

3 Gentle breeze, ...... } with all sail set, and 3 to 4 knots.

' | clean full, would go in |

4 Moderate breeze, .... J) smooth water from, [4 to 6 knots.

5 Fresh breeze,........ | { Royals, &c.

o 8

6 Strong breeze,...... Single-reefed topsails and

topgallant sails.

7 Moderate gale,...... | Or, that to which she

' could justcarryinchase { Double-reefed topsails, jib,

full and by, &c.

8 Fresh gale,......0....- Triple-reefed topsails, &c.

9 Strong gale,... ...6 Close-reefed topsails and

| courses.

10 Whole gale, ........ Or, that with which she could scarcely bear close-

reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail.

OY Sorento se sate oars Or, that which would reduce her to storm-staysails.

12 Hurricane, .......... Or, that which no canvas could withstand.

If the above mode of expression were adopted, the state of the wind might be:

regularly marked, every hour, in a narrow column on the log-board.

Letters to denote the state of the Weather.

b—Blue sky; whether with clear or hazy atmosphere,

e—Cloudy; but detached opening clouds.

d—Drizzling rain.

f—Foggy f thick fog.

g—Gloomy dark weather.

* By the turn of the stream is not meant the turn of the inshore tide, but the turn

of the flood and ebb streams, when off shore or in the anchoring roads. This may

be perceived from the tending of the vessels at anchor or their buoys in calm wea

ther. If there are neither vessels nor buoys, a small substitute might easily be

secured in a proper place for the purpose.

+ If several persons have been employed, put their initials in this column, and the

names at length in next page.

1838..] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 579

h—WHail.

I—Lightning.

m—Misty hazy atmosphere.

o—Overcast ; the whole sky being covered with an impervious cloud.

p— Passing temporary showers.

g—Squally.

r—Rain, continued rain.

s—Snow.

t—Thunder.

u—Ugly threatening appearance of the weather.

v—Visibility of distant objects, whether the sky be cloudy or not.

w—Wet dew.

A dot under any letter, indicates an extraordinary degree.

By the combination_of these letters, all the ordinary phenomena of the weather

may be recorded with facility and brevity. Examples: bem, blue sky, with detached

opening clouds, and ahazy atmosphere ; gv, gloomy dark weather, but distant objects

remarkably visible ; g.pd1t, very hard squalls, with passing showers of drizzle, and

accompanied by lightning with very heavy thunder.

F. B.

The Secretary explained that he had in June-last, in communication with Lord

AUCKLAND as Patron of the Society, addressed a circular to members and to public

authorities on the coasts of India, Ceylon, Mauritius, Java, &c., to which returns

were now daily arriving. The following report-progress contained all the informa-

tion he was yet able to offer,

‘* Lieut. SIDDONs, Engineers, immediately undertook to make the observations at

Chittagong for July and October, (both of which were printed in the Journal.)

Those for January, which he had intended also to take in the Tek Nuaf, he discon-

tinued on finding that Mr. ELson the Harbour Master had been directed to do the

same thing by the Marine Board, and that officer possessed naturally the means of

doing it more effectually than himself.

He reported that ‘‘ there are no individuals resident on the coast between Chitta-

gong and Akydb, capable of taking observations now that the custom house choki

has been done away with at Coxp’s bazar, near Ramoo.”’

From Ramri and Akydb, no return has been yet received, but Lieut. PHAYRE and

Lieut. MARTIN of the Engineers, will if opportunity is afforded, collect the requisite

information at these important points.

From Maulmain (as stated at the last meeting), Mr. Commissioner BLUNDELL

has returned observations of the tides near Amherst Town taken by Captain CoRBIN

from the 8th to the 15th of November, 1837, anda second series from the 26th of

December to the Ist February, 1838. Also a register kept by Captain McI.Eop,

off the wharf at Mergui, from the 3rd October to the 2nd November, 1837, and from

the 15th January to the Ist February: and a second series taken on King’s Island in

a more open situation from the 31st December to the Ist February.

All of the latter are forwarded both as observed and as corrected for time; for

the principal difficulty consists in the providing native observers with the means of

taking the time correctly. Captain McLeop devoted one watch to the object,

noting its errors from time to time by his own regulated timepiece.

Mr. W. T. Lewis of Malacca, wrote: ‘ I shall have much pleasure in attending

to your wishes regarding the observations of the tides, but as I should like to do

it properly I must have a little more time to attend to it; my living in the country

is not convenient for it but I propose to arrange matters so as to have it done

correctly.’’

From Singapore, Capt. Scott wrote me his views in considerable detail. One year’s

observations at this port were published in the Society’s Researches : they are alluded

to in Professor WHEWELL’s note, as very valuable.

Capt. Scotr had also forwarded on my letter to Batavia, whence I received a polite

reply from the Secretary to the Literary Society, who stated that the circular would

be translated into Dutch, and printed for circulation to competent observers all

round the coast of Java. Meantime he forwarded a series of observations made in

Batavia roads during the years 1835 and 1836.

Pursuing now the coast of India proper, Mr. C. B, GREENLAW, Secretary of the

Marine Board has placed in my hands a very complete series of daily observations

for 1834 kept at Balasore and at its seaward point Bulramghurry by the late master

attendant Mr. ALFRED BonpD.

In July, 1837, the Marine Board directed Mr. SmiruH in charge of the light-house

at False Point to keep a register of the tides ; which has now been placed at my dis-

580 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. — | [June,

posal ; it commences with the 15th July, andis brought up to the end of March,

1838.

At Madras the circular were sent by Dr. BANNISTER to the proper quarters, and

Mr. TAYLOR the astronomer was consulted on the subject. It was also reprinted

in Dr. CoLe’s Journal. There was stated to be ‘‘ a very serious difficulty in taking

observations of the sort with precision in such a surf as that off Madras without going

to considerable expense. Other points of the coast at the entrance of large rivers

micht afford more facilities, and the master attendant, Capt. DALRYMPLE, would

beg advantage of these should this be the case, for he felt a great interest in the

usiness.

From Pondicherry, I received through M. BrepirerR, a scheme of operations plan-

ned by the marine superintendent of that port to obtain results that might be suited

to the rigid investigation of the tidal wave theory, but the expense of conducting

them on such a scale was so large that the Governor of Pondicherry fortunately made

a reference before sanctioning their commencement. In reply I expressed my opinion

that simpler and cheaper means would suffice to obtain the general facts of the time

of the ebb and flow, and of high and low water, even if it were impossible to mea-

sure the rise and fall with great accuracy. I have hitherto no further information

from this quarter.

By Sir R. W. Horton, Governor of Ceylon the investigation was taken up vigo-

rously, and T have just received from the Honorable Mr. ANSTRUTHER Colonial

Secretary, the following returns :—

Trincomalee registers kept by the master attendant for January, April, July, and

October, 1836, and from the 24th November to the 2nd December, 1834, the greatest

known tide at that place.

At Jaffna, Putlam, and Colombo, attempts had hitherto failed, but the master at-

tendant Mr. J. StewaRrT at the latter place had constructed a reservoir in the new

wharf which he expected would give satisfactory results. This was realized in March,

April, May, 1838, for which a table is sent.

From Gaile, Mr. TwyNAM, master attendant, furnished a continuous register

from 16th October, 1837, to 15th April, 1838.

At Manar, Mr. WEBSTER reported his inability to make the requisite observations.

From Bombay, Mr. WATHEN, the chief secretary to Government replied on the

lith July: that he had, ‘‘ done the needful with your circulars and wil send some

up to Captain HENWELL and fofficers of the Indian Navy in the Persian Gulf, as

also to the Red Sea. Sir CHARLES Matcoim had taken possession of some, in

order to carry the object into more complete effect.

At the Mauritius, M. JuLes DesJARDINsS informed me that registers of the

tides had been regularly taken, and transmitted home direct to Professor WHEWELL.

From Bourbon, M. BepieER kindly undertook to procure observations and I have

no doubt I shall receive them in due time. '

The year being not yet concluded it is too soon to expect returns from distant

stations, but I have little doubt that the object has been taken up zealously in many

places on the coast of India besides those 1 have mentioned, and that the results

will soon be flowing in. Meanwhile I propose printing the present letter from the

Honorable Court with its enclosures, and the form of register, and circulating them

to the same parties as were before addressed, adding China and Manilla (as we have

now a member at the latter place) to the list. It may be also desirable to obtain the

leave of Government to authorize each party undertaking the job at the principal

points to spend as far as some specific sum, say 100 rupees, in the preparation of

guages, &c. and the wages of an observer.”’

Resolved, that the above report be communicated to Government, and

the further measures recommended for adoption.

Geology.

Specimens of coal from various sites near the Indus, discovered through

Captain Burnes’ emissaries were deposited by the Secretary, together

with the report of the Coal Committee.

Also, specimens of the rich mine of bituminous coal, lately discovered

by Dr. Hexrer, in the Tenasserim province, and a copy of his report.

And the copper pyrites of Kemaon sent down for examination by Captain

Drummonp.

An account of the geology of the vale of Koh-<-Ddéman, and the Hindu

Kish mountains by Dr. Lorp attached to Captain Burnus’ Mission, was

communicated by Government.

[This interesting paper is printed in the present number. ]

1838.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 581

Natural History Museum.

Twenty-five highly preserved and well mounted specimens of birds

from the Cape of Good Hope, were presented by Mr. McFartan, on the

part of Mr. J. F. Carucarrt, C.S.

Such as had been identified by the Curator were as follows:

Crested Grebe— Podiceps Cristatus, 2 sp.

Brahmuny Duck—Tadorna Rutila.

Purple Porphyrio—Porphyrio Erythropus.

White-eared Bustard—Otis Afra,

Common Snipe—Gallinago Media.

Painted Snipe—Rhynchea Capensis, male and female.

Collared Turtle Dove—Turtur Risorius, male and female.

Ditto ditto, var. or male and female immature birds.

White fronted ground Dove—Peristera Larvata.

African Teal ?—Fuligula Nyroca ? an obscure species.

Common Teal—Querquedula Creeca, var.

Common Curlew—Numenius Arquatus, identical with a specimen in the museuna

from China.

Accipiter

?—Toormootee of the natives.

Grovse—Lagopus. ~ ~

7 Turnix Hemipodius pugnax ?

Noisy Francolin—Francolinus Clamatus, male and female.

Cape Francolin—Francolinus Capensis, male and female. =

African Francolin—Francolinus Africanus, or Pearled Partridge.

? Francolin—Francolinus ;

Two skins of the blue-bellied Lorikeet, Trichoglossus Swainsonii or Aus.

tralian Lory from New Holland, presented by W. Cracrort, Esq.

Only one has been stuffed and mounted for the museum, the other being in too

mutilated a state to admit of being-preserved.

An adult female of the Moschus Javanicus or Napu musk deer (Rar-

FLES), known to English residents by the common appellation of ‘‘ Mouse

Deer,” presented by J. Bet, Esq.

It was sent in a recent state, (the animal having been dead only a few hours,)

with a request from Mr. BELL that it might be preserved and set up for the Society’s

museum, which has accordingly been done.

This singular little animal agrees in some respects with the true musks, but as it

again differs from them in other very essential particulars it might more properly be

formed into a sub-division; the discrepancies observable being sufficient in them-

selves to warrant a separation from the genus Moschus to which it is now referred.

The dried and inflated stomach of the above Deer.

The principal object of this preparation is to show on a small scale, the form and

arrangement of the compound or complicated stomach of one of the divisions of the

Ruminantia, and also the large capacity of the organ, compared to the diminutive

size of the animal.

A collection of rare and elegant fishes, from off Judda, presented by

Captain Hrxx, of the Ernaad.

Major Greeory, presented a specimen of caterpillar from Sydney, which

had the appearance of being impaled on a twig.

The following account in the Entomological Society’s Proceedings for December,

1837, may perhaps apply to the same insect.

‘‘ Mr. EvANs exhibited a drawing and figure of the New Zealand caterpillar,

infested by a slender fungus nearly six inches long, and which is much sought after

in that island, not only as a natural curiosity, but on account of the effects result~

ing from it like cantharides when taken internally.”’

A note from Dr. Pearson explained an easy method of cleaning skele-

tons, lately resorted to by himself in the case of a camel.

Finding the wooden case in which he had placed the bones to soak very leaky, he

sunk it in the Gumti river, with proper cordage to secure it:—when taken up after

a time the bones were found perfectly cleaned,

X.—Meteorological Register.

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